A participant in the Three Chapters controversy, the deacon Liberatus wants to revive resistance against the unacceptable movement of counciliar revisionism. In view of such an aim, his tale may seem to be confusing on the following points: geographical displacement, to the extent that Alexandria becomes the main place of his story; chronological distance, in order to stop his statement just before the explosion of the actual controversy. But this narratological approach allows him to take advantage of Tertullian’s praescriptio haereticorum (...) principle. Indeed, from Liberatus’ point of view, all that he writes about Nestorianism and Eutychianism is enough to demonstrate to the faithful that his opponents have no legitimacy in appealing to holy scriptures and tradition. (shrink)

Cette introduction invite à décadrer et à recadrer la thématique de l’effondrement, popularisée et médiatisée par la théorie dite « collapsologie », vers le plan des acteurs, des terrains, des temporalités, et des régimes d’énonciation. Nous appelons à documenter empiriquement ce que fait l’effondrement, et ce qu’en font celles et ceux à qui cette idée « fait » quelque chose. En effet, l’effondrisme pose la question des façons de se positionner non pas uniquement par rapport à une théorie, mais également (...) par rapport à des expériences individuelles et collectives. Le dossier vise à comprendre comment la réception de la « collapsologie » donne lieu à des jeux complexes entre désemparement et capacités d’agir. L’atterrissage sur un sol anthropocénique de plus en plus critique mérite une décisive discussion collective. L’hypothèse de cette majeure est que les expériences effondristes ont une valeur d’expérimentation à cet égard, notamment en créant un zone discursive et praxique où des cultures et des expériences politiques différentes sont amenées à se rencontrer et à collaborer. (shrink)

Reseña de la obra de Laporte, Jean Pierre. y Bricault, Laurent, Le serapeum de Carthage. Colección Suplement à la Bibliotheca Isiaca, vol. I. Burdeos, Ausonius, 2020, 119 pp. ISBN: 978-23-5613-321-2.

Paul Mattei, Les frontières de l'Église selon la première tradition africaine (Tertullien, Cyprien, Anonyme De rebaptismate), p. 27-47. - «Hors de l'Église pas de salut » : l'article montre que cette formule de Cyprien, promise à un long avenir, s'enracine dans une définition, au demeurant complexe et parcourue de tensions, de l'Église comme sacramentum unitatis. La comparaison avec Tertullien, lui aussi «excfusiviste», fait percevoir où se situent à cet égard, entre les deux théologiens, rupture et continuité. Une présentation (...) du De rebaptismate, œuvre contemporaine de Cyprien, manifeste la difficulté qu'il y avait, au IIIe siècle, en Afrique, malgré qu'on en eût, à rompre avec la conception cyprianique ; ce qu'Augustin, plus tard, devait réussir (il est vrai pour partie seulement, mais un pas était fait) dans sa confrontation avec les donatistes. (shrink)

Une vingtaine de Pères latins ont commenté ou cité le Psaume 22. Trois d’entre eux, Augustin, Arnobe et Cassiodore, en ont même donné un commentaire suivi. Ils s’attachent tous à en faire ressortir l’interprétation spirituelle, notamment celle du verset 5 - « ta coupe qui m’enivre, qu’elle est merveilleuse ! » - et ils soulignent à partir d’Ambroise sa convenance aux sacrements de l’initiation chrétienne.

Noting how an hypothesis can turn into a truth simply by being repeated, this article examines carefully the basis for the date normally given for this sermon and the frailty of the textual tradition that is the basis for the Morin edition of this sermon. After a careful analysis of the factors that might help to date it, it is assigned an uncertain date. It remains, however, plausible to think that it was delivered ad mensam Cypriani. The analysis of the (...) transmission of this sermon includes several new manuscripts, a new stemma and several general observations about its transmission. This article concludes with comments about the content and a new edition of the Latin text of the sermon. (shrink)

