The European Legacy, Volume 16, Issue 6, Page 807-809, October 2011.

La présente contribution se propose de réfléchir, à partir de l’exemple péloponnésien, au rôle joué par les références mythiques dans la représentation qu’élaborent d’elles-mêmes les cités grecques d’époque impériale romaine. Sans que soit négligé l’apport de l’archéologie, de la numismatique ou du texte de Pausanias, l’enquête s’appuie essentiellement sur les inscriptions honorifiques qui, même si elles s’inscrivent dans un cérémonial de la célébration publique, peuvent être considérées comme discours officiels, traces documentaires de la conscience de soi des cités. Dans le (...) jeu complexe des influences romanisantes et de la continuité hellénique, la question sera aussi posée de la portée spécifique que prennent les références mythiques et, pour mon propos, spécialement les figures héroïques doriennes, dans la définition des axes grec et romain de l’identité civique. Myth and civic identity in the Roman Peloponnese. In the present article, I explore how far mythical references are involved in the way the Peloponnesian cities define themselves during the Roman imperial age. Archaeological remains and numismatical material will be taken in account, but also Pausanias’ Description of Greece and mainly epigraphic texts, especially honorific inscriptions, which, despite their rhetorical phraseology, provide evidence of great interest for the study of self-definition in the cities of Roman Greece. Through a study of the relationship between Greek and Latin components of civic identity, I will try to make a reasonable assessment of the primacy of Dorian heroic characters, as revealed particularly throughout the Spartan epigraphic material, and I will ask whether this is to be understood as the expression of a distinct sense of Dorian self-consciousness. (shrink)

Recently, Lincoln, Scedrov and Shankar showed that the multiplicative fragment of second order intuitionistic linear logic is undecidable, using an encoding of second order intuitionistic logic. Their argument applies to the multiplicative-additive fragment, but it does not work in the classical case, because second order classical logic is decidable. Here we show that the multiplicative-additive fragment of second order classical linear logic is also undecidable, using an encoding of two-counter machines originally due to Kanovich. The faithfulness of this encoding is (...) proved by means of the phase semantics. (shrink)

Although the historian confronts the question of what is not known in the same terms as does any other researcher no matter his or her discipline, the conditions of the debate are different for the historian because of the problematic nature of the science of history. While practically all the other sciences, including the social sciences, struggle against ignorance by seeking to discover and establish laws that will govern the facts, history must always face, in spite of its ever more (...) sophisticated techniques, the contingency of its materials, which are fundamentally human. The materials of history can not—in spite of what some have asserted—be contained within any single, all-encompassing mode of reasoning that would allow for the creation of constitutive abstract models. In spite of this reality the historian persists, like Sisyphus, in organizing knowledge. Man apparently has no choice but to believe that his activities have some logical basis. The historian therefore collates facts in order to develop cognitive and interpretive structures that will be durable. What gives the discipline of history its epistemological originality is the painfully central role it accords to the question, “What do we not know?” Man wants to know, believes he knows. The ignorance of historians thus seems especially upsetting when applied to our own century. How could the methodological progress of the science of history, along with the professionalization of the historian's craft, have led to an actual increase of uncertainty concerning a period so close to us in time? Today's man-in-the-street—endowed only with his memory, which seems so rich in “truths”—finds it hard to believe that any event or structure of the twentieth century could remain unknown. Limiting our inquiry to the twentieth century is not, however, justified solely by the practical consideration of trying to gain a better grasp of our times. Indeed in this brief article devoted to the relationship between ignorance and the history and historiography of the twentieth century, we will not attempt to inventory all the events, persons, mentalities or economic facts which historical knowledge has until now been incapable of explaining. Unlike the other sciences, whose struggle against ignorance is accomplished by a gradual process of nibbling at the margins of the unknown, the discipline of history must always keep in mind that the masses of granite that form the foundation of History are in fact but a body of statements that can only aspire to the status of truth. The aim of our inquiry— without of course claiming to be exhaustive—will therefore be to identify the nature of the obstacles that lie in the historian's path. These problems are of three kinds. The first concerns access to knowledge, and is tied—although not exclusively—to problems of the techniques of historical research. The second concerns the difficulties related to conceptualization and therefore to the uses of knowledge. There can be no knowing without know-how. Finally, the third pertains to the lack of permeability between history and the other human and social sciences, which creates for the historian the challenge of interdisciplinary exchange. (shrink)

At the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, change was fast and furious: the exploration of coastal Africa by the Portuguese, the exploration of the West Indies by the Spanish, the extermination of the island Indians, the importation of black slaves to the Iberian peninsula, then the expansion of the slave trade to the American colonies - in short, the much-heralded inauguration of European colonization overseas, with all of its attendant horrors. All of this is adequately known, it seems; (...) the purpose of the present article is not to rehearse this history, even in summary. But if chronology has any value here, it is in making clear that, while the massacre of the Arawaks and the Caribbean Indians quickly attracted attention, eliciting protests that were to be renewed in the following centuries, the black slave trade and black slavery began somewhat discreetly, as if it took quite some time for the esprits libres in Europe to take notice of it. Over the three centuries leading up to the French revolution, blacks were transferred from their native countries to the American colonies. In Europe, these three centuries saw the development of Enlightenment thought, the revolt against domination by the Church, the call for human rights, and the will to democracy. The parallel is superficial, but troubling nevertheless: four facts appear to be linked together, and not merely chronologically: the massacre or de facto subjugation of the Indians, the trade and enslavement of blacks, and colonization. Is the last of these not the cause of and the key to understanding the other three - as well as a number of other phenomena? (shrink)

