In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Bayle, Saint-Evremond, and Fideism:A Reply to Thomas M. LennonGianluca MoriIn a recent article published in this journal Thomas M. Lennon returns to the controversial question of Bayle's attitude towards religion. The point he debates is the particular use that, in expounding his conception of the relationship between faith and reason, Bayle makes of a passage from Saint-Evremond. In Lennon's view the correct interpretation of this (...) point would show that Bayle's fideism is to be "taken at face value" without any hint of irony and with no suspicion of dissimulation or insincerity.1 This would cast doubt on and greatly weaken the interpretation I proposed in my Bayle philosophe.2 My aim here is to respond briefly to Lennon's arguments and to clarify even more briefly what in my opinion is the right perspective in which to consider Bayle's position on this topic.The context in which Bayle quotes Saint-Evremond is to be found in the Eclaircissements he added to the second edition of his Dictionnaire historique et critique (1702) to counter the Dutch religious authorities' harsh criticism of the first edition. In particular the Walloon Consistory accused Bayle of taking a skeptical position that undermined the most important dogmas of Christian faith. In response Bayle wrote the Eclaircissement sur les Pyrrhoniens, a clumsy mosaic of quotations from the Scriptures and from patristic and profane texts, with which he sought to show that his skeptical fideism was not in the least heterodox but indeed the position that most closely reflected true Christianity. The quotation from Saint-Evremond, almost at the end of this text, is taken [End Page 323] from the Conversation du Maréchal d'Hocquincourt et du Père Canaye (written in about 1654).3 The final passage gives a clear idea of the general tone: after having disputed with a churchman the need to subject one's intellect to the yoke of faith, the marshal concludes by saying that he is ready to be crucified "without knowing why." Father Canaye replies: "No reason! That is the true religion. No reason! God has granted you a fine grace, mylord." So, and here Lennon obviously agrees (229), Saint-Evremond's is a text with no shadow of mystical inspiration, indeed strongly tending in the libertine direction, as is clear from the blatant way it pours scorn on the fideist approach.In my interpretation Bayle's use of this quotation does not at all demonstrate his atheism or unbelief, for in my view that question is undecidable. However, the quotation from Saint-Evremond is sufficient—and this is the onlyreason I mentioned it4 —to show that Bayle's approach to fideism is in no way innocent and naive as is sometimes claimed. On the contrary, his texts on this subject contain what amounts to provocations aimed at orthodox readers (to which they immediately reacted). This, together with other more important reasons, leads me to believe that Bayle's professions of Christian faith, though frequent, are generally far from being above suspicion: indeed, almost every line of them raises questions about their actual significance.The provocation contained in the quotation from Saint-Evremond appears in all its rhetorical weight if we associate this text with three other passages from Bayle's works. The first is from the Nouvelles de la république des lettres of December 1686, in which Bayle stresses the unedifying nature of the religious maxims contained in Saint-Evremond's Conversation (which, incidentally, he himself had just had printed in the collection Le Retour des pièces choisies).5 The second is taken from a letter by Jean d'Oulès to Bayle, written in 1696, in which the author deals with exactly the same passage from the Conversation that was later to be reproduced in the Eclaircissement. In this letter d'Oulès quotes the full passage which he considers to be a "naughty text" deliberately written to throw ridicule on the fanatical fideism of Pierre Jurieu.6 The third passage is from Bayle's Continuation des pensées diverses of 1704 in which, shortly after the death of Saint-Evremond, he publicly reveals the poet... (shrink)

The neural crest is a transient population of multipotent progenitors arising at the lateral edge of the neural plate in vertebrate embryos. After delamination and migration from the neuroepithelium, these cells contribute to a diverse array of tissues including neurons, smooth muscle, craniofacial cartilage, bone cells, endocrine cells and pigment cells. Considerable progress in recent years has furthered our understanding at a molecular level of how this important group of cells is generated and how they are assigned to specific lineages. (...) Here we review a number of recent studies supporting a role for Wnt signaling in neural crest induction, differentiation, and apoptosis. We also summarize the timing of expression of a number of Wnt ligands and receptors with respect to neural crest induction. BioEssays 25:317–325, 2003. © 2003 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. (shrink)

