이 논문은 생명철학과 생명정치학의 함의와 그 관계를 해명하려는 글이다. 생명에 대한 존재자적 탐구가 생명의 의미를 망각한다면 생명철학은 그 존재론적 의미를 밝히는 형이상학적 작업이다. 그에 비해 생명정치학은 생명체의 타당한 존재론적 터전을 정립하는 실천 철학의 영역에 속한다. 현대의 사회문화적 상황은 생명을 실용주의적 관점에 따라 대상화함으로써 생명이 생명으로 자리할 터전을 박탈한다. 이런 현대 사회의 생명성 망각과 생명 소외 현상을 넘어설 길을 생명철학의 존재론과 생명정치학의 실천철학에서 찾으려는 노력이 이 글에 담긴 근본 목적이다. 이를 위해 먼저 이 두 학문을 포괄하는 맥락에서 설정한 생명학의 범위와 내용을 (...) 해명한다. 이어 생명철학의 내용을 설명한 뒤, 이를 바탕으로 생명정치학의 내용을 소개한다. 여기에는 F. 푸코의 생명관리정치와 G. 아감벤의 생명정치학이 포함된다. 이어 현대 사회에서 생명에 대한 과학적 지식을 전유하면서 이를 자본주의적 맥락으로 몰아가는 생명자본의 정치경제학을 비판적으로 분석한다. 이런 논의를 바탕으로 결론에서는 우리의 실존과 존재를 생명성으로 연결지어 해명하는 철학적 사유가 필요함을 말하면서 정당하게 이해하는 생명철학적 학문을 주장할 것이다. 그에 따라 생명과 올바른 관계맺음을 가능하게 하는 생명정치학이 정초될 수 있기 때문이다. (shrink)

Foucault repère une transformation du pouvoir lorsque la vie entre dans ses préoccupations à partir du XVIIIe siècle. Il appelle « bio-pouvoir » les techniques spécifiques du pouvoir s’exerçant sur les corps individuels et les populations, hétérogènes aux mécanismes juridico-politiques du pouvoir souverain. Agamben, dans Homo sacer, reprend l’hypothèse foucaldienne et la fait fonctionner précisément sur le terrain délaissé par Foucault, celui de la souveraineté. La souveraineté ne porte pas à ses yeux sur des sujets de (...) droits, mais de manière cachée sur une « vie nue », ex-ceptée par le pouvoir qui l’expose à sa violence et à sa décision souveraine. On peut alors interroger le déplacement de l’hypothèse foucaldienne opéré par Agamben et les rapports problématiques entre pouvoir souverain et bio-pouvoir, afin d’évaluer la pertinence et la fécondité de la notion de bio-pouvoir. (shrink)

La modernité s’est accompagnée d’une reprise en main par l’État des noyaux de pouvoir religieux qui lui étaient auparavant extérieurs. Toutefois, on peut montrer qu’à cette rupture se superpose une autre discontinuité notable : l’apparition d’un concept de pouvoir nouveau, s’occupant de la vie elle-même et non plus de ses marges, qui serait la biopolitique. Il est possible de déceler les leviers conceptuels qui nouent ensemble ces deux transformations chez l’un des penseurs essentiels de cette modernité politique, Spinoza, (...) dans la mesure où, tout en démontrant la nécessité pour le pouvoir politique de s’émanciper du religieux et de le reprendre en main, il participe d’une nouvelle manière de penser l’exercice du pouvoir. (shrink)

