This article offers a new theory about how using lotteries to distribute scarce benefits satisfies beneficiaries' claims. In the first section of the article I criticize John Broome's view and on the basis of these criticisms set out four desiderata for a philosophically adequate account of claim satisfaction by lottery. In section II I propose and defend a new view called the dual structure view, so called because it posits that claimants have two types of claims in the relevant scarce (...) benefit distribution cases under discussion. This view meets all the desiderata set out in section I. Section III draws out the practical implications of my view for a variety of temporally extended cases, including the distribution of corneas to patients who have suffered corneal degeneration. (shrink)

Essays dealing with the question of how "sense of place" is constructed, in a variety of locations and media.

There is no general agreement among scholars that Aristotle had a unified concept of phantasia. That is evident from the most cursory glance through the literature. Freudenthal speaks of the contradictions into which Aristotle seems to fall in his remarks about phantasia, and explains the contradictions as due to the border position which phantasia occupies between Wahrnehmung and thinking. Ross, in Aristotle, p. 143, talks of passages on phantasia in De Anima 3. 3 which constitute ‘a reversal of his doctrine (...) of sensation’ and perhaps do not ‘represent his deliberate view’. This is a serious state of affairs, since De Anima 3. 3 is Aristotle’s main discussion of phantasia. Of passages on phantasia, appearances and images in De Anima 3. 3, Hamlyn says: ‘There is clearly little consistency here’. Even Schofield, who is more optimistic about saving the unity of Aristotle’s concept than the last two scholars, grants that ‘some of the inconsistencies of Aristotle’s account seem more than merely apparent’.1 He thinks of Aristotle’s phantasia as a ‘loose-knit, family concept’. My purpose here is to suggest that Aristotle is more consistent in his use of phantasia than his critics will allow him to be. The translation of the term as imagination frequently adds unnecessarily to the confusion, so I shall avoid it and use transliteration instead. (shrink)

The enlargement of the European Union to include eventually Turkey and the former communist countries is a major challenge for our understanding of the meaning of Europe as a geopolitical, social and cultural space. It is also a question of the identity of Europe as one shaped by social or systemic integration. With the diminishing significance of national borders within the EU, the outer territorial frontier is also losing its significance and Europe will become more and more postwestern. It thus (...) appears that the eastern frontier is more flexible than was previously thought. The EU is now at the decisive point of moving beyond postnationality to a transnational encounter with multiple civilizational forms. Enlargement is not just about getting bigger but is crucially a matter of cultural transformation and therefore it differs from all previous dynamics of Europeanization. Rather than tell the story of Europeanization exclusively as one of national histories and of closure, a civilizational analytic offers the possibility of multiple modernities and thus of a more appropriate theorization of the current situation. (shrink)

Le mérite le plus patent de Zur Kritik der Gewalt de Benjamin consiste à défaire toute représentation innocente de la violence et de ses usages, toute compréhension de la violence qui n’y verrait que l’innocuité d’un moyen neutre légitimé, ou pas, par les fins qu’il vise, les intérêts qu’il sert ou les classes qui le mobilisent. « Dans cette perspective, la violence est un produit naturel, en quelque sorte un matériau brut dont l’utilisation ne pose aucun problème ». S’interroger sur (...) la viole... (shrink)

In the first comprehensive and full-length study of the English historical economists, Gerard Koot traces their revolt against the theory, policy recommendations and academic dominance of classical and neoclassical economics in Britain between 1870 and 1926. English Historical Economics, 1870–1926 shows how these historical critics challenged the deductive method and mechanistic assumptions of the economic orthodoxy, developing an historical and inductive method for economic studies and laying the foundation for the professional study of economic history. The author examines the effect (...) of this new methodology upon English politics, discussing the intellectual framework that the historical economists provided for the conservative attack on laissez-faire philosophy in links between such larger social, economic, political and intellectual controversies and the origin and growth of English historical economics. (shrink)