The history of the Nicaraguan Revolution has received considerable analytical attention. Typically, the successful overthrow of the Somoza regime in the late 1970s is associated with the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, a Marxist/socialist inspired vanguard group. While the role Christians played in the revolution is often acknowledged as a significant one, in part because many Sandinista cadres were Christian revolutionaries, little attention has been paid to the degree to which Sandinismo, as a unique perspective on socialism, shares elective affinities (...) with liberation theology, a prophetic expression of Christianity. This manuscript sets out to explore the relationship between liberation theology and Sandinismo-as-socialism. It starts by considering the perspective of Christian revolutionaries on this relationship. It then identifies the electives affinities between the aforementioned cultural frameworks, and it evaluates the Nicaraguan Revolution in light of these elective affinities. The latter evaluation includes exploring the connection between Saint Paul and what it means to be a Sandinista revolutionary. (shrink)

Erst kommt das Leben, dann der Tod, denken viele. Doch schon das Verweilen vor einem Grab eröffnet einen Dialog, der das Band zwischen dem Vergangenen und Gegenwärtigen spürbar werden lässt: Das Band der Kommunikation zwischen den Toten und den Lebenden scheint unzerreißbar. Der Tod? der eigene und der der anderen - ist eine Kategorie des Lebens, die jeden von uns zur Auseinandersetzung zwingt.0Das Buch von Jean-Pierre Wils ist seit langer Zeit der erste, großangelegte Versuch einer Lehre vom Tod, (...) einer Thanatologie, die ein umfassendes Panorama entfaltet: Todesarten, Todesangst, Todeszeitpunkt werden zum Thema ebenso wie die Frage nach der Unsterblichkeit, dem angemessenen Trösten und den Riten der Bestattung. Angesichts des Todes kommt die Philosophie an ihre Grenze? darum holt der Autor der Philosophie eine?Weggefährtin auf der Erkundungsfahrt zum Tod? an die Seite, nämlich die Literatur. So wird das Buch zu einem einmaligen Grenzgang zwischen Philosophie und Literatur, zwischen Reflexion und Narration und beglaubigt den Satz von Saint-Exupéry:?Es wird aussehen, als wäre ich tot, und das wird nicht wahr sein.? (shrink)

Si Bentham s’oppose explicitement plus souvent à Hobbes qu’il ne lui donne raison, la dette qu’il contracte à son égard est beaucoup plus étendue qu’il ne le laisse paraître. Sans doute le primat des affaires civiles sur les affaires religieuses est incontestable chez les deux auteurs. Toutefois, si les ouvrages de Hobbes sont directement en prise sur la guerre civile qui sévit en Angleterre, l’œuvre de Bentham affronte un autre problème : est-il possible de rendre le christianisme compatible avec l’utilitarisme? (...) Malgré ces différences importantes, l’articulation du religieux et du politique repose étonnamment, chez l’un comme chez l’autre, sur la théorie des fictions, entendue plutôt comme dépendante de l’imagination chez Hobbes, et du langage chez Bentham, mais dans les deux cas comme technique pour problématiser les inversions que permet la distinction de ce qui doit être pris tantôt comme entité réelle, tantôt comme entité fictive. (shrink)

En 1823, paraissait un étrange livre de Bentham sur Saint Paul, Non pas Paul, mais Jésus. La traduction récente de ce livre en français par les Éditions de l’Unebévue en 2016, donne l’occasion d’un échange autour des questions que pose ce texte baroque, puisque s’il se présente comme un immense plaidoyer de 400 pages contre l’Apôtre Paul, accusé de s’être auto-proclamé apôtre et d’avoir dévoyé le christianisme en lui donnant une orientation ascétique qui ne s’inscrit nullement dans les propos...

