M. Hayri Kırbasoglu is researcher who studies in the field of ḥadīth. Kırbasoglu’s latest work was on the famous orientalist Ignaz Goldziher, and in his book Understanding Goldziher, he claimed that Goldziher, who was criticized by Muslim researchers, was not understood correctly, a hate and smear campaign was carried out against him, and he suffered a great injustice. The reason for writing this article is to analyze the defense of Goldziher put forward by Kırbasoglu in the aforementioned study and to (...) evaluate whether he is right in his opinions and determinations. As a result of our research, it was seen that there was no other study that was critical of Kırbasoglu’s defense of Goldziher, and it was decided to write this article. The article is limited to Kırbasoglu’s aforementioned work, and it is aimed to introduce both him and Goldziher correctly, based on Kırbasoglu’s views here. At the end of the article, it was concluded that Kırbasoglu’s evaluations about the Jewish orientalist Goldziher were subjective, one-sided, biased, reactive, far from objectivity and superficial, in addition, it was concluded that most of his analyzes related to Goldziher do not correspond to the facts. (shrink)

Aḥmed Cevdet Pasha (d. 1312/1895) is one of the influential and prominent Ottoman scholars in history and law. Besides history and law, he also produced works on literature, sīra (the life of the Prophet) and tafsīr (the Qur’anic exegesis). In the last years of his life, Cevdet Pasha aimed to translate the Qurʾān including short comments on the verses, but this work was remained limited to the sūrah al-Baqara. Correspondingly to this translation named Terjeme-i Sharīfa, he prepared a glossary to (...) the Qurʾān called Lāḥiqa-i Sharīfa for expressions and terms that require detailed explanation. Hereby, this work could only include the sūrah al-Baqara. After Cevdet Pasha’s death, his books passed to his daughter Ms Fāṭima ʿAliyye (d. 1936). The director of the Library of Maʿārif, Nācī Qāsim (d. 1963) gave a deed stipulating that he would take the first part of the Lāḥiqa-i Sharīfa and Terjeme-i Sharīfa from her and return them as they are. Later on, he published only the Muqaddima (introduction) and Lāḥiqa-i Sharīfa in the work named Tercemeli Ḳurʾân-ı Kerîm (İstanbul: 1927). Placing the Muqaddima at the beginning of the book and Lāḥiqa-i Sharīfa at the end misled some people by making them to think that the translation belongs entirely to Cevdet Pasha. Sulayman Tevfīq reprinted these two works together within his translation named el-Beyān fī ʾāyāti’l-Qurʾān in 1928. Terjeme-i Sharīfa has not been published anywhere else. Emine Armağan recently found and published a notepad in which Cevdet Pasha wrote Terjeme-i Sharīfa, mentioned Muqaddima and Lāḥiqa-i Sharīfa. In her book Emine Armağan printed the pages belonging to Cevdet Pasha as thumbnails, but she did not publish them in Latin. In this article, Muḳaddime and Lâḥika-i Şerîfe are Latinized and compared to the Terceme-i Şerîfe. The relevant parts of the translation are given in the footnotes. This study is an attempt to determine to what extent the translation in the manuscript form corresponds to the glossary and the soundness of relating the text to the author. In addition, many errors in the Ottoman edition of the glossary were also corrected. In the Muqaddima, Cevdet Pasha draws attention to the necessity of God’s existence, the illiteracy and the trustworthiness of his Messenger, and that the revelation is the primary source of knowledge for people. He summarizes the process of the Qurʾān’s revelation, notification and compilation. He briefly touches on the issues related to ʿUlūm al-Qurʾān. Cevdet Pasha, who passed from here to the miracle of the Qurʾān, talks about the qadim (pre-existing) nature of the divine word and teḥaddī. Cevdet Pasha emphasizes that understanding the Qurʾān is possible only by knowing the Arabic language very well and whithout this knowldege the Qurʾān cannot adequately be translated into another language. On the other hand, he also believes that the first meanings can be externally translated in order to explain the first meanings of the verses to those who do not know Arabic. Cevdet Pasha’s preface is considerably concise in structure. He shortly pointed to the crucial issues in one sentence and passed to the other subjects. While writing Terjeme-i Sharīfa, Cevdet Pasha left the extensive explanations of the polysemous words and terms that cannot be translated literally to the tafsīr and Lāḥiqa. Cevdet Pasha’s Lāḥiqa-i Sharīfa is entirely original and not merely a translation of any Qurʾānic dictionary. He compiled the meanings of a word existing in different verses, and he was very meticulous in choosing the meanings the words. He summarized very detailed informations in the sources in a simple, concise and fluent style. The arrangement of the words was based on the abbreviated versions used in the Qurʾān. In addition to the lexical meaning of the word, he sometimes mentioned the words’ roots, form, singular and plural forms, ism al-fāʿil, ism al-mefʿūl, ism al-mekān, synonym/antonym, lexical aspects, the meaning and terminology it expresses in different recitations of the Qur’an (al-qırāat). He in particular highlighted if the word is one of the al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā. He explained the changes in the meaning of a word when it is used for Allah or for humans. He shortly touched on the legal rulings. Cevdet Pasha clearly expressed in his work the most vital issues that the community should know without tiring the general reader of scientific disputes, philosophical discussions and literary analysises. Cevdet Pasha did not refer to any sources in his work and did not mention the transmission chain of the narrations. As a result of our research, we determined that he benefited from the commentaries of al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144), al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210), al-Qurṭūbī (d. 671/1273) and Beyḍāvī (d. 685/1286). We have seen that there are some similarities between the explanations of the words in the Lāḥiqa-i Sharīfa and the famous Qurʾānic dictionaries such as al-Mufredāt, Umdet al-ḥuffāẓ and Beṣāir. (shrink)