The main purpose of this second article devoted to T. Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century (the first was published in the previous issue of Actuel Marx) is to introduce our alternative reading of history. The tendencies manifest during the last decades of the 20th century and the early 21st century are not, it is argued, the replication of the tendencies which prevailed prior to World War I. The starting-point for our analysis is the beginning of the 20th century, a (...) moment characterized by the dynamics of a “managerial capitalism” built around the “tripolar” class pattern of capitalists, managers, and popular classes. The main quantitative manifestation of these trends was the steady rise in the share accounted for by wages (compared to capital income) in the income of upper classes (notably the top 1 percent). In place of Piketty’s impact of shocks, we focus on the chain of successive configurations of class domination and alliances, in a succession of “social orders” marking the historical advance of managerial capitalism : the first financial hegemony, in the years leading up to the Great Depression ; the postwar social-democratic compromise ; and its successor, neoliberalism, involving a new alliance to the right, between the managerial and popular classes. (shrink)

Dans son article de 1915 sur l'inconscient, Freud pose la question suivante: « Nous disions qu'il y avait des représentations conscientes et des représentations inconscientes; mais y a-t-il aussi des motions pulsion-nelles, des sentiments, des sensations inconscients, ou bien, dans leur cas, de telles alliances de mots sont-elles dénuées de sens?».

Dans son article de 1913, «L’intérêt de la psychanalyse», Freud déclarait que la philosophie pouvait profiter des lumières de la psychanalyse parce que celle-ci peut dévoiler la motivation subjective et individuelle de doctrines philosophiques prétendument issues d’un travail logique et impartial, et ainsi désigner à la critique les points faibles du système d’un philosophe. Mon texte présente quelques exemples de l’utilisation de la psychanalyse pour identifier l’impact de l’inconscient sur la pensée de certains philosophes tels que Parménide, Berkeley, Kant, Sartre. (...) À la lumière de ces exemples, j’examine brièvement quelques questions à propos du conseil de Freud : Est-il praticable ? Quand peut-on l’appliquer ? Comment en rendre l’application moralement acceptable ? Selon quels critères juger de la valeur de vérité d’interprétations psychanalytiques de ce genre ? Quels sont les bénéfices, et en valent-ils la peine ?In his article of 1913, " The Claims of Psycho-Analysis to Scientific Interest", Freud stated that philosophy could profit from psychoanalysis because it can indicate the subjective and individual motives of philosophical theories which are ostensibly based on impartial logical work, and in this way it can draw critical attention to the weak spots in a philosopher’s system. This paper presents a few examples of the use of psychoanalysis to identify the impact of the unconscious on the theories of certain philosophers, e.g., Parmenides, Berkeley, Kant, Sartre. In the light of these examples, I examine briefly a number of questions concerning Freud’s recommendation : Can it be put into practice ? In what circumstances ? How can it be applied in a way that is morally defensible ? By what criteria can one evaluate the truth value of such psychoanalytic interpretations ? What are the advantages, and are they worth the effort required ? (shrink)

There is hardly any university, college, or even high school left where they do not teach Darwinism—and rightly so. Yet, most of these places do more preaching than teaching. They teach more than they should, and at the same time, they teach less than they should. This book wants to evaluate Darwin’s legacy from a philosophical viewpoint by trying to analyze the strong points as well as the weak points of what came to be known as neo-Darwinism.

Journal Name: Philologus Issue: Ahead of print.

Shoah, Evil and Philosophy. To speak of the philosophy of the Shoah presupposes a philosophy of philosophy -that would stand in the pre- or post-position of a meaning and the subsumption of an object under a concept. But there is no concept of the Shoah because there is no intelligibility that could justify it. Of this «incomprehensible incontestable» as Victor Hugo said of God, literature can only approach the massive enigma. The «banality of Evil» prevents one from thinking that Evil (...) thinks, and with such a radicality that it demands of the existence itself, and a fortiori of that of the Shoah, irrefutable proofs. By blurring the hypothesis of a flawless equivalence of intelligibility and existence, the Shoah questions the question of meaning. RÉSUMÉ. Parler de philosophie de la Shoah présuppose une philosophie de la philosophie qui se tiendrait dans la pré- ou post-position d’un sens et la subsomption d’un objet sous un concept. Or il n’y a pas de concept de la Shoah parce qu’il n’y a nulle intelligibilité qui pourrait en rendre raison. De cet « incompréhensible incontestable » comme disait de Dieu Victor Hugo, la littérature peut seule approcher l’énigme massive. La « banalité du Mal » empêche quant à elle de penser que le Mal pense, et avec une telle radicalité qu’il exige de l’existence elle-même, et à fortiori de celle de la Shoah, des preuves irréfutables. En brouillant l’hypothèse d’une équivalence sans faille de l’intelligibilité et de l’existence, la Shoah met en question la question du sens. Mots-clés: Evil, Meaning, Philosophy, Shoah, Thought. (shrink)