Quelle politique peut-on faire quand on est un idiot? Loin d'être saugrenue, c'est bien la question qu'on est conduit à se poser inévitablement en lisant l'oeuvre de Gilles Deleuze. L'"idiot" joue, en effet, un rôle incontournable et essentiel dans la philosophie de Deleuze. Il est le personnage conceptuel qui fait tenir cette philosophie dans sa consistance propre. Il se situe à la charnière de l'image de la pensée que le philosophe invoque et suppose plus ou moins implicitement et de la (...) création de concepts qu'il produit explicitement. Aussi, faire de la philosophie, tout comme agir et penser politiquement, c'est toujours une manière de faire l'idiot. Les conséquences de cette approche sont capitales, du fait des questions posées à la réflexion politique classique centrée sur le Droit et l'Etat, du fait aussi des problématiques qui se voient invalidées dans ce champ. La place qui revient au contrôle et au bio-pouvoir, aux zones d'indétermination et aux espaces lisses, permet de prendre une saine distance vis-à-vis de la politique "majoritaire" et de faire apparaître, comme déjà de vieux clichés, bon nombre de thèmes et de concepts revendiqués par les organisations alternatives, mondialistes et subversives récentes. C'est une tout autre idée de la politique, centrée sur les devenirs, que nous invite à méditer la politique deleuzienne de l'idiot. Elle nous ouvre à d'autres espérances, nouvelles, en lien avec un "peuple absent" qui naîtrait avec chaque devenir. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Politics Is a Mushroom: Worldly Sources of Rule and Exception in Carl Schmitt and Walter BenjaminKam Shapiro (bio)Life is not a mushroom growing out of death.—Carl Schmitt, The Visibility of the ChurchTo isolate death from life, not leaving the one intimately woven in the other, and each one entering into the other’s midst—this is what one must never do.—Jean-Luc Nancy, L’intrus1Carl Schmitt’s theory of the exception was bound up (...) with a thoroughgoing critique of philosophies of immanence, materialism, and “atheism,” which he treated as interchangeable. In his early writings, he adopted the Christian perspective according to which postlapsarian nature cannot by itself yield a juridical order, or in his poetic phrase, “life is not a mushroom growing out of death.” Yet—in accord with Catholic doctrine—he also found sources of life, or law, in this world. While he repudiated theories of collective self-legislation, he embraced a popular sovereign empowered to impose form on a chaotic society. In Political Theology (1922), he compared the form-giving power of the sovereign to an act of divine intervention. Law, he argued, can only function in a lawful or “normal” situation that precedes formalization, and the sovereign “produces and guarantees the situation in its totality” [13]. In The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy (1923) Schmitt retained his theological terms: “A scientific study of democracy must begin with a particular aspect that I have called political theology” [32]. In the modern age, democratic constituent power (pouvoir constituant) replaces the will of God as the transcendent source of a substantial order, namely democratic homogeneity. Democratic will-formation thereby becomes an act prior to its subject, or as Schmitt wrote, “[...] only political power, which should come from the people’s will, can form the people’s will in the first place” [Crisis 28]. A variety of democratic theorists dwell on the paradoxical character of democratic sovereignty, sometimes tracing it back to Rousseau’s well-known formulations [see esp. Connolly and Honig]. They highlight the gap between a transcendent (ideal or fictive) will in whose name political power acts, and the bounded, material consensus it forms, ostensibly rendering the latter vulnerable to challenge. As I argue, however, a closer look at Rousseau’s discussion of democratic founding in On the Social Contract reveals instead a dynamic relay between dispersed substantial or immanent sources of affiliation, on the one hand, and various agents and techniques of political power that draw on and combine them in a collective will, on the other, or what I call the virtual and the virtuosic.2 After briefly exploring this dynamic in Rousseau’s [End Page 121] On the Social Contract, I will highlight similar dynamics at work in Schmitt’s Weimar writings, examining three instances: the complexio oppositorum (1923), national myth (1923), and the polemical opposition of friend and enemy (1927), focusing especially on the first. Contrary to familiar readings of Schmitt’s metaphysical “exceptionalism,” I argue that for Schmitt, as for Rousseau, political power does not create a normative order from a vacuum, and the apparent transcendence of sovereign authority has a variety of worldly sources.3 Finally, I consider what I call “democratic virtuosity,” or virtuosity from below, focusing on Walter Benjamin’s repudiation of sovereign acts of lawmaking or law preserving in favor of ongoing collective habit-formation. As I argue, Benjamin returns spiritual force to the material world not only to shatter human authorities, but also to democratize creation.Rousseau—Anticipating the PeopleIn the Social Contract, Rousseau formulated the paradox of democratic founding to which so many, including Schmitt, would return. “In order for an emerging people to appreciate the healthy maxims of politics, and follow the fundamental rules of statecraft, the effect would have to become the cause; the social spirit, which should be the result of the institution, would have to preside over the founding of the institution itself; and men would have to be prior to laws what they ought to become by means of laws” [Rousseau 69]. As Rousseau argues, a constitution can form a general will only if it commands the loyalty of the people, that is, if there is... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Visual EmpireSusan Buck-Morss (bio)1 The Sovereign IconThe Question of SovereigntyJust when the nation-state appeared to be waning in significance, national sovereignty is back in the spotlight. The issue takes on special urgency in the United States, where sovereign right has been proclaimed persistently by the president in an attempt to justify policies of military aggression and violations of international and domestic law, executing these policies with disregard for traditional (...) judicial and constitutional procedures.1 Giorgio Agamben’s recently translated book State of Exception has touched off a small case of collective hysteria among American academics by claiming that by their intrinsic nature, democracies undermine themselves, that dictatorship is an ontological necessity of modern politics, and that the sovereign’s power to declare a state of emergency and with it a state exception to the law places potentially the whole world under the sign of the concentration camp.Agamben’s revelation, however, is not the scandal. It is a logical truism that something cannot be a member of its own set, that constituting power (pouvoir constituens) cannot be synonymous with constituted power (pouvoir constituent).Plato in the Timaeus described a self-eating, circular being as the first living thing in the universe–an immortal, perfectly constructed animal [image 1]. Agamben seems shocked to find that such an animal does not exist. If democracies could be self-constituting and self-reproducing, if they could realize the perfect closure of the Oroborus (snake consuming its tail), there would be no decay and no history—but also no hope, no escape from the magic circle of power that is capable of mystifying any political regime, no matter how democratically conceived. The historical event that ruptures the circle’s mythic repetition is also the possibility of a better future.Unlike both Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt, upon whom he relies, Agamben uses history ahistorically, in order to abstract from it a timeless ontology of power. In contrast, Benjamin is attentive to historical concreteness, as is Schmitt—this attention is their common bond. But when Benjamin criticizes the parliamentary democracy of the early Weimar Republic, it is not, as it is for Schmitt, out of yearning for a strong executive to cut through parliamentary legalism and compromise.2 Rather, it reminds twentieth-century [End Page 171] parliaments of their own violent origins. A present-day executive leader who, in using the emergency powers of his office, fails to be reminded of the historical origins of representative governments no longer feels It necessary to submit to democratic rule. Benjamin believed that the watered-down versions of democracy in his own time had become little more than bourgeois governing cliques, and for that reason, he might have appreciated Thomas Jefferson’s suggestion that every generation needs a new revolution. The sovereign who declares a state of exception would then be the citizens themselves.The question we need to ask is why Thomas Jefferson’s call for permanent revolution is not predictive of the history of democracies in modern times—why it is so difficult to cut off the head of the king so that it stays off, why popular sovereignty consistently resurrects an aura of quasi-mystical power around the sovereign figure—which since Hobbes’s Leviathan has been recognized as a human artifact, a merely mortal god [see image 2]. In a democracy where only the citizens have the legitimate right to declare a state of exception to the law, the real scandal occurs when an executive branch usurps that power and is allowed to get away with it.More than the sum of merely empirical individuals of which Hobbes’s Leviathan is composed, sovereignty is a transcendent category. The sovereign is an icon in the theological sense. He (or she) embodies an enigma—precisely the power of the collective to constitute itself. The sovereign figure as personification of the collective demonstrates the power of the visible image to close the circle between constituting and constituted power, explaining why even when the illegalities of an individual sovereign are exposed, the faith of the believer is still not shaken. As long as the circle appears closed, sovereign power remains intact; likewise, and... (shrink)

