L'Église orthodoxe traverse, ou paraît traverser, des difficultés dans ses rapports avec le Conseil oecuménique des Églises . En réalité, ces difficultés prolongent un malaise déjà exprimé lors de la 6' Assemblée du COE qui s'est tenue à Vancouver en 1983. Ses représentants dénoncèrent alors le risque de voir ce Conseil devenir un simple forum d'échange d'idées sans fondement théologique spécifiquement chrétien et où « une prière commune deviendrait de plus en plus difficile et en fin de compte impossible ». (...) À ces difficultés d'ordre théologique s'ajoutent les difficultés spécifiques, notamment pour l'Église de Russie. Malgré cela, l'Église orthodoxe, à travers notamment le document adopté lors du Concile jubilaire d'août 2000, tient « que la recherche de l'unité est un élément essentiel de notre existence chrétienne ».The Orthodox Church is going through, or appears to be going through, some difficulties in its relationship to the World Council of Churches . As a matter of fact, these difficulties continue an uneasiness already expressed at the time of the 6th Assembly of the WCC, which was held in Vancouver in 1983. There, its representatives denounced the risk of seeing the Council become a simple forum for the exchange of ideas without a specific Christian theological foundation, and where « a common prayer would become more and more difficult and finally impossible ». On top of these theological problems there are some specffic ones, notably, for the church of Russia. In spite of that, the Orthodox Church, especially by the document adapted during the Council's jubilee in August 2000, holds « that the search for unity is an essential element of our Christian existence”. (shrink)

First Published in 1999. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:BOOK REVIEWS 68J The Theology of Henri de Lubac: An Overview. By HANS URS VON BALTHASAR. Translated by Joseph Fessio, S. J., Michael M. Waldstein (Preface), and Susan Clements (Conclusion). San Fran· cisco: Ignatius Press/Communio, 1991. Pp. 127. $9.95 (paper). Except for the preface and conclusion, Hans Urs von Balthasar's The Theology of Henri de Lubac first appeared as the long essay, "Henri de Lubac-L'oeuvre organique d'une vie," in (...) Nouvelle Revue Theologique 97 (1975), 897-913 and 98 (1976), 33-59, and translated by Joseph Fessio, S.J., as "The Achievement of Henri de Luhac" in Thought 51 (1976), 7-49. The preface was added soon after for the German edition, Henri de Lubac: Sein organisches Lebenswerk (Frei· burg im Breisgau: Johannes Verlag, 1976). The conclusion was added for Balthasar's and Jesuit Georges Chantraine's Le Cardinal de Lubac: L'Homme et son oeuvre (Paris: Ed. Lethielleux, 1983). While de Lubac denied " a true, personal philosophical or theo· logical synthesis " in the multiplicity of his oeuvre, he did believe that there could he found " a pattern that constitutes its unity " (de Luhac on p. 10). A more systematic work had been planned with Bruno de Solages, Peres Congar, Chenu, and others. In de Luhac's words, " the lightning bolt of Humani Generis killed the project" (p. 11). We can only wonder at what might have been. At the center of de Lubac's thought is a spiritual perception of "the essence of Christian mysticism" (p. 11). A hook on this subject was planned hut never completed; its fundamental importance was indicated by de Luhac in 1956: "I believe my hook on mysticism has inspired me for a long time in everything I work on; in its light I make my judgments and gain the criteria for ordering my thoughts and ideas" (p. 11). The purpose of Balthasar's little book is to trace these "great spiritual options of the master" (p. 26). Balthasar wrote his preface after he had received from de Luhac the manuscript that would he published as his Memoire sur l'occasion de mes ecrits (1989; ET: At the Service of the Church (1993]). Accord· ing to Balthasar, this "meandering" text has great value in display· ing the organic unity of de Luhac's writings in the contexts which occasioned them-" as well as the legendary condemnations and banish· ments prepared for him by his order and by the Church" (p. 9). De Luhac adopted the " fundamental elan " (p. 13) of Blondel, Marechal, and Rousselot. They enabled de Lubac to see in Thomas Aquinas " the paradox of the spiritual creature that is ordained beyond itself by the innermost reality of its nature to a goal that is unreachable for it and that can only he given as a gift of grace " (p. 13). Balthasar is unambiguous in his belief in the correctness of their interpretation. 684 BOOK REVIEWS Blondel, Marechal, and de Lubac were " martyrs for truth " (p. 13). De Lubac " exposed himself to the attacks of a tutiorist scholastic theology, armed with nothing but the historical and theological truth" (p. 13). Of the three, de Lubac was the most persecuted. The conflict with scholasticism is presented in all its sharpness. One must go back to Thomas himself, over the commentatorial tradition of John of St. Thomas and Cajetan, whose work represents, in the words of Gilson, " a successful ' corruptorium Sanctae Thomae.'... Thomas has been castrated by it" (p. 14). Gilson's "unqualified assent" to de Lubac's Thomistic conclusions means much to Balthasar, because it is "the assent of the greatest authority in the field of the history of phi· losophy" (p. 15). Upon reading Sumaturel (1946), Gilson wrote to de Lubac that the difference between the scholastic and the humanist theologians, like de Lubac, in part lies in the way they understand propositions. The scholastics " understand only univocal propositions and those that seem to be univocal. The former [humanist theologiansJ, by contrast, are more interested in the truth that the proposition attempts to formulate and that partly escapes it" (p. 14). In their incomprehension and fear of analogy, the scholastics are represented as hankering after a security that... (shrink)