Sommaire : Augustin est connu pour son esprit de service qui le porte à produire des écrits en réponse aux requêtes d’amis, de connaissances ou même de personnes étrangères qui sollicitent son aide. En 410, il reçoit une lettre (ep. 117) de Carthage, de la part de Dioscorus, jeune homme d’origine grecque, qui lui envoie de nombreuses questions sur les dialogues de Cicéron. Sa recherche est motivée par la crainte de paraître ignorant devant ceux qui lui poseraient des questions (...) sur ces sujets de retour dans sa patrie. Augustin saisit l’occasion pour le détourner des ambitions de la vaine gloire et lui montre, en exposant sa connaissance des écoles philosophiques antiques, qu’il ne sert à rien de s’imbiber des opinions des philosophes quand on ne recherche pas dans l’humilité la vérité elle-même. Cet article présente et analyse l’exposé d’Augustin des théories et des contradictions de ces philosophies antiques, et montre les recours aux références bibliques presque inaperçues présentes dans la lettre. (shrink)

Le quatrième livre des Noces de Philologie et de Mercure, encyclopédie allégorique composée par Martianus Capella à Carthage au début du ve s. ap. J.-C., est con­sacré à la dialectique. Le présent volume vient compléter, dans la Collection des Universités de France, le livre VII (sur l’arithmétique) édité, traduit et commenté par Jean-Yves Guillaumin en 2003, et le livre VI (sur la géométrie), procuré selon les mêmes normes par Barbara Ferré en 2007. C’est la première traduction française de...

Published here is a critical edition of Augustine’s Sermons 293 and 299, the first edition since the Maurists. Sermon 293 was preached in Carthage on the 24th of June 413, feast of John the Baptist, at a time when infant baptism was a controversial question. Sermon 299 was delivered on the 29th of June, in honour of Peter and Paul : its manuscript transmission and thematic likeness with Sermon 293 suggest that it was preached, according to Pierre-Marie Hombert’s hypothesis, (...) in the same year in the same city, not five years later. Both texts, numbered among the longest of the De sanctis sermons, contradict Pelagian theses about the origin of death and the notion of human impeccability. (shrink)

Il est communément admis, aussi bien par les spécialistes que les non-spécialistes de la Grèce antique, qu'Aristote considère le barbaros ou l'autre Non-Grec comme radicalement distinct des Grecs (peut-être même racialement) et intrinsèquement inférieur à eux. Cette idée puise sa source dans ses remarques sur l'esclavage, sur les institutions politiques non grecques, sur les caractères naturels ou ethniques. Mais l’idée la plus répandue manque de nuance, et est souvent affirmée à tort en faisant l’économie d’un examen attentif des bases textuelles. (...) Cet article, qui est une sous-section d'un essai plus vaste sur les institutions politiques non-grecques (comme le traitement par Aristote de la politeia de Carthage dans Politique 2.11), soutient qu'Aristote ne distingue pas catégoriquement (et encore moins racialement) les Grecs et les Non-Grecs, ni n’approuve l’assertion selon laquelle les Grecs sont supérieurs aux non-Grecs. En effet, Aristote s'appuie régulièrement sur des institutions politiques non-grecques dans sa propre formulation de la meilleure constitution. (shrink)

Il est communément admis, aussi bien par les spécialistes que les non-spécialistes de la Grèce antique, qu'Aristote considère le barbaros ou l'autre Non-Grec comme radicalement distinct des Grecs (peut-être même racialement) et intrinsèquement inférieur à eux. Cette idée puise sa source dans ses remarques sur l'esclavage, sur les institutions politiques non grecques, sur les caractères naturels ou ethniques. Mais l’idée la plus répandue manque de nuance, et est souvent affirmée à tort en faisant l’économie d’un examen attentif des bases textuelles. (...) Cet article, qui est une sous-section d'un essai plus vaste sur les institutions politiques non-grecques (comme le traitement par Aristote de la politeia de Carthage dans Politique 2.11), soutient qu'Aristote ne distingue pas catégoriquement (et encore moins racialement) les Grecs et les Non-Grecs, ni n’approuve l’assertion selon laquelle les Grecs sont supérieurs aux non-Grecs. En effet, Aristote s'appuie régulièrement sur des institutions politiques non-grecques dans sa propre formulation de la meilleure constitution. (shrink)