Cet article présente la trajectoire bio-bibliographique d'Antonio Negri. Il repart de ses travaux sur la philosophie du droit de Kant et de Hegel dans l’atmosphère intellectuelle de l’université de Padoue au tournant des années 1950-1960, préludant à sa recherche sur la « constitution matérielle » dans les années 1960 et à son intervention dans les débats sur la théorie marxiste de l’État dans la décennie suivante, aborde son engagement dans l’opéraïsme et ses effets à long terme, sa fréquentation de Spinoza (...) et ses premières « années parisiennes », ses réflexions stimulées au cours des trois dernières décennies par les nouvelles dynamiques locales et globales des mouvements contre-systémiques, de conflictualisation de la globalisation capitaliste et d’invention d’espaces alternatifs de liberté collective, jusqu’à ses inquiétudes les plus récentes sur la « résurgence fasciste ». Au fil d’une existence vouée, en théorie et en pratique, aux praxis constituantes rouvrant en permanence la possibilité de la révolution, s’éclaire une attention sans faille à la puissance d’autonomie, non « du politique », mais des luttes qui relancent sans cesse l’une vers l’autre, en chaque conjoncture nouvelle, la question de la stratégie politique et l’engagement ontologique du désir de communisme. (shrink)

Este estudo teve como objetivo estimar a Qualidade de Vida (QV) em pacientes com transtorno depressivo maior antes e após tratamento antidepressivo eficaz. Participaram do estudo 26 indivíduos (18 a 65 anos) com episódio agudo de Transtorno Depressivo Maior, segundo critérios do DSM-IV. A duração do..