Azade Seyhan provides a concise, elegantly argued introduction to the critical theory of German Romanticism and demonstrates how its approach to the metaphorical and linguistic nature of knowledge is very much alive in contemporary philosophy and literary theory. Her analysis of key thinkers such as Friedrich Schlegel and Novalis explores their views on rhetoric, systematicity, hermeneutics, and cultural interpretation. Seyhan examines German Romanticism as a critical intervention in the debates on representation, which developed in response to the philosophical (...) revolution of German Idealism. Facing a chaotic political and intellectual landscape, the eighteenth-century theorists sought new models of understanding and new objectives for criticism and philosophy. _Representation and Its Discontents_ identifies the legacy of this formative moment in modern criticism and suggests its relevance to contemporary discussions of post-structuralism, orientalism, theories of textuality, and the nature of philosophical discourse. (shrink)

Background Conscientious objection is a person’s refusal to fulfill a legal duty due to their ethical values, religious beliefs, or ideological affiliations. In nursing, it refers to a nurse’s refusal to perform an action or participate in a particular situation based on their conscience. Conscientious objection has become a highly contested topic in recent years. Research objectives This study had four objectives: (1) eliciting information on how Turkish nurses perceive conscientious objection, (2) revealing whether their moral beliefs affect the care (...) they provide, (3) determining their experiences with conscientious objection, and (4) identifying existing or potential issues of conscientious objection. Research design This qualitative study collected data through semi-structured interviews. The data were analyzed using thematic content analysis. Participants The sample consisted of 21 nurses. Ethical considerations The study was approved by an ethics committee. Confidentiality and anonymity were guaranteed. Participation was voluntary. Findings The analysis revealed four themes: (1) universal values of nursing (professional values), (2) experiences with conscientious objection (refusing to provide care/not providing care), (3) possible effects of conscientious objection (positive and negative), and (4) scope of conscientious objection (grounded and groundless). Conclusion Participants did not want to provide care due to (1) patient characteristics or (2) their own religious and moral beliefs. Participants stated that conscientious objection should be limited in the case of moral dilemmas and accepted only if the healthcare team agreed on it. Further research is warranted to define conscientious objection and determine its possible effects, feasibility, and scope in Turkey. (shrink)

