This contribution explores disability rights protection in Inter-American States within the framework of the OAS and in the context of the obligations established under the CIADDIS and the CRPD. Following the classical division between ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ rules,3 the contribution first sketches key regulatory initiatives in the area of disability rights and second considers compliance and enforcement mechanisms. Along these lines, the first section illustrates similarities and differences between the CIADDIS and the CRPD and, within this (...) framework, essential regional regulatory initiatives. The second section assesses disability rights in select countries, based on periodic reports under the CIADDIS and CRPD. The section examines the four largest countries by population in the region, notably, the United States of America (‘US’), Mexico, Brazil and Colombia.4 The third section explores the enforcement of disability rights via key cases before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (‘IAComHR’) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (‘IACtHR’). The purpose is to provideing a comprehensive understanding of disability rights in the region and identifying key regulatory problems and ways forward. (shrink)

In this paper we examine the epistemic treatment of Indigenous peoples by the Inter-American Court and Commission on Human Rights, two institutions that have sought to affirm the rights of Indigeno...

RESUMEN: El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en materia de movilidad humana bajo la óptica de la doctrina filosófica del cosmopolitismo. A partir del desarrollo de las principales características de esta doctrina en relación a la migración (tensión entre nacionalidad, ciudadanía y derechos, así como las perspectivas actuales de solidaridad global), se sostendrá que la jurisprudencia interamericana tiende hacia al cosmopolitismo.ABSTRACT: The purpose of this article is to analyze the jurisprudence (...) of the Inter - American Court of Human Rights in the field of human mobility from the perspective of the philosophical doctrine of cosmopolitanism. From the development of the main characteristics of this doctrine in relation to migration (conflict between nationality, citizenship and rights, as well as current perspectives of global solidarity), it will be argued that inter-American jurisprudence tends toward cosmopolitanism.PALABRAS CLAVE: cosmopolitismo, ciudadanía, migración, Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos.KEYWORDS: cosmopolitanism, citizenship, migration, Inter-American Court of Human Rights. (shrink)

This paper provides a critical analysis of the premises and arguments put forward by the Ius Constitutionale Commune en America Latina project to ground the image of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights as an agent of democratic transformation. It highlights three critical aspects: 1. the profile of the Court is constructed by legal scholars relying on self-validation and self-referentiality, 2. that image validates the idea that lawyers and the judiciary are agents of transformation ruling over (...) local spaces from above, thereby discarding people as the central subjects of change and democratization, and 3. the concept of representative democracy becomes a device that secures the self-validating dynamics of the image of the Court as democracy builder. (shrink)

¿Why is it that Human Rights must be respected if it seems fashionable the apology for scorning them? This paper intends a review of how is it that Human Rights and the Humanitarian Right have developed, and of why they are not just moral ideals but a universal system of right, not without lacks, but also with plenty of developments. In that order of ideas three devices created to make the Human Rights exigible are (...) analyzed. Such devices are: The incorporation of the International Right in the internal right; the Office of the High Commissioner of United Nations for Human Rights; and the actions that could be accomplished by the States in relations of cooperation with a particular country. In Colombia, since 2003, among the imperfect situation of the International Right, the Human Rights have made the biggest advances to obtain the condition of being exigible. But, despite of such development a lot is still necessary for an acceptable degree of respect of Human Rights in Colombia. Each year a great deal of people die because of political reasons. And, unfortunately, in the last years the Colombian government has promoted legislation very encouraging of war and humanity crimes impunity. Supposedly the government effort is directed to achieve peace and reconciliation among Colombians, but such objective will be reached with great difficulty following such path. The reasons for those difficulties are basically three: Justice Simulation; a preservation of the power of the mobs, and a concealment of the responsibility of the state. But, ¿Does these difficulties mean that there is nothing to be done to find a civilized exit to the Colombian crisis? No. As is pointed out in this article, there are three considerations of logical, historical and political character that allow thinking the following: It is no reasonable to think in dismantling the Social State of Right for preserving the State of right; and a society that deliberately leaves to impunity great crimes of the past can hardly create confidence and guarantee the rights to justice and life for the great crimes of the future. Because of all of this making the Human Rights the minimum common denominator of all political parties, the State and the whole society would be a key to achieve the overcoming of social exclusion in our country and to generate just foundations for a democratic coexistence. (shrink)

Law No. 11,340/2006, also known as the "Maria da Penha" Law, was created after the condemnation to exclusively protect women victims of violence. In Article 9, § 2, item II, there is a specific rule on the employment contract, which allows the judge to ensure that women in situations of domestic and family violence maintain the employment relationship for up to six months. During this period, women have the right to be absent from work, thus contributing to the preservation of (...) their physical and psychological integrity. The objective of this paper is to better analyze how the international system may further contribute to increasing the labor legal protection of women victims of domestic violence. A prospective-documentary technique was employed to analyze the Brazilian domestic legislation and the international system, including norms of the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS). These analyses reveal that despite the separation of social phenomena – domestic violence occurring in the private sphere, and work belonging to the public sphere of the victim's life – international principles, so-called soft law rules, can be used to further enhance the protection of women victims of domestic violence in Brazil. These women require a whole set of mechanisms that protect their physical, psychological, and emotional integrity, but also guarantee financial and professional support. This multidimensional response to domestic violence is central to a country that ranks 5th in the world for femicide. (shrink)