Rumors were afoot at the Sixth Comintern Congress that there were political differences between Bukharin and Stalin. Except for Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai's comments on the Comintern Theses, other Chinese delegates seem to have expressed no public disagreement with Bukharin. The following speech, made by one "Tschang-Bio" (Chang Kuo-t'ao?) at the fourteenth session, may serve to illustrate this tactful attitude.

La Collection Les Alchimistes Grecs della CUF si arricchisce d'un altro volume con un'opera del tutto nuova rispetto ai due volumi già pubblicati, l'Anonyme de Zuretti: il testo, che prende il nome da C. O. Zuretti, il quale ne curò nel 1930 l'editio princeps nel VII volume del Catalogue des manuscrits alchimistes grecs, è «un traité pratique, complet et systematique, rédigé à l'époque médiévale par un Grec d'Italie du Sud. Celui-ci se base sur de nombreuses sources latines et arabo-latines, sans (...) renier pour autant la tradition grecque, et il écrit dans une langue déroutante … respectée au maximum» (p. VII). Come scrive l'Editrice nell'Avant-propos, questa sintesi delle conoscenze alchemiche mediterranee degli inizi del 1300 è il più lungo dei testi alchemici greci e presenta diversi motivi di interesse: • è il testimone del sincretismo culturale che fioriva nel regno di Napoli in epoca angioina; • è un documento interessante per lo studio della lingua greca medievale della Calabria; • permette di affrontare problemi filologici legati al fenomeno della traduzione. (shrink)

A obra procura ter como inspiração central a ideia de Justiça. Considerando a Justiça como uma exigência comunitária de fazer o Bem e impedir o Mal, ela só se realiza plenamente quando organizada sob a forma de Poder, isto é, da força a serviço do Direito.

This book is about the use of legal scholarship by judges. It discusses the possibility that legal scholarship may function as a genuine source of law in modern municipal legal systems. The book advances a number of claims, some conceptual, some empirical, some normative. The major conceptual claims are found in Chapters 2 and 3, where a general account of the notion of a source of law is provided. Roughly, sources of law are documents or practices (e.g. statutes, judicial decisions, (...) official customs) from which norms can be derived that function as sources of content-independent reasons for judges to decide legal cases one way or another. The relevant notion of content-independence is derived (with qualifications) from H.L.A. Hart's jurisprudence. Indeed, the book's analysis of the concept of a source of law relies at various points on Hartian insights about law and legal reasoning. Chapter 4 argues that legal scholarship - or, more precisely, a particular type of legal scholarship that might be described as standard or doctrinal - can be, and indeed is, used as a source of law in modern legal systems. The conclusion that legal scholarship is used as a source of law (and thus as a source of content-independent reasons for action) may come as a surprise to those who associate judicial recourse to legal scholarship with judicial activism. This association is discussed and criticized in Chapters 5 and 6. It is argued that, in spite of a relatively common opinion to the contrary, legal scholarship can be used to mitigate discretion. In fact, it is precisely because it can be used in this way that judges sometimes refer to scholarship deceptively and suggest that it limits discretion in situations in which it really does not. The concluding chapter addresses potential objections not explicitly discussed in earlier chapters.. (shrink)

Carolina Maria de Jesus, a partir de seu "Quarto de Despejo", inspira o diálogo transdisciplinar entre a psicanálise, o direito e a literatura, nos artigos reunidos neste livro. Como a obra de Carolina e o diálogo acadêmico inspirado por ela pode nos auxiliar a pensar sobre e a lutar contra o racismo? Fazendo circular e acreditando na força que a palavra tem de desconstruir as ficções psíquicas e políticas que organizam nosso pacto social. Essa é a aposta que anima a (...) pesquisa cujos primeiros resultados estão neste livro. Partimos da hipótese de que o racismo é uma construção histórico-libidinal e que pode ser desfeita. Dentre os códigos fascistas que organizam o desejo, o racismo se destaca (dentre o machismo, a homofobia, por exemplo) por tentar situar a alteridade num determinado grupo de pessoas de forma a controlá-la, subjugá-la. Esse desejo de distinção provém, em grande medida, da angústia produzida pela presença da alteridade dentro do próprio sujeito. Há algo em um livro como o de Carolina que é preciso ser destacado: trata-se de uma resposta singular a um pacto social perverso, organizado pelo racismo. É preciso pensar nos efeitos afetivos que tal resposta, endereçada como um "diário de uma favelada", produz em cada um(a) de seus (suas) leitores(as). (shrink)

