This article examines the notion of abandonment put forward in several works of spirituality. More specifically, it examines the meaning of the term “abandon” in two Catholic Christian mystics who marked history : Charles de Foucauld (1858-1916) and Madame Guyon (1648-1717). Using two fundamental texts by these authors, and according to a three-part analysis grid (abandonment in relation to oneself, to God and to the other), the article shows that the nuanced intricacies of the concept vary according to several factors (...) and can hardly be reduced to a single definition. For instance, while in Foucauld, abandonment tends to result in intense external practice and a call to follow the example of Jesus, in Guyon, abandonment refers rather to an inner experience and a willingness to share this experience. The search also reveals a historical link between the two mystics, that being the book The Abandonment to Divine Providence. In conclusion, the article suggests a way of thinking about Alexandre Jollien’s contemporary notion of abandonment. (shrink)

This study aims to enrich our understanding of the relationship between political connections and the adoption of environmental corporate socially responsible investments. In addition to the individual-level political connections, i.e., entrepreneurs’ personal ties to government officials, we propose in China the creation of Communist Party of China branches in privately owned firms serve as organizational and institutionalized dimensions of political connection building. Drawing on the social exchange theory, this paper details how CPC branches function in privately owned firms and how (...) entrepreneurs are motivated by the reciprocal logic to engage in ECSR. We also supplement this main effect by examining the boundary conditions of it at the firm and regional level. Using a dataset with 17,690 firm observations in China, we find that the existence of CPC branches gives rise to the ECSR investments and the firm-level contingencies such as centralized governance and financial constraints, and the regional-level contingencies such as the development of the market system, are important moderators that shape the association of political links and ECSR investments. These findings have ample implications to understand the ECSR activities and extend social exchange theory beyond the individual level on which it is typically applied. (shrink)

Who should be recognized as a refugee? This article seeks to uncover the normative arguments at the core of legal and philosophical conceptions of refugeehood. It identifies three analytically dist...

What is political about political refugeehood? Theorists have assumed that refugees are special because their specific predicament as those who are persecuted sets them aside from other “necessitous strangers.” Persecution is a special form of wrongful harm that marks the repudiation of a person's political membership and that cannot—contrary to certain other harms—be remedied where they are. It makes asylum necessary as a specific remedial institution. In this article, I argue that this is correct. Yet, the connection between political membership, (...) its repudiation, and persecution is far from clear. Drawing on normative political thought and research on autocracies, repression, and migration studies, I show that it is political oppression that marks the repudiation of political membership and leads to various forms of repression that can equally not be remedied at home. A truly political account moves away from persecution and endorses political oppression as the normative pillar of refugeehood and asylum. (shrink)

Should refugees govern refugee camps? This paper argues that they should. It draws on normative political thought in consulting the all-subjected principle and an instrumental defense of democratic rule. The former holds that all those subjected to rule in a political unit should have a say in such rule. Through analyzing the conditions that pertain in refugee camps, the paper demonstrates that the all-subjected principle applies there, too. Refugee camps have developed as near distinct entities from their host states. They (...) have formed their own economic, legal and even political systems within which refugees are subjected to political rule. The paper then demonstrates that democratic rule should be preferred over any other decision-making procedure. No amount of experts can replace the institutions that would lead to the accountability of decision-makers and to the incorporation of refugees as situated and epistemically diverse knowers of the problems they face and the solutions that would work best. (shrink)