Purpose of this article in the reconstruction and from the contemporary perspective to the knowledge of Aristotle's theory of moral beliefs do outline introduction. First, I would like to clarify a moral belief that knowledge of semantics on the premise of why. Then I will pick out a variety of moral beliefs theory of knowledge. Third, I will try to rebuild this discussion in Aristotle's "Nicomachean Ethics", especially in Chapter VI of the position. The aim of this article is to (...) reconstruct roughly and in outline Aristotle's epistemology of moral belief from a contemporary point of view. First, I will make clear what the semantical presuppositions of an epistemology of moral beliefs are. Second, I will sort out kinds of epistemologies of moral belief. Third, I will try to reconstruct Aristotle's position as it is presented in the Nicomachean Ethics , especially in book Ⅵ. (shrink)

Walter Benjamin est le penseur de la reproductibilité technique au XXe siècle, et il nous a donné de nombreuses pistes de lecture pour comprendre ce que la technique fait et défait dans nos sociétés industrielles fondées sur l'exploitation de l'autre. Déclin de l'aura, disparition de l'original, exposition généralisée, vulgarisation, performance, émergence de la star et du dictateur, choc, contrôle des masses et émancipation, il nous laisse un précieux viatique de fragments, célèbres ou méconnus, qui nous permettent de poser cette question (...) : Comment appréhender le monde digital qui est en train de révolutionner notre siècle? Dans cet essai, nous faisons l'hypothèse, soufflée par Benjamin lui-même, que nombre de ses intuitions fulgurantes, suscitées par l'essor de la photographie et l'irruption du cinéma, puis de la radio, sont restées en sommeil à son époque, et se réveillent maintenant à la faveur de l'irruption du monde digital. La logique de l'accessibilité mondiale prend racine dans le monde de la reproductibilité mécanique et en révèle le sens. De la même façon que le philosophe a pris au sérieux la technique de la radiodiffusion, au point de devenir lui-même réalisateur d'émissions à la fin des années 20, nous proposons de relire ses textes à l'aune d'une observation matérialiste du monde numérique, où chaque lecteur est en train de devenir auteur et producteur, témoin de sa propre existence en voie de dédoublement."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Qu'est-ce au juste que le mental? Les nouvelles "sciences de l'esprit" ne paraissent pas avoir de doute sur la réponse : c'est ce qu'il y a dans la boîte crânienne. L'idée que le mental puisse être autre chose que le côté "interne" d'une métaphore qui l'oppose à de l'externe, et qu'à ce titre il puisse s'avérer intrinsèquement social, leur paraît incongrue. C'est pourtant cette idée que le présent ouvrage s'applique à défendre. Il élabore une conception sociale du mental, en prenant (...) appui sur les courants de recherche qui, en philosophie et en sciences humaines et sociales, ont souligné, tant d'un point de vue conceptuel qu'empirique, l'imbrication du social et du mental. Cette élaboration passe par une clarification des deux concepts. D'un côté, il est nécessaire de remédier au rétrécissement du social non seulement par les sciences cognitives, mais aussi par une partie des sciences sociales. De l'autre, il faut proposer une nouvelle compréhension de ce que l'on entend par mental. La conception esquissée est une conception qu'on peut qualifier d'adverbiale : "mental" est un concept opératoire qui qualifie une modalité de l'action d'agents appartenant à une société. (shrink)

This paper is a general introduction to Positive Logic, where only what we call h-inductive sentences are under consideration, allowing the extension to homomorphisms of model-theoric notions which are classically associated to embeddings; in particular, the existentially closed models, that were primitively defined by Abraham Robinson, become here positively closed models. It accounts for recent results in this domain, and is oriented towards the positivisation of Jonsson theories.