RESUMEN: El presente trabajo propone un análisis de los Derechos Fundamentales de los pueblos indígenas a la luz de los principios internacionales de Libre Determinación y Consulta Previa, como fundantes y presupuestos de los demás Derechos Indígenas. En consecuencia, se analiza el Derecho a la Consulta, que debe ser previa, libre, informada, de buena fe, culturalmente adecuada y con el propósito de obtener el consentimiento; donde todas éstas características son el estándar mínimo a cumplir en cualquier proyecto de desarrollo o (...) extractivo que afecte a pueblos indígenas, por lo que debe explicarse también el extractivismo al interior de los estados-nación y su modus operandi, que ha provocado la existencia de zonas y regiones que algunos autores caracterizan como “estados de excepción” o estados de “de no-derecho”. El análisis propuesto contrasta las bases mencionadas con algunos casos llevados ante la jurisdicción del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, cuya última fase descansa en las sentencias de la Corte IDH.ABSTRACT: The present paper proposes an analysis of the Fundamental Rights of the indigenous peoples in the light of the international principles of Free Determination and Prior Consultation, as foundations and budgets of the other Indigenous Rights. Consequently, the Right to Consultation is analyzed, which must be prior, free, informed, in good faith, culturally appropriate and with the purpose of obtaining consent; where all these characteristics are the minimum standard to be met in any development or extractive project that affects indigenous peoples, so the extractivism within the nation-states and its modus operandi, which has caused the existence of zones and regions that some authors characterize as "states of exception" or "non-right" states. The proposed analysis contrasts the mentioned basis with some cases brought before the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Human Rights System, whose last phase rests on the judgments of the Inter-American Court.PALABRAS CLAVE: Libre determinación y consulta, Derechos Fundamentales, pueblos indígenas. KEYWORDS: Free determination and consultation, Fundamental Rights, indigenous peoples. (shrink)

This paper examines how international law contributes to contemporary understandings of transitional justice with respect to reparations for victims of gross and systematic human rights abuses. The author surveys the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights through 2003 to determine how the Court’s practice can be used to guide the formulation of reparatory policies during political transition. Recognizing that the direct application of Inter-American case law to situations of mass atrocity (...) is not always viable in practice, the author analyzes regional human rights jurisprudence, particularly that relating to compensation, to determine what role the Court’s rules can and cannot play as a reference for policymakers and societies faced with the challenge of designing a reparations program. He concludes that while landmark Court decisions like Velásquez Rodríguez provide general normative guidance, there are significant obstacles to extending to the transitional justice context many of the measures, amounts, and formulas relied upon by the Court in awarding compensation. The fairness of compensation outside the courtroom cannot be determined with reference to predetermined rules, but depends on the factual context in which the measures are adopted including the number of victims involved. A better source of comparative inspiration is found in the Court’s growing practice of adopting non-monetary reparations measures to deal with moral harm. (shrink)

Despite the persistence of violence inside and around prisons, and the dubious adequacy of criminal law to respond to victim–survivors, international human rights (IHR) discourse increasingly promotes the mobilisation of the state’s penal apparatus to respond to human rights violations, including violence against women (VAW). Using an anticolonial feminist approach, this article scrutinises the ontological and epistemological commitments underlying ‘human rights penality,’ by analysing features of the Western-colonial register vis-a-vis more relational worldviews. Separateness, abstraction, (...) and transcendence broadly underpin the exclusion of embodied experience, context, and material reality from the juridical field. In the second part, through discourse analysis of Inter-American and European case law, the author shows the deployment of human rights penality, the displacement of experience, and the disregard of context in IHR discourse. VAW is construed as a procedural and penal matter: it is the absence of a penal process that courts regard as failure to protect women, rather than the state’s inability/unwillingness to address structural subordination. Moreover, the ‘virtues’ attributed to the penal system justify its expansion, which facilitates the continuity of penal violence and debilitates alternative approaches to justice. Finally, the author posits penal abolition as an anticolonial praxis, pointing at examples of anti-carceral feminist work. (shrink)

In July 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo launched a Commission on Unalienable Rights, charged with a reexamination of the scope and nature of human rights–based claims. From his statements, it seems that Pompeo hopes the commission will substantiate—by appeal to the U.S. Declaration of Independence and to natural law theory—three key conservative ideas: (1) that there is too much human rights proliferation, and once we get things right, social and economic rights (...) as well as gender emancipation and reproductive rights will no longer register as human rights; (2) that religious liberties should be strengthened under the human rights umbrella; and (3) that the unalienable rights that should guide American foreign policy neither need nor benefit from any international oversight. I aim to show that despite Pompeo's framing, the Declaration of Independence, per se, is of no help with any of this, whereas evoking natural law is only helpful in ways that reveal its own limitations as a foundation for both human rights and foreign policy in our interconnected age. (shrink)