The Belgian scientific literature dealing with political parties has four main characteristics. First it pays great attention to party doctrines and to parliamentary struggle. Indeed, in the nineteenth century political parties do not strike by their organization, which is still undeveloped, nor by their functions, which are still limited, but by the public debate they are stimulating in Parliament and in the press. Only from the end of the century, when the suffrage is extended, the organization of the parties wilt (...) get more articulated and their functions more complicated. Secondly the literature pays great attention to the legitimation of the political parties, which are still controversial particularly because they should threaten the national union. The authors exert oneselves to prove that parliamentary government is by definition a party government. They distinguish parties from factions in order to make the first acceptable. Thirdly the literature deals with the party system.The Belgian authors take the two party system which exists in Great Britain as example and try to prove that the alternation of two parties, the party of conservation and the party of progress, is necessary for the good working of the institutions. Fourthly, the literature, particularly the historica!, is rather descriptive and is characterized by a lack of comparisons, generalizations and hypothesis.Two periods can be distinguished in the literature. In the first period, 1830-1894, the suffrage is limited and the political scene is dominated by two parties.This period is marked by the publications of Emile de Laveleye, one of the most prolific writers of the second half of the nineteenth century. In the second period, 1894-1914, the advent of the socialist party disturbs the working of the classical party government. Maurice Vauthier is the main author of this period. He tries to establish the characteristics of the party government and its chances in the future. (shrink)

SEXUALITY IN THE ANALYTICAL CURE TALK LOVE TO ME Given the freedom of tone that is the rule, we might well imagine that the analytical session moves on to talk about sexuality. In fact, it is not so much sexuality that is addressed as sex, and sex in the sense of identity, to describe what assigns the subject within a gender or in the other. The article shows that sex, indeed, is not just a partial object, of the phallic type, (...) or a genital organ, but also an object of the ideal type embodying the potentialities specific to each of the two sexes. This explains why, in analysis, the ideal sexuality, based on that idealisation of sex, prevails outright over the two other forms. In “transfer love”, the analyst or the analysis firstly embody the ideals in question and it becomes problematic if the analysand does not manage to detach them from their person or from the situation, so as to invest them in full knowledge – a necessary evolution too in married life. (shrink)

How can a just peace be built in sites of genocide, massive civil war, dictatorship, terrorism, and poverty? In Strategies of Peace, the first volume in the Studies in Strategic Peacebuilding series, fifteen leading scholars propose an imaginative and provocative approach to peacebuilding. Today the dominant thinking is the "liberal peace," which stresses cease fires, elections, and short run peace operations carried out by international institutions, western states, and local political elites. But the liberal peace is not enough, the authors (...) argue. A just and sustainable peace requires a far more holistic vision that links together activities, actors, and institutions at all levels. By exploring innovative models for building lasting peace-a United Nations counter-terrorism policy that also promotes good governance; coordination of the international prosecution of war criminals with local efforts to settle civil wars; increasing the involvement of religious leaders, who have a unique ability to elicit peace settlements; and many others--the authors advance a bold new vision for peacebuilding. (shrink)

Danielle Cohen-Levinas (DCL) : Qu’est-ce qui se trouve pour Rosenzweig définitivement achevé après la guerre? C’est par cette question à bien des égards brutale, que j’aimerais entrer avec vous dans l’œuvre de Franz Rosenzweig, une œuvre complexe, qui déplace les interprétations hégéliennes de l’histoire, mais qui toutefois reste encore confidentielle, confinée à quelques cercles de savants, érudits, ou intellectuels qui ont trouvé chez ce philosophe un « agir » de la philosophie. Que ma pre...