Didier Méhu | : Le sermon 163 d’Augustin d’Hippone aurait été prononcé à l’occasion de la dédicace de la basilica Honoriana de Carthage, le 23 septembre 417. Ancré dans le commentaire du verset 5,16 de l’épître aux Galates, Spiritu ambulate et concupiscentias carnis ne perfeceritis, il propose une comparaison entre le processus du salut humain et l’édification de l’église. Les deux aboutissent à la « dédicace », celle du temple de pierres que l’on célèbre alors et celle des élus (...) réunis auprès de Dieu. Nous cherchons à discerner les implications historiques de la dialectique aedificatio-dedicatio qui traverse le sermon, en regard de l’évolution du discours sur le lieu de culte chrétien et de la mise en place d’une structure sociale polarisée par les églises au tournant des ive et ve siècles. | : Augustine of Hippo’s Homily 163 is supposed to have been delivered on the occasion of the dedication of the basilica Honoriana in Carthage, September 23, 417. Rooted in the commentary of Galatians 5:16, Spiritu ambulate et concupiscentias carnis ne perfeceritis, it proposes a comparison between the process of human salvation and the building of a church. Both achieve in the “dedication”, that of the temple of stones, that is then celebrated, and that of the elected gathered with God. We seek to discern the historical implications of the dialectic aedificatio-dedicatio that appears throughout the sermon, in relation to the evolution of the discourse on the Christian place of worship and the establishment of a social structure polarized by the churches, at the turn of the 4th and the 5th centuries. (shrink)

With his victories over Carthage (146 BC) and Numantia (133 BC), Scipio Aemilianus contributed significantly to the establishment of Rome’s unchallenged rule in the Mediterranean. The article analyses and compares Scipio’s military action in the conquest of the two cities under the aspect of temporality and places the results in a temporal-structural framework. Due to the requirements of the cursus honorum, Roman commanders in the Middle Republic had a narrow window of opportunity to generate military glory. The violent actions (...) of Roman commanders were less subject to tactical considerations related to the opponent, but were rather guided by a Rome-related calculation that was oriented towards the politically constructed time constraints of the Republic. With the help of a temporal approach, a new view of the dynamics of Roman expansion can be gained. (shrink)

Dans l'étude de l'état territorial de Thessalie dans la période byzantine tardive qui se définit comme un type particulier de semi-indépendance et qui a existé de 1213/22 jusqu'à la conquête ottomane entre 1454 et 1470 il est à noter l'importance des documents du 13e et du 14e siècles provenant des monastères de Thessalie, particulièrement les hagiographies comme celle de la vie de Saint Cyprien. Des changements territoriaux ont été imposés par la présence d'envahisseurs comme les chevaliers de la 4e (...) croisade, les catalans, les serbes, les albanais et éventuellement les turcs ottomans. (shrink)

La question des racines, des sources et des successions tient une place importante dans l'ecclésiologie nord-africaine. Certaines expressions de Tertullien, de Cyprien, d'Optat de Milève et d'Augustin, particulièrement celles qui comportent caput, radix, princeps et quelques mots apparentés, doivent parfois être entendues comme indiquant la source d'une chose, plutôt que comme des mots signifiant pouvoir et autorité.

Scholars have generally underestimated the level of Roman involvement in Africa in the period between the annexation of Carthage in 146 b.c. and Caesar's victory at Thapsus in 46 b.c., and the land in Africa which the Romans annexed has been conventionally called public land (ager publicus). This paper analyses the surviving text of the African provisions of the epigraphic lex agraria of 111 b.c. and notes that the term ager publicus is not attested in the provincial section of (...) the law. The land in Africa appears simply as ager in Africa and the term ager publicus is confined exclusively to Italy in the law of 111. However, Cicero's references to Rullus’ agrarian proposal in 64/3 b.c. in the De lege agraria suggest that the term ager publicus was used to qualify land existing outside Italy in Rullus’ proposal. This paper argues that the concept of ager publicus as opposed to private land developed in Africa between 111 and 63 b.c., and that this was linked to privatization of ager in Africa in this period. The results of this study suggest a high degree of Roman exploitation of African land prior to the Caesarean and Augustan colonies in the 40s b.c. (shrink)

En la protección de los bienes comunes en Estados Unidos desde el siglo xix hasta la actualidad, la doctrinal del public trust ha jugado un papel determinante. Esta doctrina, heredera de la tradición jurídica romana, basa su estructura conceptual en una relación fideicomisaria entre agente y principal y fue inicialmente invocada para la salvaguarda de los bienes comunes de su cercamiento y privatización. Con el paso de los años, se ha transformado en un instrumento jurídico clave para la protección ambiental. (...) En este artículo doy cuenta de su evolución y aplicación actual. (shrink)