An innovative book that provides fresh insights into the neglected field of remedies in both international and domestic human rights law. Providing an overarching two-track theory, it combines remedies to compensate and prevent irreparable harm to litigants with a more dialogic approach to systemic remedies. It breaks new ground by demonstrating how proportionality principles can improve remedial decision-making and avoid reliance on either strong discretion or inflexible rules. It draws on the latest jurisprudence from the European and (...) class='Hi'>Inter-American Courts of Human Rights and domestic courts in Australia, Canada, India, New Zealand, Hong Kong, South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States. Separate chapters are devoted to interim remedies, remedies for laws that violate human rights, damages, remedies in the criminal process, declarations and injunctions in institutional cases, remedies for violations of social and economic rights and remedies for violations of Indigenous rights. (shrink)

As a human rights activist and lawyer who believes in the mutuality of theology and legal philosophy, the author argues that Catholic philosophy can catalyse the process of global reconciliation. This is because the Church has the ability to recognise the double burden faced by Christians around the world (especially in Asia) who are struggling to disassociate themselves from an “alien” and “western” mantle, while still trying to live and preach the Christian doctrine and find common ground with (...) other religions and cultures. Catholic philosophy, therefore, must engage itself and others meaningfully at an inter-religious, interdisciplinary, and multi-cultural level. We now live at a time in Church history when the gap in education between the clergy and the laity has been dramaticallynarrowed; as a result, it is imperative—especially now—to allow competing voices within the Church to be heard so that a healthy tension might arise andthrive. This will help to increase the transparency of discourse within the Catholic community itself, while also providing adaptive tools for dialogue with other,non-Catholic communities. (shrink)

The right to religious freedom has been approached with different intensity by the European Court of Human Rights and by the protective institutions of the Inter-American System, the Commission and the Court. However, the differences between the two protective spheres of human rights are not only quantitative, because they respond to different historical, political and social realities. Even so, there are also meeting points in the titular and obligated subjects, in the outline of (...) their content and in their limits. The most striking aspect of the European Court is the constant recourse to the margin of national appreciation in the face of the diversity of positions of the member states of the Council of Europe; and, in the Inter-American System, the linking of the right to protection of the most vulnerable, either through the worldview of indigenous peoples, or because of its relationship with the work of many civil society activists with the poorest. (shrink)

Regulation No 17: First Regulation implementing Articles 85 and 86 of the Treaty set out that in carrying out the duties assigned to it by Article 89 and by provisions adopted under Article 87 of the Treaty, the officials authorized by the EU Commission were empowered inter alia to enter any premises, land and means of transport of undertakings. Council Regulation (EC) No 1/2003 of 16 December 2002 on the implementation of the rules on competition laid down in (...) Articles 81 and 82 of the Treaty has expanded Commission’s powers stating that Commission can by decision order an inspection to be conducted in any other premises, land and means of transport, including the homes of directors, managers and other members of staff of the undertakings and associations of undertakings concerned. Such an expansion of the investigative powers of the Commission raises a question of the balance between effectiveness of the EU competition law and a person’s right to privacy, which is guaranteed to everyone by the Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Nevertheless this right is not absolute and the conditions for the possible limitations of the exercise of it are enshrined in paragraph 2 of the same article. For this reason the aim of this article is to find out whether Commission’s power to carry out searches in private homes meet the requirements set in Article 8(2) of the Convention, i.e., whether the Commission’s power to conduct such searches could be justified under the ECHR Article 8(2). In this study, the authors analyse the Commission’s extended investigative powers, clarify what is covered by the concept of “privacy”, evaluate the requirements set in Article 8(2) of the Convention, analyse conditions of exercising Commission’s extended investigative power and thus qualify if the latter satisfies the requirements set in Article 8(2) of the ECHR. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to design the contents of the threefold topic indigenous peoples-habitat-territory, from a decolonizing perspective. From this starting point the topic confronts the complicated challenge of intercultural dialogue. The work is in four sections: a) Terminological clarifications of the subject under discussion; what is understood by territoriality, natural resources, and biodiversity in the indigenous peoples’ logical frame, and how these concepts are understood differently by Western law; b) Critical analysis of indigenous claims in multilateral environmental (...) treaties that have irrupted recently, but from the methodological perspective of indigenous peoples’ rights; c) Controversial central elements in the very exciting intercultural dialogue, such as indigenous territoriality; d) Summary of several precedents developed by the Human Rights Inter-American Court and Commission, which may be a first step towards an intercultural law, latent in different reports and decisions made by both legal institutions. (shrink)

