Utopia is an introduction to the life and work of Herbert Marcuse, philosopher and guru of the 1960s, rated one of the '100 most important people' of our era. Besides an original and revealing biography, the book covers the principal utopian predecessors of Marcuse, his ideological politics and revolutionary ethics. It also stresses the centrality throughout his career of aesthetics. For those who have tried and failed to understand Marcuse, this work is clarifying and demystifying to the nth degree. The (...) author traces the path which Marcuse travelled from Weimar Germany of the 1920s and 1930s to the University of California in the 1970s and 1980s. He reviews Marcuse's intellectual growth and the debt he owes to those who went before--among others, Plato, Rousseau, Babeuf, Schiller, Fourier, Bakunin, Marx, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Mannheim. Martineau is not content to plumb the basic texts alone. He quotes sources from journals and newspapers that are not widely known--making the scholarship original and exciting. References such as those to Marcuse's work for the U.S. State Department, to his students, such as Angela Davis, and to the events of May 1968 in France, give Marcuse's work not only philosophical importance, but an historical and political one as well. (shrink)

Theoretical approach - Prejudice and science - Prejudice and politics - Science and sex - Medicine and prejudice - Prejudice and literature.

In a time of increasing polarization, how can we address sensitive topics and ensure that university classrooms remain places of healthy discussions and ethical deliberations? This paper addresses this important question by drawing on unique qualitative data from our students’ accounts of their experience in an organizational ethics course. We developed the course using a novel pedagogical strategy centered around the creation of an artistic portfolio. We find that student engagement in an alternative individual space, such as the artistic portfolio, (...) supports them in developing (inter)personal skills in preparation for constructive participation in sensitive discussions and ethical deliberation in the classroom. Additionally, engagement with the artistic portfolio provides them with an alternative means for alleviating tension that arises from these discussions and a space for expressing their opinions. Our findings highlight the role of the portfolio as an individual safe haven that supports teachers in facilitating a positive classroom atmosphere and guides students through challenging discussions and deliberations intrinsic to responsible management education. Considering these new insights, we advocate for a shift from a collective to an individual perspective on safety in academia. This transition liberates the classroom from the constraints and limitations often associated with the establishment of collective safe spaces. (shrink)

Contra those proclaiming the end of philosophy, Badiou aims to restore philosophical thought to the complete space of the truths that condition it.

The shift in Foucault’s work from genealogy to ethics finds consensus among Foucault scholars. However, the motivations behind this transition remain either misunderstood or understudied in large part. Foucault’s recently published or soon-to-be translated 1977/—9 lectures (published as Security, Territory, Population and as The Birth of Biopolitics) offer new elements for understanding this dense and uncharted period along Foucault’s itinerary. In this article, the author argues that Foucault’s interpretation of the liberal tradition, which is at the core of the 1977—9 (...) lectures, must be examined in combination with Foucault’s other major interests in the late 1970s, namely the Iranian Revolution and Kant. The discovery of spirituality (Iran), the valorization of an autonomous subject (Kant) and the call for a tolerant environment towards minority practices (liberalism) pave the way for the later Foucault’s ethics, which are grounded in spiritual exercises and means of liberating the subject. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This article offers an analysis of “social stupidity”: the generation of publics mobilized in a compromised manner as a result of a complex web of forces that compromises the potential for intelligent collective inquiry. The article juxtaposes this phenomenon with the notion of “social intelligence” offered by John Dewey and the concept of the “apparatus” as treated by Michel Foucault.

The German philosophical culture of the Middle Ages is inextricable linked to the thought of Albert the Great. This volume brings together 14 papers, which deal with Albert's influence from the points of view of mysticism, philosophy, and the history of universities.

The Politics of Gilles Deleuze and the Random Materialism of the Late Althusser A cursory reading of the writings of the late Althusser in which the philosopher attempts to devise a « random materialism » might lead us to regard them as the matrix from which a number of post-structuralist conceptions of politics, including that of Gilles Deleuze, have sprung. Our intention in the present article is to demonstrate the partial nature of such a filiation. To do so, the article (...) focuses on the relationship between the late Althusser and the Deleuzean conception of politics. It will thus examine the refusal, common to both philosophers, to elaborate a totalising theory of the political and their concomitant invocation of a principle of contingency. Such an affinity should not however disguise the differences between Althusser and Deleuze with regard to the manner in which the actualisation of such a programme is to be envisaged. (shrink)