L’observation de la littérature théologique de notre époque permet de constater une floraison assez dense de titres sur saint Thomas. La chose est d’autant plus étonnante qu’aux lendemains immédiats de Vatican II, Karl Rahner s’inquiétait de « l’étrange silence » des théologiens au sujet du Maître d’Aquin. Comme il se doit dans un article de bilan, J.-P. Torrell commence par dresser un tableau des éditions, biographies et traductions dont S. Thomas a bénéficié depuis 1974, année de célébration du septième (...) centenaire de sa mort. Après quoi, dans une seconde partie, il donne les « Orientations » dans lesquelles s’engagent aujourd’hui les études thomistes, insistant davantage sur la production théologique plutôt que sur la production philosophique, étant donné l’abondance et la complexité de cette dernière, tenant compte pour cela des productions américaines et allemandes autant que des productions francophones.A look at present day theological literature shows a fairly dense flowering of works on Saint Thomas. This is all the more astonishing as, just after Vatican II, Karl Rahner was uneasy about “the strange silence” of theologians concerning Master Aquinas. As expected in an overview, J.-P. Torrell begins by giving a list of publications, biographies, and translations on St. Thomas since 1974, the year of the celebration of the seventh centenary of his death. In the second part, he presents the “Orientations” of Thomistic studies today, insisting more on the theological production rather than the philosophical. Given the abundance and complexity of the latter, he takes into account American and German works, as well as French. (shrink)

Comme il l'avait déjà fait à l'époque du Tractatus logico-philosophicus, à partir des années trente, Wittgenstein a tenu un journal, composé de carnets dans lesquels il a consigné les réflexions qui nourrissaient ses recherches et ses pensées personnelles. Autour de ces notes se dessinent les aspects les plus saillants de ce qu'il appelait son " travail " et ce qu'il attendait de la philosophie. L'importance des préoccupations éthiques, esthétiques ou religieuses qui s'y expriment, et qui le rendent parfois si proche (...) de Kierkegaard, de saint Augustin ou de Tolstoï, l'acuité de ses remarques et la netteté d'une écriture qui se déploie ici au jour le jour, sans apprêt ni souci de composition, ne font pas seulement de ces Carnets de Cambridge et de Skjolden un document exceptionnel; elles font jouer à plein la complexité et les contrastes qui appartiennent à son œuvre, en nous livrant pour ainsi dire à nu les tensions, l'aspiration à la clarté, autant que le désir d'abandon qui n'ont cessé de hanter sa pensée. J.-P. C. (shrink)

Human interactions are often improvised rather than scripted, which suggests that efficient coordination can emerge even when collective plans are largely underspecified. One possibility is that such forms of coordination primarily rely on mutual influences between interactive partners, and on perception–action couplings such as entrainment or mimicry. Yet some forms of improvised joint actions appear difficult to explain solely by appealing to these emergent mechanisms. Here, we focus on collective free improvisation, a form of highly unplanned creative practice where both (...) agents' subjective reports and the complexity of their interactions suggest that shared intentions may sometimes emerge to support coordination during the course of the improvisation, even in the absence of verbal communication. In four experiments, we show that shared intentions spontaneously emerge during collective musical improvisations, and that they foster coordination on multiple levels, over and beyond the mere influence of shared information. We also show that musicians deploy communicative strategies to manifest and propagate their intentions within the group, and that this predicts better coordination. Overall, our results suggest that improvised and scripted joint actions are more continuous with one another than it first seems, and that they differ merely in the extent to which they rely on emergent or planned coordination mechanisms. (shrink)