For many years, M. Jean d'Ormesson has been doing me the honor of asking me to write for Diogenes. More recently, he suggested that I should coordinate an issue of this review that would be devoted to my extended discipline, History, but history in the way in which I understand it. It was certainly not for lack of interest that I did not reply to the first request but, no doubt, because of the sense of a chronic lack of time (...) - almost a pleonasm - from which I, like everyone else, suffer. It was not because I was cured that I accepted the second invitation but probably because I allowed myself, with full knowledge of the facts, to entertain the idea that editing an issue would take up less time than simply contributing. … In fact, as everyone knows, the opposite is true, especially when the occasional editor also volunteers to be one of the contributors. This issue is now completed and I sincerely thank M. Jean d'Ormesson for having wished to entrust me with this task that I have enjoyed very much. (shrink)

In order to tell the story of Man and understand our emergence better, we can readily follow on from Heinz Tobien, though we do not need to go back so far in time - just a few million years.Clearly, our fundamental origin is animal. Thus it is easy to understand that in the great genealogy (known as phylogeny), there was one vital (geological) moment when our line was forever detached from the animal “kingdom.” The evidence of palaeontology, like that of (...) molecular biology, today locates this point - which is, by definition, the very point of origin of our family, the hominids - in Eastern Africa around 8 million years ago. In order to state this, palaeontology rests on two sets of results. All the most ancient hominids, without exception, are East African, and the oldest of all goes back more than 7 million years. Through the study of various characteristics of the cells of contemporary primates, having arranged them in an order of increasing complexity and having hypothesized that this contemporary complexity may be a reflection of that which developed through time, molecular biology has, on the basis of palaeontological dating, calibrated this transformation and its different stages and constructed what is called a molecular clock. In this way, it has arrived at two conclusions. The primates closest to Man are by far the great African apes (chimpanzees, gorillas), and the “distance” that separates us - in other words the degree of difference that exists between them and us - situates the divergence of our two branches at just over 7 million years. (shrink)

Niccolò Machiavelli is the most prominent and notorious theorist of violence in the history of European political thought - prominent, because he is the first to candidly discuss the role of violence in politics; and notorious, because he treats violence as virtue rather than as vice. In this original interpretation, Yves Winter reconstructs Machiavelli's theory of violence and shows how it challenges moral and metaphysical ideas. Winter attributes two central theses to Machiavelli: first, violence is not a generic technology (...) of government but a strategy that tends to correlate with inequality and class conflict; and second, violence is best understood not in terms of conventional notions of law enforcement, coercion, or the proverbial 'last resort', but as performance. Most political violence is effective not because it physically compels another agent who is thus coerced; rather, it produces political effects by appealing to an audience. As such, this book shows how in Machiavelli's world, violence is designed to be perceived, experienced, remembered, and narrated. (shrink)

First published in 1962, this classic study examines the relationship between authority and justice, life, truth, and order. Simon, himself a passionate proponent of liberty, defends authority as an essential concomitant of liberty.

Cet article traite des limites de la communication des chercheurs quand celle-ci porte sur des promesses. Elle est alors susceptible de renforcer les phénomènes de méfiance et de rejet par l'opinion publique. L'article défend l'idée selon laquelle l'objectif de la communication des chercheurs, quand celle-ci s'adresse au public, est avant tout d'éclairer la société sur ses choix, ce qui suppose de créer les conditions de la confiance et du dialogue entre citoyens et scientifiques afin de faire des décisions d'orientation de (...) la recherche de véritables choix de société.This article discusses the limits of communication researchers when it focuses on promises. Then it is likely to strengthen the phenomena of mistrust and rejection by public opinion. The paper argues that the goal of communication researchers, when it is open to the public, is primarily to inform the company about their choices, which means creating the conditions for trust and dialogue between citizens and scientists to make policy decisions research real choices. (shrink)