Depuis plus de vingt ans, le développement de la vidéoprotection fait l'objet de nombreux débats, parfois passionnés, tant en ce qui concerne son utilité en vue de lutter contre la délinquance que pour ses éventuelles conséquences en matière d'atteintes aux libertés individuelles. En France, l'installation de systèmes de vidéoprotection sur la voie publique est encadrée par les dispositions de la loi du 21janvier 1995. La vidéoprotection n'est qu'un outil parmi d'autres au service de la prévention et de la lutte contre (...) la criminalité. Elle peut être efficace lorsque sa mise en oeuvre répond à des objectifs clairement définis. En revanche, certains problèmes demeurent lorsqu'elle est mal utilisée. L'usage des nouvelles technologies par l'État ne doit pas être systématiquement abordé sous l'angle symbolique ou du militantisme. La problématique n'est pas dans leur essor, car il est incontestable que les progrès technologiques contribuent à une meilleure sécurité des citoyens, tant à charge pour les criminels, qu'à décharge pour les personnes injustement poursuivies, mais dans les moyens et les procédures de contrôle de ces outils. Là est l'enjeu.The development of video-monitoring has been a subject of considerable and often heated debate for over twenty years, both as regards its effectiveness against crime and its potential for infringing civil liberties. In France, the installation of video-monitoring systems in public places is regulated by the Act of January 21st, 1995. Video-monitoring is one of a range of tools used in preventing and fighting crime. When implemented with clearly defined objectives, it can be effective. However, the misuse of video-monitoring raises a number of problems. The use of new technologies by the State should not be systematically viewed in symbolic terms or from the angle of political activism. The problem at issue is not the boom in video-monitoring in itself, as it cannot be denied that technological progress is contributing to better security for citizens, both against criminals and in the defence of persons unjustly charged, but rather the means and procedures for controlling its use. (shrink)

The noblest man living in a desert absorbs something of its harshness and sterility, while the nostalgia of the mountain-bred man when cut off from his surroundings is proof how deeply environment has become part of his being. Neither the savage nor the civilized man is what he is by native constitution but by the culture in which he participates.People wish to be settled; only as far as they are unsettled is there any hope for them.A prominent undercurrent in the (...) tradition of American philosophy concerns the endeavor to recover hope through a return to the ordinary and everyday. Ralph Waldo Emerson envisions and inaugurates such a path for the American scholar: I read with joy some of the auspicious signs of the... (shrink)

Depuis le milieu des annees 1960, les etudes spinozistes ont pris un nouvel essor sous l'impulsion du courant marxiste qui a vu dans le programme de liberation des collectivites pense par Spinoza le projet politique le plus apte ä assurer une reponse ä la crise de legitimite du marxisme. Dans la foulee de certaines intuitions de Althusser, et ä la lumiere de la conceptualite spinoziste, plusieurs penseurs (notamment Deleuze, Negri, Macherey, Matheron et Virno) ont ainsi propose un nouveau modele d'organisation (...) de la vie en commun. Ces acteurs de la renaissance spinoziste redigent, en quelque sorte, le chapitre conclusif de la derniere ceuvre de Spinoza (i.e. le Tratte politique reste inacheve) en definissant les nouvelles conditions de la democratic ä l'heure de la deterritorialisation generalisee marquee par l'abolition des frontieres nationales (economie mondiale, reseaux informatiques, etc.). Ce contexte offre l'occasion de repenser la politique en radicalisant les propos de Spinoza et en faisant jouer les notions de "puissance" et de "multitude" non seulement contre les concepts de "pouvoir" et de "peuple" qui en sont venus ä dominer le champ de la reflexion en philosophic politique, mais egalement contre les philosophies de l'histoire fondees sur la dialectique et la teleologie. Apres avoir decrit brievement quelques-uns des principaux enjeux de la politique spinoziste et avoir presente les nouveaux ennemis du spinozisme (neo-liberalisme et marxisme ideologique), nous ferons une genealogie de la refondation neo-spinozienne de Marx (Althusser, Deleuze, Negri) avant de repondre ä la question "Que faire?". II s'agira alors de determiner le role de l'Etat et de situer cette pensee politique par rapport ä l'utopie revolutionnaire. Ce parcours contribuera ä mieux definir les fondements et les implications de la democratic non-representative qui est au cceur des revendications de la renaissance spinoziste. (shrink)