We think of the Enlightenment as an era dominated by ideas of progress, production, and industry--not an era that favored the lax and indolent individual. But was the Enlightenment only about the unceasing improvement of self and society? The Pursuit of Laziness examines moral, political, and economic treatises of the period, and reveals that crucial eighteenth-century texts did find value in idleness and nonproductivity. Fleshing out Enlightenment thinking in the works of Denis Diderot, Joseph Joubert, Pierre de Marivaux, (...) class='Hi'>Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Jean-Siméon Chardin, this book explores idleness in all its guises, and illustrates that laziness existed, not as a vice of the wretched, but as an exemplar of modernity and a resistance to beliefs about virtue and utility. Whether in the dawdlings of Marivaux's journalist who delayed and procrastinated or in the subjects of Chardin's paintings who delighted in suspended, playful time, Pierre Saint-Amand shows how eighteenth-century works provided a strong argument for laziness. Rousseau abandoned his previous defense of labor to pursue reverie and botanical walks, Diderot emphasized a parasitic strategy of resisting work in order to liberate time, and Joubert's little-known posthumous Notebooks radically opposed the central philosophy of the Enlightenment in a quest to infinitely postpone work. Unsettling the stubborn view of the eighteenth century as an age of frenetic industriousness and labor, The Pursuit of Laziness plumbs the texts and images of the time and uncovers deliberate yearnings for slowness and recreation. Some images inside the book are unavailable due to digital copyright restrictions. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 63.2 (2002) 225-237 [Access article in PDF] Did Bayle Read Saint-Evremond? Thomas M. Lennon Of course Bayle read Saint-Evremond—he quotes him. Moreover, he published one of Saint-Evremond's texts. But there is reading, and then there is reading. There is selective, inattentive perusal of excerpts or even secondary sources, with no attempt to penetrate beyond a superficial understanding; (...) and then there is comprehensive, close scrutiny of the best primary sources, with sensitivity to nuance, and attention to context. In short, there is a difference between skimming and studying. Did Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) skim or study the work of Saint-Evremond (ca.1614-1703)?This article argues that Bayle's first-hand knowledge of Saint-Evremond's work was superficial and dependent on a secondary source that gives that work a less than obvious, and hitherto unappreciated meaning for Bayle. This shift matters because it bears on the question of the status of Bayle's religious faith. With her classic Pierre Bayle (1963-64), Elizabeth Labrousse set aside the traditional view of Bayle as a religious skeptic whose professions of faith cannot be taken at face value. Such had been the view held by many in Bayle's own time, most notably by Pierre Jurieu, and near-universally from the Enlightenment into the twentieth century. Very recently, in a work that is no less impressive than hers on this and other topics in Bayle, Gianluca Mori has defended the traditional view, basing a part of his argument on Bayle's use of Saint-Evremond. 1 Thus the question above. Moreover, the matter of Bayle's religious belief is not a merely biographical one. First, there is the fact of his [End Page 225] influence, especially given his huge readership, although Bayle's influence may well be other than anything he intended. Secondly, in any case, the interpretation of Bayle's work as a whole depends on it, for virtually everything he wrote besides the Dictionnaire has a religious dimension.To appreciate the importance of the question, something must first be said about Charles de Marguetel de St. Denis, sieur de Saint-Evremond. He was known in his time, and still is, as a libertine. It is difficult, however, to define libertinage beyond a combination of hedonistic mores and dubious religious beliefs—Epicureanism in some loose and popular sense. 2 What is more important, in any case, is how Bayle might have thought the term applied to Saint-Evremond; and here it is clear that outright atheism may have been at issue. Bayle reports that it was publicly known that Saint-Evremond "ended his long life, just as he had lived it, en esprit fort." He seems certainly to have died without benefit of religion. When asked on his deathbed whether he wished to be reconciled, says Bayle, he answered yes, "with all my heart. I would like to be reconciled with my appetite. For my stomach is no longer functioning in its usual way." Bayle was often at pains to insist upon the ultimate inaccessibility of others' real beliefs (and of the inappropriateness of attempting to reach them). In this case, however, he was prepared to hold up Saint-Evremond as a counter-example to the widely-held belief that there were no speculative atheists, i.e., people who would sincerely deny the existence of God, but only practical atheists, i.e., people who live as if they did not believe in the existence of God, but who, try as they may, are at least occasionally aware of it. 3This view of Saint-Evremond is important because, when accused of irreligion himself, Bayle cited the libertine's work as indicative of his own beliefs. To understand how Bayle came to be accused, and the significance of this response to it, some of the historical background is first necessary. Bayle's Dictionnaire historique et critique sold better than any text in the eighteenth century, philosophical or otherwise; and it was a best-seller right from the publication of its first edition, in... (shrink)

« Il faudrait écrire un autre livre pour pouvoir consacrer à ces dossiers toute l'attention qu'il mérite » écrit J.P. Albert dans sa conclusion. Son ouvrage dense, vigoureux, foisonnant d'avancées prometteuses se restreint, en effet, difficilement à l'étude des voies singulières de la sanctification des femmes dans le christianisme romain et le lecteur de subodorer que cette recherche passionnée et passionnante risque fort de déboucher sur deux autres publications, l'une consacrée à un...