As a scientific discipline and profession, law has been for centuries at the heart of social and political power of many Western societies. Professors of law, as influential representatives of the profession, are important powerbrokers between academia, politics and the corporate world. Their influence is based on scientific reputation, institutional mandates inside and outside academia or privileged network connections with people in powerful positions. In this study, based on a full sample of all Swiss law professors in the years 1957, (...) 1980 and 2000, we contrast two theories of the distribution of power among law professors: Bourdieu’s thesis on the trade-off between scientific reputation and -academic institutional power vs. the thesis of an opposition between a group of established incumbents and socio-demographically marginal challengers who try to gain access to the profession. We show that among Swiss law professors the endowment with scientific capital is not opposed to the possession of institutional power within academia. Our findings reveal rather an opposition between a challenging group of professors devoid of resources and an incumbent fraction with a high amount of scientific, institutional and social capital alike. In the conclusion we discuss a series of explanations of this specific power structure, including the specific status scientific reputation and social capital can have for law professors. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Avner de Shalit argues that philosophers should listen to what the public thinks. He argues that by engaging with people in the streets, political philosophy will improve. Yet, what makes the public special in this regard? This response will do three things. First, it asks whether discussing with the public differs in any meaningful way from discussing with other people such as colleagues or students. Second, it questions the methodological approach, asking whether de Shalit's approach provides a legitimate answer (...) to his question. Third, it raises the worry that this approach is prone to doing politics rather than philosophy. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt hat in seiner Schrift 'Völkerrechtliche Großraumordnung mit Interventionsverbot für raumfremde Mächte' von 1939 versucht, dem Reichsbegriff zu einer völkerrechtlichen Renaissance zu verhelfen. 'Reich' ist bei ihm gedacht als Kern einer europäischen Hegemonialordnung. Die Präsentation dieser Konzeption hat im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland sofort eine lebhafte Debatte ausgelöst. Der Verfasser versucht, sie nachzuzeichnen, wobei auf bisher unveröffentlichte Dokumente aus dem umfangreichen Nachlass Carl Schmitts zurückgegriffen wird. Der Autor weist auch auf die Parallelen zwischen Schmitts Konzeption vom 'totalen Staat' und jene vom (...) Reich hin. Ähnlich wie Jüngers berühmte Wendung von der 'totalen Mobilmachung' hat sie Anfang der dreißiger Jahre großes Aufsehen erregt. Das 'Reich' hat immer einen über das Verfassungs- und Völkerrecht hinausweisenden Beiklang - oder genauer: einen engen Bezug zur Politischen Theologie. Einigermaßen überraschend ist, dass der katholische Politische Theologe Carl Schmitt Begriffe benutzt, die eher aus dem Repertoire der protestantischen Theologie stammen. Auch für die Deutung dieses Zusammenhangs wurden unveröffentlichte Briefe aus dem Nachlass Schmitts herangezogen. Das 'Reich' als politische Konzeption ist nach 1945 fast spurlos in der Versenkung verschwunden, und dennoch beweist Schmitts Schrift zur 'Großraumordnung mit Interventionsverbot für raumfremde Mächte' Aktualität durch ihre antiuniversalische Stoßrichtung: 'Die notwendige Konsequenz des Universalismus ist Imperialismus'. So lautet nicht etwa ein Satz aus Schmitts Oevre, sondern er steht in dem Buch 'Kampf der Kulturen' des Harvard Professors Samuel P. Huntington. (shrink)

How does one arrive at a life in politics and policy? What happens to one's ideals when confronted with the reality that the only way to get things done in Washington is compromise? Who are the men and women who help shape our national agenda, and what drives their work? Dispatches From the Eastern Front provides fascinating, intensely personal, yet universal answers to these central questions. Recounting four decades inside Washington politics, Gerald Felix Warburg brings remarkable candor to a most (...) unusual memoir. An idealistic California baby boomer transported to the intimidating world of Capitol Hill policymaking at a young age, Warburg finds himself working to reform nuclear energy, strategic arms control, and foreign policy. As his access and power grow, greater challenges loom: how to maintain principles while cutting deals, and how to balance public purpose with private interests. An eclectic career reveals the slow and often painful development of emotional intelligence for work at the highest reaches of the public arena. (shrink)

This paper argues against the idea of climate change refugeehood. Drawing on political realism, it reconstructs the idea and function of refugeehood in international politics. Refugees are not the agencyless victims merely in search of rescue by states of the Global North, as the idea of climate refugeehood as a form of humanitarian refugeehood would have it. Nor are they simply a function of reparative justice, or of defending international state legitimacy. To liberal democracies, refugees are those fleeing political oppression. (...) They hold an important political function in inter-state relations in undermining rival political systems and strengthening liberal democratic regimes, both ideally and materially. The idea of climate refugeehood collides with the role refugeehood plays in international politics, the reasons for their admission, and the conceptualization of their plight and function. It ought, hence, to be rejected. (shrink)