Résumé L’incarnation phénoménologique a-t‑elle, dès Husserl, une origine christique? Ce qu’on a appelé le tournant théologique de la phénoménologie amorcé dans les années 1960 en France obéirait bien plutôt, en ce cas, à l’inspiration du mouvement phénoménologique dès ses débuts. On explore ici cette question, en mettant la chair phénoménologique à l’épreuve de l’athéisme de Deleuze et du thème du « corps sans organes » issu du rapport conflictuel d’Antonin Artaud avec la mystique chrétienne, et en remontant à la crise (...) ouverte par Arius ainsi qu’au Concile de Nicée.Does phenomenological incarnation have, already in Husserl, a Christian origin? What has been called the theological turn of phenomenology in the nineteen-sixties in France would in that case be much more in line with the initial inspiration of phenomenology. Exploring this question, we try here to put phenomenological flesh to the test of Deleuze’s atheism and of the theme of a “body without organs” resulting from the conflict between Antonin Artaud and Christian mysticism, and to consider anew both the crisis generated by Arius and the teachings of the Council of Nicaea. (shrink)

It is widely acknowledged that human rights law and international criminal law share core normative features. Yet, the literature has not yet reconstructed this underlying basis in a systematic way. In this contribution, I lay down the basis of such an account. I first identify a similar tension between a “moral” and a “political” approach to the normative foundations of those norms and to the legitimate role of international courts and tribunals adjudicating those norms. With a view to bring the (...) debate forward, I then turn to the practices of HRL and international criminal law to examine which of those approaches best illuminates some salient aspects of the adjudication of ICs. Finally, I argue that the political approach best explains the practice. While each preserves a distinct role, HRL and ICL both establish the basic conditions for the primary subject of international law, namely the state, to legitimately govern its own subjects constructed as free and equal moral agents. (shrink)

This article examines the trajectories of contemporary academic Marxism through three hypotheses: Marxism as an economic science, a science of history, and a political ideology. We criticize the reduction of Marxism to mere economic or historical science, highlighting the intricate relationship between Marxism and revolutionary politics. And we argue that Marxism, as a philosophy, must be intrinsically linked to revolutionary practice to maintain its significance. In this sense, the term ‘Marxism’ refers to a multifaceted framework that encompasses all levels of (...) analysis and understanding, particularly in its relation to political practice. Rooted in the concept of class, Marxism serves as a dynamic force driving collective action, aimed at inventing new practices capable of overcoming inherent divisions in the perception of societal components. Its core objective lies in weaving together unified outcomes from diverse perspectives, oriented towards irreversible change. (shrink)

Anthropological scholarship after Marilyn Strathern does something that might surprise lawyers schooled in the tradition of ‘law and society’, or ‘law in context’. Instead of construing law as an instrument of social forces, or as an expression of processes by which society maintains and reproduces itself, a new mode of anthropological enquiry focuses sharply on ‘law itself’, on what Annelise Riles calls the ‘technicalities’ of law. How might the legal scholar be inspired by this approach? In this article, I explore (...) one possible way of approaching law after anthropology, which is to find within law’s own archive a set of resources for an analogous representation of law itself. Drawing on the historical scholarship of Yan Thomas, I suggest that the Roman conception of law as object offers an engaging counterpart to the anthropological take on law as a specific set of tools or, technicalities, or as a particular art of making relations. (shrink)