Humanity and the Enemy attempts to show the limits and problems of the current and dominant idea of politics based on the friend-and-enemy logic, typical of the thought of Carl Schmitt. It proposes an alternative view in which politics and ethics are inextricably intertwined. This view entails the overcoming of the Enemy thought, namely, of the notion that there must always be an enemy. This overcoming can only be accomplished through resistance on the basis of radical changes in the material (...) and cultural conditions of social life. These changes include the dismantling of the inherently violent system of capital and its law, the elimination of poverty and fear, the abandonment of the logic of total and permanent war, and the establishment of structures for the flowering of human dignity and freedom. Humanity itself must become a political subject in order to deactivate and reject the conditions of inhumanity characterizing and crippling our present world. (shrink)

In a letter addressed to Mercator in 1558, John Dee made an odd announcement, describing the Portuguese mathematician and cosmographer Pedro Nunes as the ‘most learned and grave man who is the sole relic and ornament and prop of the mathematical arts among us’, and appointing him his intellectual executor. This episode shows that Dee considered Nunes one of his most distinguished contemporaries, and also that some connection existed between the two men. Unfortunately not much is known about this connection, (...) and even such basic questions such as ‘What could John Dee know about this Portuguese cosmographer’s scientific work?’ or ‘When, why and where did this interest come about?’ still lack proper answers. In this paper I address this connection and examine Nunes’ influence on Dee’s mathematical work. I argue that Dee was interested in Nunes’ work as early as 1552 . I also claim that Dee was aware of Nunes’ programme for the use of mathematics in studying physical phenomena and that this may have influenced his own views on the subject. (shrink)

Ανέκδοτα ψηφίσματα από τη Λάρισσα (3) Συνεχίζοντας τις δΰο προηγούμενες δημοσιεύσεις που αφορούσαν σε ψηφίσματα της Λάρισσας (BCH 128-129 (2005), p. 377-417 ; BCH 130 (2006) [20081, Ρ· 435-483), παρουσιάζουμε εδώ μια τρίτη στήλη, η οποία φέρει τρία κείμενα: δύο ψηφίσματα της Λάρισσας, που ψηφίστηκαν κατά τη διάρκεια της στρατηγείας του Παυσανία, υιού του Θρασυμήδη από τις Φέρες (περίπου 130/129 π. Χ.), το ένα για έναν Αθηναίο φιλόσοφο και το άλλο για τρεις πολίτες της Κω· ένα τρίτο ψήφισμα προέρχεται από (...) τη Συνομοσπονδία των Μολοσσών και ανταμοίβει δικαστές από τη Λάρισσα, οι οποίοι εστάλησαν στην Ήπειρο για να διαιτητεύσουν σε μια διαμάχη μεταξύ Μολοσσών και Ακαρνάνων. Τα κείμενα αυτά, γραμμένα σε θεσσαλική διάλεκτο, η οποία την εποχή εκείνη χρησίμευε στη μεταγραφή εγγράφων της καγκελλαρίας των ελληνιστικών πόλεων σε μια γλώσσα που χάνει προοδευτικά τη συνοχή και την ιδιομορφία της και καταλήγει να διατηρεί μόνο μια «θεσσαλίζουσα» απόχρωση, έχουν αξία για την ιστορία της Λάρισσας, αφού αναφέρονται στην πνευματική ζωή και σε ορισμένες εκφάνσεις των πολιτικών ή οικονομικών δραστηριοτήτων των Λαρισσαίων στο δεύτερο μισό του 2ου αι. π. Χ. (shrink)

The economic crisis happening across the world over the last few years describes a range of interdependencies and interactions,and has highlighted the fundamentalf laws of neoclassical economic theory: its unedifying focus on prediction and, above all, its inability to explain how the economy really works. As such, it is increasingly recognised that economic phenomena cannot be exclusively investigated as being derived from deterministic, predictable and mechanistic dynamics. Instead, a new approach is required by which history-dependence, organic and ever-evolving processes are (...) also accounted for. As this view implies new challenges and opportunities for policy, we will focus our attention on innovative components of Complexity Theory for the study of economics and the evaluation of public policies. (shrink)