São duas as obras de Foucault privilegiadas neste estudo: As palavras e as coisas, de 1966, e Nascimento da biopolítica, de 1979. Uma das razões pelas quais é possível criar linhas diagonais de interpretação entre estes dois momentos da obra de Foucault é que em ambos os textos ele se debruça sobre a economia política de Smith, com um rigor tamanho que nos pareceu possível extrair daí o esboço de uma breve história do pensamento econômico. O objetivo deste artigo é (...) esboçar esta história, definir as condições de emergência da economia política na epistèmê moderna, entender simultaneamente em que medida a economia assumirá a função de base de cálculo que irá impor à razão governamental moderna uma modalidade nova de limitação dos seus desígnios. (shrink)

Identity leadership (IL) describes that the effectiveness of a leader will depend upon his capacity to represent a given group, to make the group go forward, to create a group identity, and to make the group matter. An identity leader may increase commitment among his followers by increasing the perception of shared identity and giving more weight in the decision process to his followers. We aim to explore the mechanisms through which a leader who creates a shared group identity can (...) increase organizational commitment. In the first study, we plan to conduct a cross-cultural correlational study where we aim to test if the relationship between IL and organizational commitment is mediated by team identification and mediated-moderated by participation in decision making (PDM) and collective efficacy. In the second study, we aim to explore the direction of the causality between IL and PDM. To test this hypothesis, we will conduct an experimental study in which (1) we will manipulate IL to test its influence on the perception of PDM and (2) we will manipulate PDM to test its influence on the perception of IL. Thus, we will be able to identify the role of IL and the perception of PDM on organizational commitment. (shrink)

The threat of terrorism once again raises some of the classic questions about constitutionalism: is it possible for constitutions to do what they aim to do—channel and control political power in such a way as to make it safe and beneficent for those under its rule but also competent to govern? Does not terrorism reraise the Schmittian problem of “the exception”, i.e., the situation of emergency that necessarily escapes all constitutional limitations? Although they did not face the problem of terrorism (...) as we know it, the American founders developed three different models of constitutionalism, embodying three different ways of responding to emergent circumstances and yet remaining bound to the constitutionalist aspiration. We develop the main outlines of the three models both conceptually and historically and show how they continue to be relevant to current discussions of constitutionalism in the age of terror. Finally, we make a tentative effort to judge which of the three models is most able to do what constitutions should do in difficult times. (shrink)

In this paper, the two-stage orienteering problem with stochastic weights is studied, where the first-stage problem is to plan a path under the uncertain environment and the second-stage problem is a recourse action to make sure that the length constraint is satisfied after the uncertainty is realized. First, we explain the recourse model proposed by Evers et al. and point out that this model is very complex. Then, we introduce a new recourse model which is much simpler with less variables (...) and less constraints. Based on these two recourse models, we introduce two different two-stage robust models for the orienteering problem with stochastic weights. We theoretically prove that the two-stage robust models are equivalent to their corresponding static robust models under the box uncertainty set, which indicates that the two-stage robust models can be solved by using common mathematical programming solvers. Furthermore, we prove that the two two-stage robust models are equivalent to each other even though they are based on different recourse models, which indicates that we can use a much simpler model instead of a complex model for practical use. A case study is presented by comparing the two-stage robust models with a one-stage robust model for the orienteering problem with stochastic weights. The numerical results of the comparative studies show the effectiveness and superiority of the proposed two-stage robust models for dealing with the two-stage orienteering problem with stochastic weights. (shrink)

Pascal semble toujours s’être tenu dans les marges de l’historiographie philosophique. Cette situation tient d’abord à la méfiance explicite qu’il nourrit à l’égard des « philosophes ». Mais elle s’explique aussi par l’influence d’un acteur décisif dans l’institutionnalisation de la discipline : Victor Cousin. Pour le montrer, nous étudions les effets produits sur le long terme par la construction d’une « figure philosophique » qui articule, sous le nom de Pascal, des textes et un contenu philosophique spécifique, en se focalisant (...) sur sa réception chez Havet, Brunschvicg et Heidegger. Un tel retour historique permet de mettre en évidence des points aveugles dans notre interprétation de ce que peut être la philosophie de Pascal, voire dans notre conception de ce qui constitue l’en dehors de la philosophie en général. Il offre en outre un éclairage original sur les opérations de sélection qui ont présidé à la constitution de ce que nous appelons notre « modernité » philosophique. (shrink)