Dans la tradition théologique, tantôt l'être est identifié au bien, tantôt le bien se situe au-delà de l'être. Ces deux postures métaphysiques ont convergé dans deux pensées différentes de l'analogia entis. Parcourir ces grandes pensées selon une relecture phénoménologique fait surgir la problématique d'une méprise sur le sens de l'être : Y aurait-il deux manières de considérer l'être, l'une où l'être serait quelque chose qui nécessiterait un geste antérieur de donation, l'autre où l'être serait lui-même donation et bonté? Le défi (...) heideggérien pousserait la théologie vers une question fondamentale. Y répondre, ce serait, d'une part, mettre au jour le présupposé sur lequel est fondé la critique de l'onto-théologie et, d'autre part, par une remise en question de la "déconstruction", laisser émerger une construction métaphysique entièrement transformée par la Révélation. Pour opérer cette entreprise, le chemin est déjà balisé du côté phénoménologique par les travaux de Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Luc Marion et Michel Henry. Leurs études sont stimulantes pour la théologie dont le point de vue est cependant différent. Comme Jean-Yves Lacoste le fait remarquer, considérer la Révélation comme un fait, et non comme une possibilité, ouvre une intentionnalité qui donne accès à une autre description des phénomènes et, par là, à une nouvelle herméneutique. Par conséquent, la foi permet une pensée de l'être impensable sans elle. La Révélation provoque à penser une différence ontologique où l'être ne se retire pas dans sa donation. Cette logique est surprenante au regard de la pensée de Heidegger. Elle se propose comme une alternative à la logique de l'alètheia. (shrink)

A collection of essays in French or English on the reception of Cartesian philosphy.

"While it is true that Yves R. Simon did not intend this to be a history book, The Ethiopian Campaign and French Political Thought is an important historical work well deserving of a close reading by students of twentieth-century European history and international relations. This book, which finds a worthy English translation after too many years, was Simon's first serious foray into the public square on the side of justice and the common good. Simon's analysis is wide-ranging, incisive, and (...) brimming with far-sighted political acumen." --Robert Ventresca, King's University College "The Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 led to the memorable plea of Emperor Haile Selassie before the League of Nations as his country's freedom died. Easier to forget is that it also sparked a surprisingly familiar intellectual dispute over the legitimacy of the bombing and the relevance of international law, as depressingly many European intellectuals rallied behind Benito Mussolini's campaign as a defense of the West and the cause of 'civilization.' The unsparing critique leveled against these frequently religious apologists for imperialism by Yves Simon, French Catholic thinker and later American university professor, is an eye-opening reminder of the terms of debate, and the larger constellation of forces of the turbulent era. Anthony Simon and his colleagues deserve thanks for making this precious and moving document available, since its ethical kernel, like its model of Catholic intellectualism, remain highly relevant." --Samuel Moyn, Columbia University "The Ethiopian Campaign and French Political Thought offers a very important discussion grounded in traditional metaphysics and in a sound sense of historical circumstances. This little book is a gem. --George Anastaplo, Loyola University of Chicago Yves Simon was one of the preeminent Thomistic philosophers and political theorists of the twentieth century. He saw it as a moral duty to understand human reality and to use philosophical analysis to examine contemporary politics when they embodied philosophical errors or vicious ideologies. In The Ethiopian Campaign and French Political Thought, Simon extracts principles from the 1894 Dreyfus Affair in France and applies them to Italy's 1935 invasion of Ethopia. As Simon's analysis shows, the relatively obscure events leading up to the Italian invasion had larger implications for Europe and the world, perhaps even paving the way for Vichy France's collaboration with Hitler's German New Order. This book, available for the first time in English, offers an interesting case study of such ethical concerns as just war theory and pre-emptive war, and is of particular relevance in our modern political climate. (shrink)

Yves Lemoine et Jean-Pierre Mignard s'interrogent sur les origines du Droit dans nos sociétés, sur les grandes traditions dont il est issu et sur ses évolutions intellectuelles en Occident. Si leur cheminement passe par l'étude de grandes figures telles que Francisco de Vitoria, Erasme, Thomas More, Portalis, l'abbé Grégoire, William Wilberforce, ou encore René Cassin, leur questionnement sur Athènes et Rome initie une réflexion sur l'humanisme juridique. L'idée que le Droit se réfère à un état supérieur d'Etre et que (...) le droit naturel fonde notre vie en société. Le Défi d'Antigone prévient du danger de former de jeunes juristes à être des marchands de droit et non des jurisconsultes : n'oubliez pas d'où vous venez... N'oubliez pas non plus où vous allez... (shrink)

Depuis les années 1960, Gilbert Durand a fondé et développé une méthodologie et une épistémologie novatrices de l'étude des imaginaires individuels et culturels qui ont inspiré une Ecole de Grenoble, qui n'a cessé d'essaimer à travers un grand nombre de centres de recherches en France et dans le monde. Sa pensée, connue à travers la mythocritique et la mythanalyse, enrichie par une vaste culture historique et pluriculturelle, a été appliquée dans les domaines les plus divers des sciences humaines et sociales. (...) Loin d'être un système clos, son oeuvre a inspiré une épistémologie ouverte qui a permis, sur la base des acquis fondamentaux, de se préciser, de s'adapter à des champs nouveaux, de recevoir les apports d'autres écoles, courants ou traditions culturelles. Les contributions ici rassemblées permettront de mieux situer l'émergence de la problématique de l'imaginaire dans différentes disciplines ou champs d'études, de présenter les innovations théoriques apportées par l'anthropologie de l'imaginaire de G Durand, d'illustrer les innovations qu'elles auront permises, d'amorcer des éléments de prospective pour les chantiers actuellement en cours d'exploration. (shrink)