This article discusses indigenous rights within the context of global governance. I begin by defining the terms “global governance” and “indigenous peoples” and summarizing the rights that are most important to indigenous peoples. The bulk of this article studies the global governance of indigenous rights in three areas. The first example is the creation of the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. A second example involves violations of indigenous rights brought before the (...) Inter-American Court of Human Rights. A third case looks at a relatively new international regime created by indigenous peoples themselves—the Inuit Circumpolar Council. I conclude by using theories of sovereignty to assess the relative successes and failures of indigenous efforts to secure their rights. (shrink)

International law scholars and lawyers can rely on The Global Community Yearbook to better understand the wealth of case law now emanating from international courts and tribunals. Two new volumes each year include in-depth articles addressing topics of jurisprudence, while shorter notes explore current legal issues and provide context for the year's cases, which comprise the majority of the set. The editor, Giuliana Ziccardi Capaldo, has assembled a comprehensive look at the present and future development of the international legal order. (...) Each major international court or tribunal has its own section, which includes an introductory article on the activity of that organization over the course of the year. The activities of the court and tribunals are presented in the form of "legal maxims," that distil the most important elements of the legal decisions of the past year and that provide researchers with quick access to the relevant point of law in each case. The cases themselves are indexed within each court's section, and then again in a general index for the entire set. Contributed to by leading legal experts, The Global Community Yearbook addresses the major developments in the courts and tribunals, providing a valuable resource for anyone wishing to better understand the functions, decisions and structure of the international legal courts. International Courts and Tribunals covered include: International Court of Justice International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea WTO Dispute Settlement System International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Court of First Instance and Court of Justice of the European Communities European Court of Human Rights Inter-American Court of Human Rights Iran-U.S. Claims Tribunal International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes. (shrink)

Este artículo estudia críticamente el concepto de Ius Constitutionale Commune Latinoamericanum como fenómeno de judicialización de la política a nivel regional. Partiendo de la afirmación de que el derecho constitucional es político, se analizan algunos rasgos del ICCAL como la ideología que lo inspira, la teoría en que se apoya el concepto y el arreglo institucional que lo sostiene, para problematizar su carácter "común". Bajo el entendido que cualquier proyecto constitucional está indisolublemente ligado a un diseño institucional que lo lleva (...) a cabo, se critica la apuesta por un modelo juricentrista, anclado en la interpretación que la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos hace de los derechos reconocidos como universales, para proponer un sistema basado en procedimientos deliberativos e igualitarios que fortalezcan la democratización de la región. This article critically examines the concept of Ius Constitutionale Commune Latinoamericanum as a phenomenon of judicialization of politics at the regional level. To problematize its "common" character and based on the assertion that constitutional law is political, some features of the ICCAL are analyzed: the ideology that inspires it, the theory in which the concept is supported and the institutional arrangement that sustains it. Under the understanding that every constitutional project is inextricably linked to an institutional design that carries it out, the commitment to a jury-centered model, anchored in the interpretation that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights makes of the rights recognized as universal is criticized. Proposing, in contrast, a system based on deliberative and egalitarian procedures that strengthen the democratization of the region. (shrink)

Mexico’s ombudsman’s office (the Comision Nacional de Derechos Humanos (CNDH)), established in 1990 by a nondemocratic government, posed no threat to the then ruling party. Counter to expectations, even after Mexico democratized in 2000, the CNDH remained unwilling to challenge officials for human rights violations. I argue that this is because the ombudsman (the head of the CNDH) is chosen by Mexican Senators who are not accountable—due to secret voting and a prohibition on reelection—to the Mexican public. While (...) civil society wanted a powerful ombudsman, the three main parties did not. Ignoring the public, Senators responded to their parties and appointed a compliant individual to serve as ombudsman, thereby ensuring that the CNDH would not challenge those who held political power. The paper suggests that where accountability institutions, such as human rights offices, are chosen by unaccountable actors (in this case the Mexican Senate), the development of such accountability institutions will be limited. (shrink)

This article explores the very limited cases historically in the twentieth century when human rights was used in American policy debate as a defending principle for the provision of government-guaranteed universal healthcare. It discusses these cases and examines various reasons as to why this is so, noting the major emphasis in American political culture on negative rather than positive liberty. It examines the shift in political culture from the Roosevelt, Truman, and Johnson eras that embraced social (...) and economic rights and defined them as such to the post-Reagan era when conservative ideologies were ascendant. These ideologies reject the legitimacy of social and economic rights and remain dominant in the United States. It comparatively situates the American refusal to consider universal healthcare a human right with European affirmations of such a right and to those found in various treaties of international law. Finally, it analyzes how Barack Obama’s Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act—while not adopting the rhetoric of human rights does, functionally, enable as a matter of public policy an entitlement to healthcare. (shrink)

The article analyzes the presence of the anthropocentric and ecocentric argument in the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights related to environmental issues. To this effect, at first, it presents the content of these two approaches, explaining their contributions and limitations. With this theoretical framework, identifies four stages in the Court's jurisprudence, which show the gradual transition from anthropocentrism to ecocentrism within its reflections on human rights. Finally, the results of the analysis (...) offer light on the possible development of the right to a healthy environment as an autonomous right in inter-American human rights system. (shrink)