A salient tradition in contemporary affect theory heavily relies on distinguishing between emotions and affects. The former refers to structured categories of socially coded affective states, while the latter denotes the pre-social libidinal flow underlying emotions. This distinction is commonly attributed to Spinoza and is thought to have been further developed by Deleuze. In this article, I argue that this overall historical picture is misleading and inaccurate. Deleuze radically transforms Spinoza’s theory of affect for the ends of his own ethical-political (...) philosophy. Moreover, I argue that Deleuzian and similar conceptualizations of affect fail to fulfill their political and ethical promises due to two critical problems. In the last section, I show that a unified notion of emotion inspired by Spinoza, which does not create a sharp rift between emotions and affect, can perform the same explanatory function intended by the emotion-affect distinction while allowing us to circumvent these problems. (shrink)

The epistemic basic structure of a society consists of those institutions that have the greatest impact on individuals’ opportunity to obtain knowledge on questions they have an interest in as citizens, individuals, and public officials. It plays a central role in the production and dissemination of knowledge and in ensuring that people have the capability to assimilate this knowledge. It includes institutions of science and education, the media, search engines, libraries, museums, think tanks, and various government agencies. This article identifies (...) two demands of justice that apply specifically to the institutions that belong to it. First, the epistemic basic structure should serve all citizens fairly and reliably. It should provide them with the opportunity to acquire knowledge they need for their deliberations about the common good, their individual good, and how to pursue them. Second, the epistemic basic structure should produce and disseminate the knowledge that various experts and public officials need to successfully pursue justice and citizens need to effectively exercise their rights. After arguing for these duties, I discuss what policies follow from them and respond to the worry that these duties have illiberal implications. (shrink)

Conscientious objection poses ethical dilemmas frequently encountered by nurses, allowing them to prioritize personal beliefs in caregiving. However, it may also be viewed as a stance jeopardizing patients’ healthcare access. There is no measurement tool to measure conscientious objection in nurses. This study aimed to develop a measurement tool for nurses’ conscientious objection attitudes. This research is a methodological study conducted with a total of 261 nurses in Turkiye. Following content validity assessments by ten experts, a 29-item draft scale was (...) developed. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses examined the factor structure, and reliability was assessed via the Spearman-Brown coefficient, intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC), and Bland Altman plot. Cronbach’s alpha estimated internal consistency and discrimination, which were evaluated by comparing lower and upper 27% groups. The Nurses’ Conscientious Objection Attitude Scale (COAS-N) comprises 29 items and three sub-dimensions (prioritizing professional values, prioritizing personal values, and requesting the right to conscientious objection). Cronbach’s alpha for the entire scale is 0.81. Validity and reliability were established for the newly developed scale measuring nurses’ conscientious objection attitudes. (shrink)

Ontolojinin tam ortasında bağlantı, aşkınlaşma ve geçişlilik sorunu tarafından kat edilen bir parça-bütün bilmecesi durmaktadır. Materyalizm, onun geleneksel formu olan determinizm ve ortaya çıkış (emergence) şeylerin aynı anda içsel ve dışsal varoluşlarını ve birbirleriyle etkileşimlerini, yani varoluşun sürekliliğini ifade etmeyi başaramayarak ontolojiyi metafizik bir boşlukla baş başa bırakmışlardır. Halbuki mevcudat, güzellik temelinde anlaşıldığı an, varoluşun kaleydoskopik sürekliliği birden kendini görünür kılar. Güzellik, aşkınlaşmayı ve zihinselliği mevcudatın zati niteliği kılarak tüm eşyayı güzellik temelinde ve yönelimiyle inşa olan kesintisiz bir estetik akışı (...) olarak yeniden kurgularken ontoloji ve estetik birbirlerinin ayna görüntüsü oluverir: “Güzellik onları komşu parçalarla olan ilişkilerinden çekip almaksızın parçaların diğer bütünler için görülebilir ve erişilebilir olmalarına izin verir.” İşte Lars Spuybroek, başta Platon, Kant ve Burke olmak üzere Alfred North Whitehead, Charles Hartshorne ve William Hogarth gibi isimleri birlikte okuyarak Heidegger’in dört katmanlı statik Varlığına alternatif, mevcudat arenasının estetik sürekliliğini gözler önüne seren kendi diyagramını ortaya koyuyor. (shrink)