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:AN IMPORTANT NEW STUDY OF THOMAS AQUINAS: JEAN-PIERRE TORRELL'S INITIATION A SAINT THOMAS D'AQUIN WALTER H. PRINCIPE, C.S.B. Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies Toronto, Canada BEFORE BECOMING professor of theology at the Universite de Fribourg, Jean-Pierre Torrell, O.P., was a member of the Leonine Commission. This editorial experience, together with his continuing association with members of the commission, enables him in his new work, (...) Initiation a saint Thomas d'Aquin: Sa personne et son oeuvre, to clarify and frequently modify previous research conclusions about the life and work of Thomas Aquinas.1 Thus other recent studies in this area, e.g., those of James A. Weisheipl and Simon Tugwell, will have to be reassessed in the light of Torrell's findings in this important volume.2 Torrell, however, does more than examine the dates and places of Thomas's career and writing: as the book's subtitle and introduction make clear, his aim is to present the person of Thomas Aquinas in his context. This he does in a warm but measured fashion, situating Aquinas in his times, following Thomas's journeys about France and Italy on his intellectual apostolatea true ministry in the Dominican tradition-portraying him as 1 In the series Vestigia: Pensee antique et medievale 13 (Fribourg Suisse: Editions Universitaires; Paris: Cerf, 1993), pp. xviii, 592. 2 See Weisheipl, Friar Thomas d'Aquino: His Life, Thought, and Works, 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1983), and Tugwell, trans., ed., introd., Albert & Thomas: Selected Writings, The Classics of Western Spirituality (New York-Mahwah: Paulist Press, 1988), introd. [to Thomas Aquinas], pp. 201-351. 489 490 WALTER H. PRINCIPE, C.S.B. often nearly overwhelmed by the duties of this apostolate, yet vigorous and lively in defense of the faith and of the legitimate role of reason, a warm friend to many con,freres and others, a loyal and sometimes deeply involved member of his family. Torrell is especially adept at linking Thomas's apostolic activity with his profound and distinctive spirituality; this augurs well for Torrell 's promised companion volume, which will deal far more thoroughly with Thomas's spirituality than was possible within the editorial constraints of his earlier article in the Dictionnaire de spiritualite.3 New conclusions about the place and dating of Thomas's works Here, first, will be given a summary, with occasional comment, of this study's significant new conclusions about the place and dating of Thomas's works. Torrell accepts Weisheipl's view that Aquinas did his initial biblical commentary at Cologne before coming to Paris in 1252 and spent the years 1252-1256 working on the Scriptum super Sententiis. The "bref catalogue" at the end, prepared by G. Emery, O.P., states that this work is the "fruit of his teaching as bachelor of the Sentences at the begin;.. ning of his first stay in Paris ( 1252-54) ; its redaction had not yet been completed when he began his activity as Master ( 1256)" (485; emphasis mine). Weisheipl, with whom Torrell agrees as to Thomas's having done his cursory teaching of the Bible at Cologne, holds that Thomas lectured on the Senten:ces for the four years, 1252-1256 (71, 358); Tugwell seems to hold the same position when he speaks of Thomas "writing [his lectures on the Sentences] up for publication as he went" (211). Torrell's limitation of the teaching of the Sentences to 1252-1254 is based on the university statutes prescribing that this teaching be completed in two years (66), after which the candidate for the mastership would be a " formed bachelor " (baccalaureus formatus) whose main task would be to assist the master of 3 See his "Thomas d'Aquin," Dictionnaire de Spiritualite 15 (1991), cols. 718-73. INITIATION A SAINT THOMAS D1 AQUIN 491 theology with his disputed questions (58). This would mean that Thomas spent two whole years, 1254-1256, carrying out this rather minimal duty, redacting the Sentences (a task not completed until the beginning of his period as a master of theology), and composing two small works, the De ente et essentia and the De principiis naturae. Although the Scriptum is a... (shrink)

Introduction: De la morale dans la littérature.--François Rabelais.--Michel de Montaigne.--Pierre Charron.--Étienne de la Boëtie.--Jean Bodin.--Michel de l'Hôpital.--Dix-septième siècle: considérations préliminaires.--La Rochefoucauld.--La Bruyère.--Récapitulation: moralistes ascétiques, période intermédiaire.--Saint-Evremond.--Pierre Bayle.--De la spontanéité de l'esprit humain en matière de philosophie.--La volonté cherchant sa loi.