International law scholars and lawyers can rely on The Global Community Yearbook to better understand the wealth of case law now emanating from international courts and tribunals. Two new volumes each year include in-depth articles addressing topics of jurisprudence, while shorter notes explore current legal issues and provide context for the year's cases, which comprise the majority of the set. The editor, Giuliana Ziccardi Capaldo, has assembled a comprehensive look at the present and future development of the international legal order. (...) Each major international court or tribunal has its own section, which includes an introductory article on the activity of that organization over the course of the year. The activities of the court and tribunals are presented in the form of "legal maxims," that distil the most important elements of the legal decisions of the past year and that provide researchers with quick access to the relevant point of law in each case. The cases themselves are indexed within each court's section, and then again in a general index for the entire set. Contributed to by leading legal experts, The Global Community Yearbook addresses the major developments in the courts and tribunals, providing a valuable resource for anyone wishing to better understand the functions, decisions and structure of the international legal courts. International Courts and Tribunals covered include: International Court of Justice International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea WTO Dispute Settlement System International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Court of First Instance and Court of Justice of the European Communities European Court of Human Rights Inter-American Court of Human Rights Iran-U.S. Claims Tribunal International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes. (shrink)

This paper analyzes an unpublished theory about the origin of global injustices that consider developing countries ethically responsible ontological units. The empirical case studies concern the relationships between multinational companies from developed states and Latin American states. These cases are analyzed based on a qualitative methodology of applied political philosophy and correspond to twelve instances of injustice judged by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights between 1980 and 2014. The article concludes that the distortions in (...) an emerging Ethics of the interdependence of the States, as the acting in bad faith of the governments of developing countries, largely explains the origins of the unfair global distribution of wealth and the economic refugees that it produces. (shrink)

This paper is about human rights and policing in Bangladesh, with special focus on the role of National Human Rights Commission. The protection and promotion of human rights in Bangladesh has become difficult as the law enforcement agencies, particularly the police and the Rapid Action Battalion, are involved in human rights violations. An overall culture of impunity for human rights violations exists in Bangladesh. The National Human Rights (...) Commission appears to have failed to break the culture of impunity in Bangladeshi politics. This paper explains the reasons why the National Human Rights Commission in Bangladesh largely fails to make the political system in particular law enforcement agencies accountable. (shrink)

In the aftermath of allegations of the misuse of human eggs in the United States, questions are being raised about whether profitable reproductive services should continue to function in a free market under the aegis of physicians or should be regulated. Other countries in which reproductive technologies are employed to a significant degree have developed regulations governing their use, many as a result of recommendations made by inter‐disciplinary commissions that solicited public input. Policy makers in the United States (...) have been reluctant to regulate reproductive technologies, however, because their use is politically controversial, they want to whittle down government, some do not consider infertility an illness, and some believe regulation would interfere with the right to reproduce. Yet the unfettered use of reproductive technologies can create such harms as lack of informed consent, providing procedures not medically indicated for financial gain, practice by unqualified personnel, injury to patients and donors, failure to screen donated gametes, and inadequate medical record keeping. Americans place special value on the welfare of children and those who bring them into the world. Such values can outweigh individual procreative liberty when new reproductive technologies are at issue. Although the optimal course would be to establish a regulatory body to govern reproductive technologies, this is not politically feasible now. The newly established National Bioethics Advisory Commission provides a forum in which issues surrounding reproductive technologies should be addressed at this time in the United States. (shrink)

Since the judgment of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the “case of Dominican and Haitian people with the Dominican Republic” it has been discussed with greater intensity if the Inter-American Court should begin to use the doctrine of the margin of appreciation in the inter-American space. At this address writers write about the authority and legitimacy of the Inter-American Court - and international courts in general - to resolve (...) difficult cases and condemn states for violation of human rights contemplated in the American Convention on Human Rights or in the respective international treaty. Other authors advocate the incorporation of the doctrine of the margin of appreciation by the Inter-American Court as a way to better articulate the inter-American political community. After reviewing the doctrinal positions in this regard, I will argue that the use of the doctrine of the margin of appreciation in cases of multicultural type may imply the invisibility of existing tensions within national communities, where many times, the culture and practices of The minorities indicated are belittled by the majority or hegemonic culture. This is the case of the indigenous and migrant population in the American context, so the use of the margin of appreciation doctrine in this type of cases may imply that international courts validate the violation of the human rights of minorities within of the States. In that sense, the work will argue that a limited application of the national margin of appreciation in multicultural cases of vulnerable groups, allowing regional human rights courts to protect ethnic, religious and cultural minorities against the established internal discrimination or against the violation of the rights protected in the American Convention of Human Rights. (shrink)