The main problem of this text is as follows: While identifying the status of education systems related to moral education with the title of industrial education, the situation is identified through the problems of the morality of education or moral education. Then, a proposal on the education of morality is made through the system evaluation. This point is for the text. These problems are dealt with by using an in-depth and holistic evaluation method together with description and identification. The text (...) primarily focuses on the founding meaning through which time manifests. Because education is both built by this meaning and fulfills a task that perpetuates it. As a part of an entirety/ground reflecting the spirit of the time, education carries/overflows its nuclei and aims. The expression “industrial education” is crucial in that it expresses both its roots, the entirety to which it belongs, and the network of values it has. Here, the term industrial refers to the ground in question, and industrial education refers to the educational understanding of that ground. It is unthinkable that the network of values it possesses is contrary to the whole in question. In the text, the identification of this situation is described through the “ethics of education”. This process that humanity has experienced is new. Therefore, industrial education should be interpreted with its conceptual network. Thus, concepts such as "environment", "context", "transformation", "change" have been redefined. This is essential to make sense of the situation. It identifies that the final solutions sought can be possible not with the “morals of education” but with the "education of morals". This means proposing a reinstallation of the system/environment. (shrink)

With the increased use of technology, the use of medical photography has also increased, especially for secondary purposes. Secondary use only results in a benefit for clinicians and is considered a one-way process. This, in turn, raises several potential ethical issues, despite the numerous benefits of medical photography. The descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted with 82 physicians who took medical photos, in Ankara, Turkey. The mean age of the participants was 44.7 years. Of the participants, 95.1% reported using their personal (...) mobile phones for photographing and 84.1% reported taking medical photos for “use in clinical trainings (clinical seminars, student and patient trainings, etc.)”. Among physicians who took photos for research purposes, 29.3% reported obtaining only verbal consent. In addition, 53.7% of physicians reported storing medical photos on their personal computers. It seems that there is no consensus among physicians regarding taking, storing, and using medical photos, and these results cause ethical problems. (shrink)

There are some radical practices of asceticism, such as wearing ṣūf (wool clothes), traveling without provisions, choosing to be single, and avoiding earning a living by working, which were generally seen in the 2nd century A.H. and were subject to criticism with the formation of classical Ṣūfism. Criticisms of these practices have started to appear in the literature since the 3rd century A.H. Early Ṣūfī writers such as Al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī, Muḥāsibī, Abū Saʿīd al-Kharrāz, al-Sarrāj focused on this issue and criticized (...) these practices. How are these practices of ascetics viewed in the sects that were formed and spread in the 6th and 7th centuries? Our research seeks the answer to this question, but limits it to the example of Abū l-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī, the founder of Shādhiliyya. This question is important in two respects: First of all, it is investigated whether the determination of some researchers that al-Shādhilī taught comfort in the face of worldly blessings is also correct. Because, among contemporary researchers, there are those who believe that al-Shādhilī wears ostentatious clothes, rides horses, encourages economic competitiveness, and is therefore open to benefiting from worldly blessings to the fullest. Secondly, it includes an investigation of the validity of the belief that these practices belong to an early period in the history of Sûfism and have been completely abandoned over time. Although al-Shādhilī seems to have completed his spiritual education in Morocco with his sheikh, he later went to Tunisia with the latent command of his master. We see that in his first years in Tunisia, he went into seclusion in a cave and was completely isolated from the society and engaged in worship in a way that reminds us of the practices of the early ascetics. But in the second phase of his life in Tunisia, he went to the city on a spiritual sign, socialized, started to give sermons to people, and started to behave more flexible about eating and drinking. al-Shādhilī specifically states that he did not prefer socialization at this stage, but with a spiritual sign. Later, he went to Egypt again with a spiritual sign and got married there, started to deal with agriculture, and continued to socialize by establishing relations with the rulers. Therefore, it can be said that this new social period is a break both from the radical practices of the early ascetics and from the early period in Tunisia itself. It is also seen that in this new period of al-Shādhilī, he did not wear the clothes of ascetics like sūf (wool clothes) and did not want his followers to wear them. He also encouraged to have a profession and was generally against traveling without provisions. But there are two points to be noted here: First, these milder and more comfortable practices should not lead to a search for comfort and luxury. He continued to keep his distance from worldly blessings and to advise asceticism. Secondly, he had some of his distinguished disciples make some practices of the ascetics. The reason for the existence of these seemingly contradictory practices is that while he recommends moderate and sustainable practices to the general public and his followers, he can make the specialized sūfis more strict and difficult practices. While he was encouraging work and earning in general, not ignoring experience, including avoiding work; not ignoring seclusion while leading to sociality in general; while generally suggesting to resort to occasions, he also follows a path of implementing and enforcing radical practices such as traveling without food. Thus, al-Shādhilī is able to encompass all the seemingly incompatible practices of the previous sūfi accumulation with a point of view of spiritual rank and hierarchy. (shrink)