Cet article comprend deux parties nettement distinctes. La première retrace l’histoire, de 1925 à 1955, de ce que Henri-Xavier Arquillière a cru bon d’appeler l’« augustinisme politique ». Cette théorie ne prolonge nullement les travaux de Pierre Mandonnet et d’Étienne Gilson ; elle est tissée de nombreuses contradictions ; elle procède d’une erreur sur les idées augustiniennes de nature et de justice. Comme l’avait déjà montré Henri de Lubac en 1984, le prétendu « augustinisme politique » n’est qu’un mythe. (...) La seconde partie relit la façon dont Augustin a critiqué la définition cicéronienne du populus et la définition qu’il en a proposée à son tour : une définition neutre, libérée des connotations religieuses, en pleine cohérence avec son idée de la concorde possible entre les deux cités. Augustin n’est donc pas seulement libre de toute tendance théocratique ; il se situe même aux antipodes de ce que l’on n’aurait jamais dû appeler « augustinisme politique ». (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Adventures of Telemachus [1699] by François de Salignac de la Mothe-FénelonJean–Michel RacaultFrançois de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon. The Adventures of Telemachus [1699]. Translated with an introduction and notes by A. J. B. Cremer. London, Anastasis Books, 2022, 419 pp. Hardbound £24.50. Paperback £15. ISBN: 9781739798314.Fénelon’s 1699 novel The Adventures of Telemachus—or more precisely, the epic poem in prose—was one of the major bestsellers in many European countries (...) for nearly two centuries. The book inspired paintings, operas, fashions, and even wallpaper motifs. It gave birth to a literary subgenre, the “archeological novel,” such as Terrasson’s Sethos (1731) or Bernardin de Saint-Pierre’s L’Arcadie (1788), in which the action is located in an antique setting. Still part of French schools’ syllabi a century ago, this book mainly owes its survival today to highly specialized academic research, stimulated from time to time when an “Agrégation” program generates new publications, papers, and conferences, as happened in 2009–10. The situation is similar in English-speaking countries, if perhaps just a bit worse: new editions are scarce and generally based more or less on revised versions of eighteenth-century translations, such as those editions by John Hawkesworth’s (1768) or Tobias Smollett’s (1776).The publication by A. J. B. Cremer of an entirely new translation, featuring a close rendering of the French text into modern English and preserving the original’s formal dignity without resorting to a pastiche of the classical language, is therefore a landmark in the history of Fénelon’s reception, and in the valuation of Telemachus particularly. This edition, while intended for the general reader, includes most of what is expected of a scholarly edition. In a comparatively short introduction, the editor recalls the essential facts about the author’s background (as a descendent of high nobility) and about his ecclesiastic career, which was compromised by both his involvement in mystical spirituality (the quarrel over Quietism) and his critical attitude toward the absolutism of Louis XIV’s régime. [End Page 140]In fact, Fénelon’s appointment as Archbishop of Cambrai (1695) was a kind of exile. In 1689, however, he was appointed tutor to Louis XIV’s seven-year-old grandson, the young Duke of Burgundy, second in the line of succession to the throne after his father (though both died prematurely). Fénelon wrote for this boy The Adventures of Telemachus as an educative fiction in the tradition of the “mirrors of Princes.” Of course, such a book was not intended for publication, and when it appeared in 1699—strangely enough, in a fully legal manner and with a printing privilege—it was against Fénelon’s will and in a very faulty form, which was corrected in later editions. An editor today therefore faces solving some highly complex textual problems, and choosing between the manuscript traditions. Cremer’s translation is based upon Jacques Le Brun’s authoritative text, published in Fénelon’s Œuvres, tome II (Paris: Gallimard, “Pléiade,” 1997).1After surveying the critical reception of Telemachus, particularly in England, starting at the text’s first publication and reaching the present time, the introduction discreetly hints at an apparent trend, among some interpretations, toward Christian allegory. If the figure of Mentor obviously “represents Fénelon” in his tutorial role, Cremer notes, this character, also an incarnation of Minerva, embodies humanity and divinity simultaneously, and thus may be seen as a “Christ-figure,” with Telemachus as his disciple and Ulysses, with his pursuit of a never-ending quest, as the symbolic form of the Divine. These observations are not entirely new; they have been formulated before by various critics. The editor himself concurs with a well-known article by André Blanc that describes Fénelon’s neo-platonician turn of mind: for Fénelon there is no contradiction between Christian revelation and the pagan fables of classical mythology, which he considers prefigurations or allegories of Christianity.This interpretation is abundantly and convincingly confirmed in the editor’s annotations. While as expected the commentaries point frequently to Greco-Latin mythology or classical literary sources... (shrink)