This article discusses the epitaphs with epithets from two burial grounds at Carthage excavated by Alfred-Louis Delattre in the last decades of the 19 th century. He found more than 900 Latin inscriptions that can be dated between the late first century and the early third century CE. Most of those buried at the so-called ‘cimetières des _ officiales _ ’ were imperial slaves and freedmen together with their relatives and include almost 1300 individuals. Epithets occur just in about (...) sixty epitaphs or about 6 % of the inscriptions from the imperial burial grounds at Carthage. The inscriptions are mostly short with certain conventions. The employment of epithets characterized the moral qualities of the commemorated seen from the commemorator’s point of view and is an expression of feelings, emotions and grief. The epitaphs from Carthage come from a well-defined context within a well-defined group, which may share the same feelings and be called an emotional community. The analysis of the most common epithets demonstrates remarkable differences between their use at Carthage and in the funerary inscriptions found in Rome. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Memory in Augustine’s Theological Anthropology by Paige E. HochschildJoseph T. Lienhard, S.J.Memory in Augustine’s Theological Anthropology. By Paige E. Hochschild. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. 251. $125.00 (cloth). ISBN 978-0-19-964302-8.When students of St. Augustine consider his teaching on memory, they turn instinctively to the Confessions, book 10, and to On the Trinity, books 11 and 12. The lyrical passage in the Confessions is easy to teach and (...) intriguing in its contents. Paige Hochschild paints a much larger picture, drawing on far more sources. She also sees memory as a central category in Augustine’s thought. In the opening paragraph of the introduction, she describes memory (for Augustine) as the way the mind meets the world, as the way things external to the body are apprehended, as the way intelligible objects are known, and as what it means to be constituted in the image of God. This is a big order. And “order,” in Augustine’s sense, is key: the mind, as memory, brings order to the natural world, but also brings to light a providential order that is implicit in the sensible.The book is divided into three parts: (1) the philosophical tradition (Plato, Aristotle, and Plotinus), (2) Augustine’s earlier writings (from the Cassiciacum dialogues up to De magistro and De musica), and (3) the Confessions and De trinitate. The conclusion of this complex study is that memory is salvific: it accounts for the soul’s progress by the dialectical play of the knowledge and love of what is possessed, yet not possessed. The lifelong process of healing in which memory functions is fulfilled in contemplation.Two characteristics of Hochschild’s book can be mentioned at the outset. First, she studies each author diachronically, measuring progress and growth in the author’s thought, and particularly in his understanding of memory. Second, she readily invokes a wide range of categories to explain and illuminate her main topic. The book is anything but an extended encyclopedia article on “memoria in Augustine.” The two principal terms in the title, “memory” and “theological anthropology,” are richly developed and elaborated.Chapter 1 begins with a short note on Augustine’s knowledge of Plato. It is generally admitted that Augustine read some of the dialogues of Plato in translation: the Timaeus, the Republic (albeit only parts of it), the Phaedo, and the Phaedrus. Some of these works, at least, may have come down to him through doxographers. But Plato’s influence on Augustine remains shadowy. It is “Platonism,” and particularly Plotinus, that influences him so clearly, a point made memorably in Confessions 7.9.13-15, and its intriguing reference to the libri Platonicorum. Before all else, Platonism delivers Augustine from the bondage of materialism.Hochschild treats Plato’s doctrine of memory under four headings: sense perception, knowledge as recollection, divisions in the ways of knowing, and the practice of dialectic. In regard to sense perception, the sharp distinction (found in the Republic) between opinion (doxa) and knowledge (epistêmê) [End Page 144] needs to be refined, Hochschild avers. At least in some later works, the sensible is an image of the intelligible, and hence some sense perception can be infallible. On the next topic, Plato invokes recollection to explain direct apprehension of the forms, but recollection does not recall what was perceived in the past but is a restoration of a clear, logical relationship. The Republic introduces a new element, “the illuminative power of the Good” (21). The final section of chapter 1 treats dialectic, concluding that “knowledge is fulfilled in virtue, and the art of dialectic is not merely an exercise in definition, but a hexis, and a way of living” (27).Chapter 2, on Aristotle, begins with the observation that, if Plato’s influence on Augustine was indirect, Aristotle’s was even more indirect, reaching Augustine through Plotinus. Most familiar, of course, are Augustine’s account of reading Aristotle’s Categories during his days at Carthage (Confessions 4.16.28-31) and his later use of the categories of substance and relation in his understanding of the Trinity, creating the category of “substantial relation,” which would... (shrink)