Eğitim, insanla birlikte var olan bir olgudur. Eğitimin ilmî bir disiplin hâlini alması ise yenidir. Yakın döneme kadar eğitim, din eğitimi, ahlâk ve değer eğitimi şeklinde birbirinden ayrı alanlar da söz konusu değildir. Dolayısıyla bunların ilmî birer disiplin olarak birbirlerinden ayrılmaları da yeni bir hadisedir. Zira tarihsel süreçte eğitim, dinî ve ahlâkî bir karakteri haiz olup bunların her biri diğerinden bağımsız alanlar olarak telakki edilmemiştir. Burada din, eğitime anlamlı gaye ve hedefler sağlarken ahlâk, hem dinin hem de eğitimin önemli amaçlarından (...) birini teşkil etmektedir. Ayrıca tam anlamıyla tahakkuk etmesi, olumlu ve dengeli bir kişilik oluşturması adına eğitimin dinî ve ahlâkî karakteri de önem arz etmektedir. Bu nedenle günümüzde eğitim, din eğitimi, değer ve ahlâk eğitimi şeklindeki adlandırmaların tarihsel süreçte hangi kavramlara karşılandığının ya da hangi kavramlarla ilişkili olduğunun ortaya konması büyük bir önemi haizdir. Ehl-i Sünnet kelâmının ve tasavvufun kurucu isimleri arasında yer alan Hâris el-Muhâsibî (öl. 243/857), insanın dinamik yapısını oluşturan, onun olumlu-olumsuz eylemlerinin kaynağı konumundaki kalp, akıl ve nefsin belli bir ölçü ve denge içerisinde eğitilmesi gerektiği üzerinde duran, bu yönde çok sayıda kavrama yer veren erken dönem âlimlerinden birisidir. Muhâsibî’nin insanın içten dışa değişimi ve dönüşümü, onun eğitimi ve öğretimiyle ilgili farklı kavramlara değindiği görülmektedir. Bu yönüyle çalışmamız, Muhâsibî’nin -günümüzdeki anlamıyla- eğitim, din ve ahlâk eğitimiyle ilgili yer verdiği kavramları konu edinmekte, bunları hangi anlamlarda kullanıldığını ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu şekilde eğitime dair kavramların gelenekten tevarüs edilen birikimle ve klasik metinler bağlamında ele alınması, eğitimin günümüzdeki muhtevasını, yaşadığı değişimleri, daralmaları vs. anlamayı daha da kolaylaştıracaktır. Hem kavramların hem de bunların sahip olduğu muhtevanın tespit edilmesi bağlamında öncelikle Muhâsibî’nin eserlerinden istifade edilmiştir. Buna göre araştırma yazılı dokümanların incelenmesi yöntemiyle ele alınmıştır. Muhâsibî’nin başta edeb olmak üzere eğitime dair ele aldığı kavramlar -dönemin genel anlayışına uygun olarak- dinî ve ahlâkî bir tema taşımaktadır. Ta‘lîm/te‘allum, ders/tedrîs, edeb/te’dîb, tasfiye, tathîr, ıslâh ve mücâhede (mücâdele ve mükâbede) Muhâsibî’nin yer verdiği başlıca kavramlardır. Terbiye, tehzîb, tezkiye ve riyâzet gibi kavramlara ise ya hiç değinmediği ya da çok az değindiği görülmektedir. Muhâsibî, bunlardan edeble -bilhassa tasavvuf çevresinde ele alındığı şekliyle- dinî/ahlâkî bir içerikle ve daha çok nefsin terbiye edilmesi yönüyle ilgilenmiştir. Bunun yanında diğer kavramların da benzer bir içerikle ele alındığı gözlenmektedir. (shrink)