Maître Eckhart affirme dans son oeuvre latine (Commentaire au saint Évangile selon Jean) et dans sa prédication vernaculaire (Sermon allemand 08) son désir d’exposer par les outils de la physique les vérités révélées auxquelles il convient d’adhérer par la foi. Un tel programme exégétique a de quoi surprendre autant le lecteur des traités et sermons allemands qui, pour des raisons que rend évidentes l’histoire de sa réception, s’attend à trouver sous la plume du Thuringien une mystique, pensée aussi (...) spéculative que supra-rationnelle ; que le lecteur de l’oeuvre latine, qui pourrait s’attendre à trouver chez un dominicain du tournant des xiiie et xive siècles une forme de thomisme se refusant à toute tentative de rendre connaissables par la raison les mystères que révèlent les Écritures. Envisagée sérieusement, cette ambition d’expliquer la Révélation par les outils de la physique, science théorétique philosophique, pose donc au lecteur de Maître Eckhart un réel problème herméneutique dans la mesure où elle appelle une réflexion approfondie sur les limites de la connaissance humaine et sur la nature du savoir scientifique. En proposant une reconstruction de l’épistémologie procurant son cadre à la pensée eckhartienne, cette étude se veut l’occasion d’un nouvel éclairage de thèses bien connues de sa « mystique », qui permette de comprendre de quelle manière la conceptualité (méta-)physique de l’aristotélisme s’articule à la Révélation biblique pour rendre intelligible la nature et la surnature, ainsi que les rapports causaux les unissant l’une à l’autre. (shrink)

Parmi les projets de Rousseau figurait un ouvrage intitule Principes du droit de la guerre. On a longtemps cru cet ouvrage perdu ou reste a l'etat d'ebauches fragmentaires. Or un travail sur des manuscrits (jusqu'alors publies separement et dans le desordre) a permis de reconstituer un texte tres abouti, qui est manifestement la premiere partie de cet ouvrage. La redecouverte de ce texte et son rapprochement avec les ecrits sur le Projet de paix perpetuelle de l'abbe de Saint-Pierre, (...) sur lesquels Rousseau a travaille immediatement apres, eclairent d'un jour nouveau sa conception des rapports entre les Etats. Les commentaires proposes degagent l'originalite et l'actualite des questions posees par Rousseau sur la nature et la genese de la guerre et sur le statut d'un droit inter-etatique. L'Etat est-il ce qui empeche les hommes de se faire la guerre ou est-il la cause de l'apparition de la guerre? La guerre peut-elle etre soumise a des regles de droit? Peut-on esperer une fin de toute guerre? A quelles conditions une forme d'institution confederale pourrait-elle assurer, par le droit, une paix perpetuelle? (shrink)