The high moral tone of Horace's Reguhls ode makes it unsurprising that the poet should employ the traditional imagery of philosophers, both in the speech of Regulus and in the final simile. I should like here to point out some instances which seem to have escaped the notice of commentators.This passage is intended to illustrate the lost ‘virtus’ of the prisoners in Carthage, who, Regulus claims, will be of no greater use to the Romans if ransomed since they were (...) cowardly enough to surrender in the first place. For the first image of dyeing wool Kiessling–Heinze refer the reader to Lucretius 6.1074–7:purpureusque colos conchyli iungitur unacorpore cum lanae, dirimi qui non queat usquam,non si Neptuni fluctu renovare operam des,non mare si totum velit eluere omnibus undis.This gives the first hint that the image belongs to the philosophical tradition, though it does not seem to occur in the extant remains of Epicurus. This is confirmed by a passage of Plato, who at Rep. 429d ff. has an elaborate image taken from the dyer's art. The Guardians of the ideal city are to be carefully selected and prepared like wool for the dyeing process of education; then, as good wool keeps its colour after dyeing, so the Guardians will keep right opinions when they are taught them. The image is summarized by Socrates at 430a ff. (shrink)

Resumo: Arthur Schopenhauer ficou conhecido como o pensador do “pessimismo filosófico”. Tratase de uma doutrina que, em linhas gerais, apresenta uma determinada interpretação acerca do valor do mundo, mas que, em seu sentido ainda mais básico, questiona a possibilidade de atribuição de valor ao todo da existência: há “justificação” para a existência? A partir da resposta a essa pergunta, o filósofo alemão desenvolve sua “metafísica da vontade” e, como seu desdobramento, sua teoria da “redenção”, ou soteriologia. Entretanto, o “filósofo do (...) pessimismo” também afirma, em sua obra, que há uma “ordenação moral de mundo” e um “significado moral da existência”, o que parece ir na direção oposta ao “pessimismo”. O presente artigo analisa o significado das noções de ordenação moral de mundo e justificação da existência no pensamento de Schopenhauer, a fim de demonstrar em que medida significado moral da existência e pessimismo filosófico se relacionam no pensamento do autor.: Arthur Schopenhauer is known as the thinker of “philosophical pessimism”. It means, in general lines, the doctrine that presents a certain worldview, but in its more basic sense, it questions the possibility of giving a meaning to the whole of existence: is there “justification” for the existence? By answering this question the German philosopher develops his “metaphysics of the will” and, as its unfolding, his theory of “redemption”, or soteriology. However, the “philosopher of pessimism” also asserts in his work that there is a “moral ordinance of world” and a “moral meaning of existence”, which seems to go on the opposite direction of what is claimed by the “pessimism”. The present paper analyses the sense of the notions of moral ordinance of world and justification of existence in Schopenhauer’s thought, in order to demonstrate how far moral meaning of life and philosophical pessimismo interact in his thought. (shrink)

O relato de experiência a que este texto se refere provém do módulo intitulado Violência no Espaço Escolar, do Curso de Extensão em Gênero, Raça e Diversidade Sexual/ODEERE. A partir de temas que envolvem raça/etnia, gênero, e sexualidades, foram promovidos debates relacionados a preconceitos e discriminações que se manifestam no espaço escolar voltados para o racismo, sexismo e à homo-lesbo-bi-transfobia. O desenvolvimento da proposta didática pautou-se na abordagem qualitativa à luz da dialética, com o intuito de problematizar incômodos prescritos pelo (...) poder hegemônico e de pensar alternativas de mudanças para a promoção de uma convivência respeitosa primando pela valorização das diferenças. Palavras-chave: Violência. Escola. Diferenças. (shrink)

Overzicht van de ideeën omtrent politieke macht in verleden en heden.