We explore two special challenges indigenous peoples pose to the idea of sovereigns as trustees for humanity. The first challenge is rooted in a colonial history during which a trusteeship model of sovereignty served as an enabler of paternalistic colonial policies. The challenge is to show that the trusteeship model is not irreparably colonial in nature. The second challenge, which emerges from the first, is to specify the scope and nature of indigenous peoples’ sovereignty within the trusteeship model. Whereas the (...) interaction between states and foreign nationals is the locus of cosmopolitan law, the relationship between states and indigenous peoples is distinctive. In the ordinary cosmopolitan case, foreign nationals do not purport to possess legal authority. Indigenous peoples often do make such a claim, pitting their claim to authority against the state’s. We discuss how international law has attempted to come to grips with indigenous sovereignty by requiring states to include indigenous peoples in decision-making processes that affect their historical lands and rights. A crucial fault line in the jurisprudence, however, separates a duty to consult indigenous peoples from a duty to acquire their free, prior and informed consent. The latter but not the former recognizes that indigenous peoples possess a veto over state projects on their lands, in effect recognizing in them a limited co-legislative power. We focus on recent jurisprudence from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and consider whether either the duty to consult or FPIC are enough to dispel the shadow of the trusteeship model’s colonial past. We suggest that they are a move in the right direction, and that implicitly they represent international law’s recognition that states are no longer the sole bearers of sovereignty at international law. In limited circumstances, international law recognizes indigenous peoples as sovereign actors. (shrink)

With the 2003 invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq, the most controversial question in world politics fast became whether the United States stands within the order of international law or outside it. Does America still play by the rules it helped create? American Exceptionalism and Human Rights addresses this question as it applies to U.S. behavior in relation to international human rights. With essays by eleven leading experts in such fields as international relations and international (...) law, it seeks to show and explain how America's approach to human rights differs from that of most other Western nations. In his introduction, Michael Ignatieff identifies three main types of exceptionalism: exemptionalism ; double standards ; and legal isolationism. The contributors use Ignatieff's essay as a jumping-off point to discuss specific types of exceptionalism--America's approach to capital punishment and to free speech, for example--or to explore the social, cultural, and institutional roots of exceptionalism.These essays--most of which appear in print here for the first time, and all of which have been revised or updated since being presented in a year-long lecture series on American exceptionalism at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government--are by Stanley Hoffmann, Paul Kahn, Harold Koh, Frank Michelman, Andrew Moravcsik, John Ruggie, Frederick Schauer, Anne-Marie Slaughter, Carol Steiker, and Cass Sunstein. (shrink)

The Ibero-American Conference is a forum for dialogue, consultation and cooperation in which the observance of human rights is an essential principle. These rights are an area of action of the Ibero-American system. The instruments adopted by the Conference and other Ibero-American instances provide political and legal indications in the field of human rights that must be developed through initiatives, actions, programmes and agendas of cooperation. Social rights deserve special attention at (...) the Ibero-American Summits. All this should have an influence on the positions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, particularly when it deals with cases in which are affected economic, social and cultural rights, as it has been done in the wake of recent judgments on the matter. The work of the Ibero-American system in the fields of migration and culture will be of particular interest to the Inter-American Court in determining the content and scope of the rights recognized and protected in the inter-American system. (shrink)

The climatic emergency that threats the Arctic constitutes a challenge for the International Community. The inhabitants of this space, mainly indigenous peoples, face a dramatic situation, because their way of life is disappearing. In this context, Arctic peoples formulate the right to be cold. This paper analyzes the implications of this proposal from the point of view of International Human Rights Law, examining the progress made in the link between the environment, climate change and human rights, (...) the initiatives that the Arctic peoples have proposed in the Inter-American System of Human Rights and the theoretical analysis that this proposal generates. (shrink)

God’s love is demonstrated in commandments such as the keeping of the Sabbath and the concepts of charity elucidated in the Bible. Such commandments, Professor Konvitz explains, help define our duties to our fellow beings, especially those less fortunate than ourselves, suggesting an outline of what constitutes human rights. Although man is given dominion over the Earth, he is also charged with exercising good stewardship over it.

In his compelling novel Blindness, José Saramago tells us about victims stricken by a contagious form of blindness who were quarantined and came to see themselves as pigs, dogs, and “lame crabs.” Of course, they were all human beings - although unable to perceive themselves, or others, as members of the human community. The disciplines of bioethics, health law, and human rights are likewise all members of the broad human rights community, although at times (...) none of them may be able to see the homologies, even when responding to a specific health challenge.The boundaries between bioethics, health law, and human rights are permeable, and border crossings, including crossings by blind practitioners, are common. Two working hypotheses form the intellectual framework of this article: we can more effectively address the major health issues of our day if we harmonize all three disciplines; and American bioethics can be reborn as a global force by accepting its Nuremberg roots and actively engaging in a health and human rights agenda. (shrink)