Dans la quasi-définition hyperbolique qu’en donne Derrida, la circoncision s’effectue toujours sans (mémoire, événement, moi, sujet). Là où, pour Hegel, la négation se nie et l’aliénation s’aliène, le sans vient inciser chirurgicalement la texture même de la langue spéculative, laquelle assure continûment la « reprise dans le concept ». La différance consigne ainsi l’impossibilité de la guérison dialectique et de l’accomplissement salutaire où s’annuleraient le différemment, l’attente, la non-venue. La circoncision nomme donc une coupure, une séparation, un disjointement, dont elle (...) fournit dans l’œuvre de Derrida le philosophème le plus propre. (shrink)

Ce texte analyse l’opération heideggérienne telle qu’elle se déploie en particulier dans les quatre volumes publiés des Cahiers noirs comme une introduction de la philosophie dans le nazisme. Pour en comprendre les contenus effectifs, l’auteur repère et décrit deux facteurs intensifs qui forment ensemble l’armature théorique de l’antisémitisme heideggérien et la condition de son énonciation comme relevant de la Seynsgeschichte : la traduction métapolitique d’une part, par où la fin de la métaphysique s’accomplit destinalement dans le peuple historial porteur de (...) l’estre, les Allemands ; le « même quant à l’essence » d’autre part qui discerne, à travers ce qui se présente dans la multiplicité ontique des étants intramondains, cela qui est le même et qui est assigné au peuple historique porteur du triomphe de l’étant sur l’être, les Juifs. Quelle est alors l’essence du judaïsme mondial? C’est « le principe de destruction dans l’espace-temps de l’Occident chrétien, c’est-à-dire de la métaphysique », retourné en son « essence » contre lui-même. L’autodestruction du judaïsme serait ainsi l’aboutissement du déploiement d’un principe métaphysique qui finit dans l’anéantissement des anéantisseurs. (shrink)

Nos rencontres, les publiques et les autres, obéissaient à une pudique proximité où s’abritait le différend – que l’amitié, sans mot dire, tenait en bride. Entre nous, le discord s’emportait sur fond d’entente préalable et tacite. Pour dire autrement la même chose : un accord foncier, nourri de références et de lectures communes, partagées par lui et par moi, mais tout autant par une ou deux cohortes générationnelles – cet accord ne parvenait à se dire qu’à revenir sur des différences, (...) selon... (shrink)

Le socialisme est une vieille idée en Europe.Et le bonheur socialiste a bien besoin de retrouver sa nouveauté et son lustre ancien, si c’est seulement encore possible et si l’on présuppose que le bonheur est à gauche ou que la gauche rend heureux , ce qui n’est guère..

C’est un lieu commun de voir en Calliclès ou parfois en Thrasymaque les grands ancêtres de Nietzsche : refus du droit institué, apologie de la force, légitimité de son exercice naturel, soit de la persévérance dans son être et de la conservation de soi. La lecture de Nietzsche fragilise considérablement ce point de vue. Si la justice comme revendication propre à la doctrine de l’égalité ou encore comme injonction contenue dans les commandements divins ou moraux est refusée sans appel, la (...) « vraie devise de la justice » est promue comme l’éminente qualité du philosophe à venir. Que signifie ce paradoxe? Une justice justifiée par le sentiment de la puissance, voire par la perspective du bonheur, est une justice s’extériorisant dans la gratuité du don, la dépense, la prodigalité, ce qui fait apparaître par contraste tout conatus essendi comme plate satisfaction et parcimonie propres au dernier homme qui « veut se conserver ». Voilà pourquoi la justice de Nietzsche, la grande justice, est une qualité de la pensée et une vertu du philosophe dont la probité actualise sans cesse la puissance individuelle. (shrink)

La philosophie juive doit être distinguée du judaïsme et de la pensée juive pour pouvoir être questionnée sur son caractère national. Son travail de pensée consiste à transcrire le figural de la pensée biblico-talmudique en concepts, à se mouvoir entre le propre, qu’elle n’est pas, et l’étranger, qu’elle arpente. Ni universelle, ni nationale, la philosophie juive, succession discontinue d’événements traductifs, permet de mieux comprendre comment chaque philosophie singulière est plus que le champ philosophique dans lequel elle s’inscrit.

Balancing Change and Tradition in Global Education Reform is an invaluable resource for policymakers, faculty, students, and anyone interested in how decisions made about the education system ultimately affect the quality of education, educational access, and social justice.