: The corpus of fatwa named as Bostānu Shaqā’iq al-Nuʿmān, recorded in the Veliyuddin Efendi section under the number 1414 at Beyazıd State Library. It has been ignored so far. Because of its name, it may be thought that it is a part of Tashkoprulüzāde’s book Shaḳā’iḳ-i Nuʿmāniyya, but it is a nuqullu fatwa collection of Babakūshī ʿAbdurrahmān Efendi. In the famous Shaqā’iq appendix Atā’ī, which gives information about the biography of Abdurrahmān Efendi does not mention the book with this (...) name. Abdurrahman Efendi who was from a family in Plovdiv region worked in different positions in Istanbul and Edirne. Then, he was appointed as a mufti to Kefe, Crimea. He died in 983/1576. There is no information about his scholarly identity in ‛Aṭā‛ī except being the intern of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. In this essay, first of all, the place of Babakūshī in Ottoman Islamic Law tradition will be determined, and the features of the manuscripts and some notes on the postscript will be studied. In assessment section, especially because of the notes on the manuscripts, it has to be studied in terms of Islamic Law literature and its place should be figured out in fatwa literature. Summary: Nuqullu Fatwa collections that included citations were the books that were created for people to have access to the ruling on legal issues of scholars who were appointed as Muslim judges or muftis together with their sources and background. Although there are several studies in the literature about fatwa collections with citations Babakūshī ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi's book titled Bostânu Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān was not included in the literature. ‛Aṭā‛ī provides information about the life of Babakūshī Abdurrahman Efendi. Atâ'î explains that he climbed the stairs with the help of Baba Efendi and joined the special group of people with aptitude at the level of apprenticeship. Then he raised also to the level of being the intern of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. Later, Babakūshī ʿAbd al-Raḥmān started to teach. He taught as a teacher for three years in Istanbul and then became the Mufti of Kefe replacing Molla Akmal al-Dīn. Molla Ekmeleddin, who was better known as Ekmel Efendi, just like ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi, was an apprentice of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi and would later be transferred to Cyprus after the island was conquered. According to Aṭā‛ī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi remained in that position which he was appointed as Ṣahn teacher until his death and died in Zilqāda 983/February 1576. The highest position that Babakūshī took among the religious scholars organization in the Ottoman Empire was being the Mufti of Kefe. As stated by ‛Aṭā‛ī, he was appointed as the Mufti of Kefe with the title of Ṣahn teacher. Instead of giving information about his teachers, ‛Aṭā‛ī mostly concentrated on Baba Efendi who was one of his relatives. Therefore we do not have information about his mentors/teachers. We can say that he belonged to the Ottoman school of scholars since he was an apprentice of Abū l-Suʿūd Efendi. The copy which is the subject matter of this study is registered as Veliyüddin Efendi with number 1414 at Bāyezıd State Library. According to our research, the copy which has 237 sheets is the only copy of the book. From the expressions of Babakūshī in the preface, it is concluded that the book was written close to his death. There are several notes written with different pens as footnotes of the book. Here, four of them which are considered to be more important will be identified.First: Notes written with the same pen as the main text. These are generally citations from books such as Tatarkhāniyye, Hidāya, ‛İnâya, Kashf al-Asrâr Sharḥu Manār.Second: are 'maṭlabs' i.e. important matters. Third: are relatively inelaborate notes. These were written by someone who we thought was not a copyist/calligrapher when compared with the general style of the book. Fourth: Warning notes which included some questions. These are generally in Turkish. The preface of the book, provides sufficient information about who the author was and the nature of the book. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Efendi, with the intention of writing a collection, started to research taking into account imams' and shaykhs' nāsikh and mensūkh and he also considered sheikhs' explanations about what was definite and what needed caution and taqwa in practice. He recorded that this search lasted for 3 years and he referred especially to Fatāwa-yi Qādikhān and Fatāwa-yı Tatarkhāniyya within this period and additionally reviewed and studied Islamic Law books that he found in the Ottoman Empire. He described that he divided these into chapters and inserted subject matters in the footnotes. Then he described how he gave the title, Bostānu Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān to the book emphasizing especially bostan.This could be seen in the expression, Masīratan li'l-Qudāt. No reference was made to Shaqā'iḳ al-Nuʿmān in the title of the book. Probably he had his intentions due to the famous book titled Şeḳ' āiḳ-i Nuʿmaniye and his pupils). In the chapter which started with Fasl right after the preface the author said that fatwa would be issued based on the opinions of three imams, namely Abū Ḥanīfa, Abu Yūsuf and Imām Muhammed that their madhap was followed and their good morals were observed. Then, it was stated that the Mufti could issue fatwas according to the opinions of first, Abū Ḥanīfa, then Abu Yūsuf and finally Imam Muḥammed. It was also stated that if he could not find their opinions and had himself muctehid, he could give his ictihad. The Fatwa collection, Bostān, is an important work among the 16th century Ottoman books since it is an important scholar's book who had witnessed Islamic knowledge in the central Ottoman Empire and Crimean region. (shrink)