This article looks at the human rights protection in transitional post-uprising Tunisia, from 2011 to 2017, offering insights into the willingness to both protect human rights and build capacity in Tunisia. It focuses on the establishment of an adequate legal framework in Tunisia, with particular attention being paid to the constitution-making process and, on the establishment, the strengthening of certain institutional capacities, such as the constitutional court and the Truth and Dignity Commission. The article first (...) gives a brief historical overview of the human rights situation in Tunisia. This is followed by an analysis of the willingness and capacity to protect human rights in post-uprising transitional Tunisia, in both the 2011–2014 and 2014–2017 periods.This article is based on evidence from a series of semi-structured interviews I conducted with the key political actors from various political parties, and actors from NGOs working on human rights, during field research in Tunisia in October-November 2017, supplemented by secondary literature. (shrink)

This article analyzes American television and American and British print news coverage of human rights using a combination of manual and machine coding. The data reveal that television and print news cover very few human rights stories, that these stories are mostly international and not domestic, that even when human rights are covered, they are not covered in detail, and that human rights issues are more likely to be covered when (...) they are not framed as human rights. This suggests that human rights is simply not a frame that journalists employ and provides support for government-leading-media theories of newsworthiness. (shrink)

This work, in English "Struggle for power, organic crisis and judicial independence", has its origin in research academics of the IAEN carried out to provide expert advise to the Inter American Court of Human Rights in the case Quintana and others (Supreme Court of Justice) vs the State of Ecuador. The research is about the nature of the evolution of the ecuadorian state, the dynamics of its institutions, its players, parties, laws, its factors of instability, the (...) way rights have been deployed since the return to democracy in 1979, those who have benefited from neoliberal democracy and those who have paid the costs, and where in all this was the Supreme Court of Justice. The Introduction takes a look at this origin of the work and its intellectual import, provides a brief characterization of the Inter American Sistem of Human Rights Protection, how the Quintana Case fits within it, and an overview of the chapters and their logic. The first chapter analyzes the institutional and sociological factors that have contributed to Ecuador's historically unstable state, based primarily in an antagonistic struggle for power between the Executive and Legislative branches. The second chapter analyzes the economic and political factors that provoked an organic crisis, or crisis of hegemony, between 1997 and 2007 in Ecuador. The third chapter analyzes the evolution of the way in which judges are selected in Europe, the outcomes they have generated, and how they compare with the ecuadorian systems of judge selection in terms of securing judicial independence. The fourth chapter develops a theory of judicial independence in democracy and analyzes how Ecuador measures up to that standard, from when it became a neoliberal minimal democracy in 1981, to when it became a neoliberal false democracy as a consequence of instalation of a system evidently lacking in the people's support under the guise of the 1998 Constitution and its system of judge selection, and the new democratic horizons set by the 2008 Constitution, and the judicial system that springs from it. (shrink)

Official apologies and truth commissions are increasingly utilized as mechanisms to address human rights abuses. Both are intended to transform inter-group relations by marking an end point to a history of wrongdoing and providing the means for political and social relations to move beyond that history. However, state-dominated reconciliation mechanisms are inherently problematic for indigenous communities. In this paper, we examine the use of apologies, and truth and reconciliation commissions in four countries with significant indigenous populations: Canada, (...) Australia, Peru, and Guatemala. In each case, the reconciliation mechanism differentiated the goal of reconciliation from an indigenous self-determination agenda. The resulting state-centered strategies ultimately failed to hold states fully accountable for past wrongs and, because of this, failed to transform inter-group relations. (shrink)

This paper addresses the relationship between epistemic difference and hermeneutical injustice, starting from an example discussed by Townsend and Townsend: the case of the Kichwa Indigenous People of Sarayaku v. Ecuador before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. My thesis is that translation is inevitably at work in communicative exchanges involving epistemic difference, and that considering the problem of translation allows us to refine our understanding of epistemic injustice and mobilise further resources to respond to it. (...) In a first step, I will discuss McGlynn’s critique of Townsend and Townsend’s approach, and in particular the notion of discursive injustice elaborated by Kukla. Drawing on the notion of symbolic institution as theorised by the Belgian phenomenologist Marc Richir, I will show how translation is at work in this case, seeking to pinpoint the hermeneutical injustice at play. In a second step, I will reflect on the different paradigms of translation and argue for a broad, processual and layered conception of it. Building on Antonio Gramsci’s concept of translatability of languages, I will introduce the notion of epistemic translatability as that which allows translational strategies to be devised across epistemic difference in order to counter hermeneutical injustice. (shrink)

Introduction -- Theses and discussions -- Analytical concepts -- General approach -- Moral philosophy in antiquity -- Christian moral philosophy -- Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas -- William of Ockham -- From William of Ockham to Francisco Suarez -- Protestant natural law -- John Locke -- The American and French declarations of rights -- Early critique of the Declaration of Rights -- Immanuel Kant and modern moral philosophy -- Human rights today.