English summary: This volume contains essays on some of the foremost thinkers on phenomenology, the study of structures of consciousness as experienced from the first-person point of view. French description: Dans le triptyque, ouvert par Reduction et donation. Recherches sur Husserl, Heidegger et la phenomenologie, assure dans Etant donne. Essai d'une phenomenologie de la donation et complete avec De Surcroit. Etudes sur les phenomenes satures, nous avons procede assez globalement pour qu'on nous permette ici de rassembler apres-coup certains des travaux (...) qui l'ont prepare et qui ont pris une importance renforcee lorsqu'il se fut agi de prolonger la phenomenalite de la donation par la description du phenomene erotique (Le phenomene erotique) ou de l'appliquer hermeneutiquement a une oeuvre theologique (Au lieu de soi. L'approche de saint Augustin). Ainsi reconnaitra-t-on ici des recherches historiques sur le depassement de l'horizon de l'objectite du phenomene impose par la notion, necessaire mais d'abord incomprise, de donation, ou Husserl et Heidegger ont repris et enfin aborde de front ce qui, pour tous les neo-kantiens, restait une pierre d'achoppement. Puis on trouvera deux moments d'une discussion avec Emmanuel Levinas, commencee des L'idole et la distance et les Prolegomenes a la charite mais restee en suspens, sur la legitimite de recourir a l'amour comme a un concept. Deux autres debats furent aussi essentiels, tant Henry et Derrida ont conduit plus avant dans la comprehension des questions de l'invisibilite phenomenale et de l'impossibilite comme une ouverture. Enfin les trois dernieres etudes, en discussion serree avec tous, fixent l'acces au soi par autrui, l'emergence du tiers comme second autrui accomplissant l'evasion hors de soi, et a la fin l'irreductible par excellence, celui que toute reduction atteste negativement. (shrink)

Des couples ne peuvent pas avoir d’enfant à cause de la stérilité de l’homme. Dès lors, comment se négocie leur choix de recourir à une pma plutôt qu’à l’adoption? Y a-t-il des modalités particulières du passage du conjugal au parental lorsqu’un couple recourt à l’insémination artificielle avec donneur? Comment se construit précocement le lien à l’enfant à venir aussi bien pour le père que pour la mère? Ces questions font l’objet du présent article à partir de données cliniques tirées d’une (...) recherche menée par une équipe de psychologues et de médecins dans un cecos pendant deux ans. L’analyse des entretiens menés avec chaque membre de 24 couples hétérosexuels en attente d’ iad nous permet de montrer comment se nouent spécifiquement pour ces hommes et ces femmes devenant parents avec l’ iad les composantes instituée, narcissique, biologique et narrative de la filiation. (shrink)

Jean-Jacques Rousseaus Schriften zur Stiftung eines fortdauernden Friedens unter den europäischen Völkern, Extrait du Projet de Paix Perpétuelle de Monsieur L'Abbé de Saint-Pierre und Jugement sur la Paix Perpétuelle, haben eigenständige Bedeutung in der systematischen Entfaltung einer Forderung der Rechtsphilosophie, die Kant später "nicht bloß [als] einen Teil, sondern den ganzen Endzweck der Rechtslehre innerhalb der Grenzen der bloßen Vernunft" hervorgehoben hat. Beide Schriften verdienen besondere Aufmerksamkeit, da ihnen eine gegenüber dem Abbé selbständige und weiterführende rechtsphilosophische Bedeutung (...) in der Entfaltung einer universalen Friedensidee zukommt, besonders auch im Hinblick auf die Genese von Kants berühmten Traktat Zum ewigen Frieden von 1795; so schreibt de Bastide in seinem Vorwort zur Erstausgabe des Extrait, man solle sich von dem Titel nicht täuschen lassen: "Der Analytiker [Rousseau] ist hier in sehr vielen Hinsichten der Schöpfer". In deutscher Sprache bislang nicht selbständig verfügbar, werden sie hier in einer das Original und die deutsche Übersetzung enthaltenden Neuausgabe mit einer ausführlichen Einleitung vorgelegt. Der 1756 verfaßte Extrait wurde erstmals veröffentlicht in der Ausgabe von de Bastide (Amsterdam 1761) und dann in die von Rousseau geplante, von ihm noch mit vorbereitete erste Gesamtausgabe seiner Werke von du Peyrou / Moultou (postum Genf 1782, dort Band 24) aufgenommen. Die ebenfalls 1756 abgeschlossene, aber zunächst zurückgehaltene Schrift Jugement wurde gemäß dem Willen Rousseaus in der genannten Ausgabe von 1782 (Band 24) überhaupt erstmals publiziert. Auf dieser mithin maßgebenden Textgrundlage beruht die vorliegende zweisprachige Neuausgabe. (shrink)