A usual argument in finance refers to no arbitrage opportunities for the positivity of the bid-ask spread. Here we follow the decision theory approach and show that if positivity of the bid-ask spread is identified with strong risk aversion for an expected utility market-maker, this is no longer true for a rank-dependent expected utility one. For such a decision-maker only a very weak form of risk aversion is required, a result which seems more in accordance with his actual behavior. We (...) conclude by showing that the no-trade interval result of Dow and Werlang (1992a) remains valid for a rank-dependent expected utility market-maker merely exhibiting this weak form of risk aversion. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Logic of the SiteAlain Badiou (bio)Translated by Steve Corcoran (bio) and Bruno Bosteels (bio)The Commune Is a Site 1. Ontology of the CommuneTake any world whatsoever. A multiple that is an object of this world—whose elements are indexed by the transcendental of this world—is a site, if it happens to count itself within the referential field of its own indexation. Or again: a site is a multiple that happens (...) to behave in the world with regard to itself as with regard to its elements, in such a way as to be the support of being of its own appearance.Even if the idea is still obscure, we can begin to see its content: a site is a singularity, because it convokes its being in the appearing of its own multiple composition. It makes itself, in the world, the being-there of its being. Among other consequences, the site gives itself an intensity of existence. A site is a being that happens to exist by itself.We will ask: can we give a more concrete idea of what a site is? Is there a site?Let us consider the world "Paris at the end of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870." We are in the month of March 1871. After a semblance of resistance, and shot through with fear of revolutionary and worker Paris, the interim government of bourgeois "Republicans" capitulates to Bismarck's Prussians. In order to consolidate this political "victory"—very comparable to Petain's reactionary revenge in 1940 (where preferring an arrangement with the external enemy to exposure to the internal enemy)—it has an assembly with a royalist majority hastily elected by a frightened rural world, an assembly that sits in Bordeaux.Led by Thiers, the government hopes to take advantage of the circumstances to annihilate the political capacity of the workers. But on the Parisian front, the proletariat is armed in the form of a National Guard, owing to its having been mobilized during the siege on Paris. In theory the Parisian proletariat has many hundreds of cannons at its disposition. The "military" organism of the Parisians is the Central Committee, at which assemble the delegates of the various battalions of the National Guard, battalions [End Page 141] that are in turn linked to the great working-class quartiers of Paris—Montmartre, Belleville, and so forth.Thus we have a divided world whose logical organization—what in philosophical jargon could be called its transcendental organisation—reconciles intensities of political existence according to two sets of antagonistic criteria. Concerning the representative, electoral, and legal dispositions, one cannot but observe the preeminence of the Assembly of traditionalist Rurals,1 Thiers's capitulard government, and the officers of the regular army, who, having been licked without much of a fight by the Prussian soldiers, dream of doing battle with the Parisian workers. That is where the power is, especially as it is the only power recognized by the occupier. On the side of resistance, political intervention, and French revolutionary history, there is the fecund disorder of Parisian worker organizations, which intermingles with the Central Committee of the twenty quartiers, the Federation of Syndicate Chambers, a few members of the International, local military committees. In truth, the historical consistency of this world, which had been separated and disbanded [délié] owing to the war, is held together only by the majority conviction that no kind of worker capability for government exists. For the vast majority of people, including often the workers themselves, the politicized workers of Paris are simply incomprehensible. These workers are the inexistent aspect [l'inexistant propre] of the term "political capacity" in the uncertain world of the spring of 1871. But for the bourgeoisie they are still too existent, at least physically. The government receives threats from the stock exchange of this sort: "You will never have financial operations if you do not get rid of these reprobates." First up then, an imperative task, and a seemingly easy one to carry out: disarm the workers and, in particular, recuperate the cannons spread throughout working-class Paris by the military committees of the National Guard. It is this initiative that will make... (shrink)

Pacifism is routinely criticized as sectarian, incoherent, and preoccupied with moral purity at the expense of responsibility. The author contends that the pacifism of John Howard Yoder is vulnerable to none of these charges and defends this claim by establishing parallels between Yoder's analysis of killing and Augustine's analysis of lying. Although, within the terms of his own argument, Augustine's rejection of all lying as unjust is consistent with his condoning of some killing as just, the author shows that given (...) a different conception of the defining characteristic of God , Augustine's theological argument against lying would become an argument against violence. The author therefore suggests that Yoder's rejection of killing is no more sectarian, incoherent, or irresponsible than Augustine's rejection of lying. (shrink)

While this article by Waldman and Newberg is correct in its main message, it is unfortunately fraught with inaccuracies and problems. To illustrate: (1) the statement that “Inner speech is also associated with lower levels of psychological distress” is invalid as a wide array of distressing psychological disorders are associated with distorted (e.g., ruminative) inner speech activity.

In this final volume of Political Philosophy, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut summarize these efforts and put forward their own set of arguments.

Proceedings of the international colloquium held at the âEcole pratique des hautes âetudes, Section des sciences religieuses, Paris, France, October 25-26, 2013.

Interprétation générale du système kantien répondant aux principes herméneutiques simples.

Este artículo destaca cómo Grassi ha ofrecido una influyente interpretación de Vico, y cómo el pensador napolitano llegó a convertirse en uno de los "autores" de Grassi, imprescindible para la reconstrucción de la tradición del humanismo retórico y también en la confrontación con el idealismo moderno. Un autor al que Grassi dedicaría su atención y no abandonaría hasta su muerte.This paper intends to show how Grassi has offered an influential interpretation of Vico, and how the Neapolitan thinker was one of (...) those "authors" of Grassi, indispensable for the reconstruction of the tradition of the rhetorical humanism and also in the confrontation with the modern idealism. Vico has been an author to which Grassi would dedicate its attention and that he would not abandon until its death. (shrink)