La nada y el vacío son conceptos que podemos reconocer como fundamentales en la filosofía oriental, sin embargo, a diferencia de las concepciones adoptadas en Occidente, en el pensamiento antiguo chino –y haciendo énfasis en el daoísmo (??)– la nada no se presenta como algo de carácter ontológico, sino como un estado previo indefinible. De manera similar, el espacio vacío se manifestaba en las artes como la representación del lugar en el que ocurrían los cambios y las transformaciones de la (...) realidad, apuntando hacia el ideal del artista en dejarse fluir durante el proceso de creación. De esta manera se hacía presente la ausencia, acercándose al origen de todas las cosas. (shrink)

El presente texto aborda el problema de la apropiación cultural desde la injusticia epistémica y la ignorancia activa, es decir, teniendo como base el perjuicio a los sujetos como fuentes de conocimiento. La apropiación cultural debería ser entendida como una forma de injusticia epistémica que: a) involucra necesariamente una reducción de credibilidad de los sujetos como fuentes de información según estereotipos establecidos por los grupos hegemónicos; b) la apropiación epistémica de su producción cultural; y c) la gestión de la ignorancia (...) por parte de los grupos dominadores para fortalecer sus posiciones. (shrink)

French philosophers from the 19th century did not consider editorial tasks to be unedifying, nor indifferent to philosophical work itself. But political criteria are not sufficient to analyse them as actions. Editors did not only aim at distinguishing fiends and friends in an actualized history of philosophy, they also assumed their work was philosophical in itself. The six papers of this dossier underline the singularity of philosophical edition as a philosophical practice in 19th century France.

During most of the twentieth century, it was possible to consider Switzerland a coordinated market economy, characterized by dense interfirm networks and the strong role of business associations. Thanks to their cohesion and collective organization, in a context of quiet politics and informal institutions, business elites could largely self-regulate major socioeconomic issues in the shadow of politics. However, since the end of the twentieth century, Swiss business elites have undergone profound changes not only in their composition, but also in their (...) coordinating capacity, their growing political divisions, and their connections to politics. This growing sociological and political fragmentation, combined with changes in the way of doing politics, through noisier and more formal politics, has weakened the instrumental power of Swiss business elites. To compensate for this loss of direct influence, business elites of the largest Swiss companies have developed new political strategies, relying on their growing structural power in a context of global and financial capitalism. (shrink)

Článek si klade za cíl objasnit a obohatit Merleau-Pontyho pojetí promlouvající mluvy v kontrastu k mluvě, jíž se mluví. V kontextu tvůrčích vyjadřovacích výkonů, zejm. umění, píše Merleau-Ponty o promlouvající mluvě především jako o mluvě, jež otevírá nové horizonty zkušenosti a vede ke kognitivnímu obohacení recipienta. Mluva, jíž se mluví, je naproti tomu řečovou sedimentací kulturního významu, jejímž prostřednictvím jsou ustavené poznávací vzorce tradovány. Ve studii nejprve vysvětlujeme, jak se promlouvající mluva tvoří na pozadí běžné mluvy, jíž se mluví, a (...) jak souvisí s vnímaným světem. Poté se soustředíme na dva specifické případy promluv, jimiž se sám Merleau-Ponty explicitně nezabývá. Zaprvé jde o sekundární literaturu, jejímž posláním je sloužit nějakému původnímu autorskému dílu. Sekundární literatura sama o sobě nepřichází s původní stylotvornou vizí světa, a přesto tvoří mluvu, jež moderuje a mnohdy vůbec umožňuje porozumět původnosti myšlenek autorů v silném slova smyslu. Zadruhé se zaměřujeme na případy promlouvajících mluv, jež nás manipulují, nevedou k bohatšímu poznání světa, a přitom jsou schopny zakládat nově sdílený vzor. (shrink)