O que pode dizer um homem que fez o voto de se dedicar a Deus a outro que está plenamente convencido de Deus não existe? O que pode ouvir um crente de um ateu? O que um ateu pode aprender? São questões assim que guiaram o encontro entre o padre Fábio de Melo e o historiador Leandro Karnal e resultaram neste livro. Um debate rico e respeitoso entre um cético e um católico que oferece uma referência importante aos brasileiros crentes (...) e não crentes. Com coragem para provocar um ao outro e humildade para aceitar os argumentos, os autores discutiram pontos fundamentais, como se o mundo é melhor ou pior sem Deus e se a religião ajuda ou atrapalha. Questionaram o quanto a fé faz falta e discutiram as esperanças, os medos e a morte no horizonte de quem crê e quem não crê. Crer ou não crer é o resultado de muitas horas de conversa entre um dos padres mais amados do país com um dos mais populares historiadores. Uma obra que irá agradar e enriquecer milhões de leitores. (shrink)

La traduction n’est pas seulement un problème linguistique mais aussi, et d’abord, un problème d’ordre éthique et politique. Chez les Grecs les présupposés linguistiques de la communauté font de la traduc­tion une opération visant à mettre en évidence les équivalences ou les synonymies, qui sont les fondements de toute conception universaliste du langage. Certaines théories contemporaines de la traduction – notamment celles de Benjamin et d’Ortega y Gasset – permettent en revanche d’en­tendre le processus traductif d’une manière différente : comme (...) un pro­cessus historique de déploiement des différences qui, dans leur totalité, recomposent la langue pure, chez Benjamin ; ou comme un processus où les déséquivalences et l’incommensurabilité entre les langues viennent au premier plan, favorisant l’ouverture vers l’autre et l’étranger, chez Ortega y Gasset. Une telle conception de la traduction nous permet de penser une ontologie différente, dans laquelle le concept de dynamis occupe une posi­tion centrale. (shrink)

Increasing awareness of the importance of the biodiversity of the whole global biosphere has led to further awareness that the problems which arise in connection with preservation and exploitation of our planet’s biodiversity are best tackled from a global perspective. The ‘Biodiversity Convention’ and the ‘Human Genome Project’ are some of the concrete attempts at such globalisation. But, while these efforts are certainly very good at the intentional level and on paper, there is, at the practical level of implementation, the (...) danger that globalisation may simply translate into westernisation, given the Western world’s dominance and will to dominate the rest of the globe. How is ‘global bioethics’ to be possible in a world inhabited by different cultural groups whose material situation, powers, ideas, experiences and attitudes differ rather markedly and who are not, in any case, equally represented in globalisation efforts and fora? One index of the pertinence of this question is that talk about biodiversity, biotechnology, biotrade etc. is being increasingly matched by talk about biopiracy, biorade, biocolonialism etc. In this paper, I attempt to explore and develop these very general concerns. (shrink)

Examining a variety of bio-objects in contexts beyond the laboratory, Bio-Objects: Life in the 21st Century explores new ways of thinking about how novel bio-objects enter contemporary life, analysing the manner in which the boundaries between human and animal, organic and non-organic, and being 'alive' and the suspension of living, are questioned, destabilised and in some cases re-established.

La biopolítica ha devenido, sin duda, una de las categorías centrales para la reflexión política contemporánea. Dada su importancia, resulta imperioso avanzar sobre algunas operaciones teóricas que no logran dar cuenta de su especificidad, en tanto que administración de la vida como forma de dominación. Al respecto, y con la intención de rehabilitar la conceptualización de la política, nos interesa demostrar cómo la aparente dicotomía entre zoé y bíos que pretende discutir Agamben no encuentra respaldo en los textos que él (...) mismo utiliza (fundamentalmente, Aristóteles y Foucault), ni tampoco en la cristalización de tales categorías en prácticas sociopolíticas (por ejemplo, la disciplina moderna con sus raíces en el monasterio cristiano). Precisamente, la identificación de la zoé ya como forma de vida es lo que nos permite comprender el interés biopolítico por gestionar la vida biológica. Así, solamente habiendo clarificado estas categorías, podrá rehabilitarse un pensamiento político sobre la política. (shrink)