The paper proposes a guide to understand the idea of democracy that underlies the Inter-American Human Rights System. Based on the notion of polyarchy from Robert Dahl it highlights the principles of participation and opposition. Both reveal the egalitarian and liberal ascendancy of democracy that should orient the interpretive activity of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, independently it refers to cases related with political rights. The main purpose is to make (...) visible the inescapable public-political role of the courts. This implies reviewing the quality of their reasons, the correctness of their justification procedures, and the nature of its authority. Due to the nature of the judicial function, the idea of democracy is revisited together with the human right of access to justice. (shrink)

Ockham is sometimes regarded as the chief source for a view of rights as arbitrary powers of radically isolated individuals. In fact he provides a quintessentially “reasonable” conception of natural or human rights, one which suggests a promising answer to the question of what such rights are, namely, capacities for reasonable activity. This view of personal rights is complemented by Ockham’s equally reasonable and suggestive account of what is naturally “right” for human communities in (...) different human conditions. The unusual situation in which Ockham developed these ideas—as a theologian attacking the doctrinal pronouncements of a reigning pope—raises problems for extracting a systematic philosophical theory from his voluminous output, but the polemical setting of his political writings also gives them a certain relevance to current disputes about the place of secular thought in religious contexts. (shrink)

This chapter is devoted to the discussion of religious freedom and the anti-racist fight in the Black Diaspora in Latin America, considering the historical processes that involve such discussion, including legal apparatus such as Human Rights and local legislation. Therefore, as a starting point, we take the historical conditions of the emergence of Candomblé in Brazil, that are linked to the trafficking of enslaved African peoples and their resistance to keep alive in their memories, their religious beliefs and (...) their worldviews. Wherefore, it is a discussion in which religious freedom is not dissociated from the anti-racist struggle in the case of Brazil, where, in the 20th century, the myth of racial democracy is produced in the light of studies carried out by Gilberto Freyre in the midst of the 1922 post-week modernist movement. (shrink)

Regulatory approach to the right to abortion in Europe is diverse and basically related to the issue of when the right to life begins and how this question is reflected in national legislation. Such an approach and diversity is tolerated by the European Court of Human Rights, but only if some specific standards and criteria formulated in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights are reflected in national legislation. Research of the Lithuanian legal acts (...) conducted in the light of the jurisprudence of the Court shows that they are not in accordance with the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights and the solutions are therefore suggested. The aim of the article is to systematically analyse the Lithuanian legal acts regulating issues of abortion and to identify the existing problems and provide suggestions as to how to solve those problems with the help of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights in abortion cases. Analysis of the Lithuanian legal acts reveals that the existing legal regulation and practice is confusing and ambiguous. Abortion questions are regulated in Lithuania by means of secondary legislation, namely by order of the Health Minister which is more than 15 years old, and the classification of diseases dangerous to woman’s health and life is based on international classification that is invalid. The order is not in reconciled with the Lithuanian criminal law. Some other ambiguities and problems are identified in the article. Abortion on a woman’s request in Lithuania is possible by the end of the 12 week of pregnancy and during the entire pregnancy, if it causes danger to woman’s health and life. The Lithuanian legislator requires that both conditions – danger to woman’s health and life – are met in order to terminate pregnancy what is unnecessary and sometimes even confusing. The author suggests providing two separate bases for abortion – danger to woman’s life or health. Foetus problems – if a foetus is irreversibly damaged or suffering from an incurable life-threatening disease, it is not a separate basis for abortion in Lithuania, however those abnormalities of the foetus are related to the health and life of a pregnant woman. In the opinion of the author, looking into the practice of the other EU countries, it is better to provide a separate ground for abortion because of abnormalities of the foetus. The basic problem in Lithuania that is similar in Poland and in Ireland is that there is no clear procedure in case a pregnant woman is not satisfied with the decision of the medical commission regarding the question of her abortion or if the opinion of members of the commission is diverse – no time guidance or appeal institution is provided. (shrink)

Victim's Stories and the Advancement of Human Rights takes on a set of questions suggested by the worldwide persistence of human rights abuse and the prevalence of victims' stories in human rights campaigns, truth commissions, and international criminal tribunals: What conceptions of victims are presumed in contemporary human rights discourse? How do conventional narrative templates fail victims of human rights abuse and resist raising novel human rights issues? What (...) is empathy, and how can victims frame their stories to overcome empathetic obstacles and promote commitment to human rights? How can victims' stories be used ethically in the service of human rights? The book addresses these concerns by analyzing the rhetorical resources for and constraints on victims' ability to articulate their stories and by clarifying how their stories can contribute to enlarged understandings of human rights protections and deepened commitments to realizing human rights. It theorizes the normative content that victims' stories can convey and the bearing of that normative content on human rights. Throughout the book, published victims' stories-including stories of torture, slavery, genocide, rape in wartime, and child soldiering-are analyzed in conjunction with philosophical arguments. This book mobilizes philosophical theory to illuminate victims' stories and appeals to victims' stories to enrich the philosophy of human rights. (shrink)

Robert Post's work in constitutional theory is engaging in an exceptional way: it always forces one to rethink and reconsider the basic tenets of the field. In his article The Challenge of Globalization to American Public Law Scholarship, Post discusses American public law and human rights scholarship in the age of globalization. In this comment, I will make a few remarks on some of the points raised in the article.