In this paper I argue that a Bio-Social conception of “race” is a socially salient conception within the United States. This conception is “socially salient” in the sense that is demonstrative of public understanding and public use of the race concept within context of the United States and its member institutions. This conception is “Bio-Social” in the sense that a set of biological and social properties form the necessary conditions for “race” and “racial group membership.” I explain that these biological (...) and social properties are the social interpretation of ancestral relations to geographically and culturally specified groups. (shrink)

In the following pages I will outline the main biographical data and the intellectual activity of two of the major protagonists of the debate on the mechanistisches Weltbild within the Frankfurt “Institut fur Sozialforschung” in the thirties. I have included a selected bibliography of Grossmann's and Borkenau's works, and refer to titles with abbreviations [H.G.…] and [F.B.…].

Das Menschliche ist dadurch charakterisiert, dass der Mensch über sich selbst und seine Verfasstheit sowie seine Gemeinschaft und Kultur nachdenken kann, ja, muss. Er ist das Wesen, das sich selber immer wieder zum Problem geworden ist und wird, das nicht selbstverständlich einfach so dahinlebt oder -existiert, sondern in gewisser Weise ein reflektierendes Wesen ist, das sich nach sich selber befragt, nach dem Sinn seiner Existenz, seines Lebens, seiner Verfasstheit als eines geschlechtlichen Wesens usw. Das sind Gesichtspunkte, die natürlich immer nur (...) in einer kulturellen und einer traditions-gesellschaftlichen Welt eingenommen bzw. gewonnen werden können. Aufgabe einer philosophischen Anthropologie ist es nun - so Hans Lenk - das Wissen um die Lage und die Fähigkeiten des Menschen in ein Gesamtbild zu bringen. Mit anderen Worten, sie muss sich interdisziplinär verstehen und die Ergebnisse der Wissenschaften, soweit sie für das Thema Mensch und die umfassende Behandlung und Integration aller Aspekte in diesem Zusammenhang wichtig sind, mit einbeziehen. (shrink)

Nous souhaitons analyser la nature des relations dialectiques et complexes que la réalité biologique du VIH entretient avec, d’une part les manifestations psychiques et psychopathologiques, et d’autre part les représentations sociales du sida, qui stigmatisent le corps sidéen, par le biais de procédures discriminatoires souvent présentées comme prophylactiques. L’approche pragmatique..

창의성과 협력, 소통, 존중, 배려, 공감이 근간이 되는 정보사회와 다문화사회에서의 교육은 교사가 주도하는 교과서 중심의 이론 수업과 주입식 방법만으로 그효과를 기대할 수 없다. 「2012 도덕과 교육과정」은 학생 스스로 주제를 선택하고 교육과정을 설계하며 소집단 활동을 통해 토의, 현장 활동, 표현, 조사, 전시를통해 체험ㆍ탐구하는 프로젝트 접근을 인성교육의 학습방법으로 추가하여 자기주도적 학습을 강조하고 있다. 프로젝트 접근은 도덕과 선택과목 『생활과 윤리』가 제시하고 있는 교육목표, 즉 학생들이 현대생활의 제 영역에서 발생하는 다양한 윤리 문제들을 주도적으로탐구하고 성찰함으로써 인간과 세계를 윤리적인 관점에 비추어 올바르게 이해하고, 도덕적 판단력 및 (...) 의사결정 능력을 함양하며 공동체 안에서 도덕적 삶을 실천할 수 있는 인성을 성취하는데 적합한 교육방법이다. 본 논문에서는 프로젝트 학습을 생명윤리 수업에 적용하여 교사의 안내와 학생의 주도적 실천으로 교육효과를 극대화시키는 ‘교육과정의 재구성’을 시도하고 있다. (shrink)

The present research examines what forms violence has taken along rationalisation processes. To be able to work out this core, it is necessary to deal with the bio-power first. By analysing the development process of bio-power the Implemantation of its disciplinary and regulatory technologies becomes apparent. On the basis of this, the Altered forms of violence become clear within modern society. The impact this has had on modern society and the reason it became possible will be examined in detail in (...) the following. Finally, it should be emphasised whether the term bio-power is still relevant today. The aim of the present Paper is to determine the importance of violence in today's life of modern societies and how violence is spread today. (shrink)