We can find the origins of the notion of void in the Kalām tradition’s recognition of atomism. However, the main debates on the subject appeared after the Greek philosophical heritage transitioned to the Islamic world in the 3 rd century of Hijra. The literature of Kalām, just as in the metaphysical tradition, has two main types for this void being discussed. The first one is the external void (extracosmic) in which the cosmos floats. In the sources of Kalām, the question (...) of whether such a type of void exists is debated around the questions of whether anyone who might look beyond the cosmos can see anything or whether someone who stretches their hand outside the cosmos can move it. The second type of void, which occupies more of the mutakallimūn (Muslim theologians) agenda, is the internal void (intercosmic), assumed to be within the cosmos and between the body-forming atoms. This kind of void is discussed around the question of “Whether separating the two atoms is possible so that a third one can be inserted between them?” An ongoing discussion on the intercosmic void is found between the Baṣran and Baghdād Schools of Mu’tazila. Ibn Mattawayh and al-Nīsābūrī narrated the evidence presented in these discussions in their original form. The current essay discusses the debates between the two Schools and assesses the theoretical and experimental arguments both Schools present to justify their viewpoints, considering their philosophical origins. (shrink)

Pulleys and cranes are used for hoisting loads with or without providing a significant gain in force. Both of these devices have provided convenience to humans since ancient times. Pulleys are considered to be one of the five mechanical powers of the ancient world. Their history is very much linked with the early history of cranes. The cranes originated from the pulley systems. In this paper, the early history of the application of these well-preserved ancient mechanical instruments is examined together. (...) This paper mainly focuses on the various interesting applications of pulleys and cranes in ancient and medieval times. Yet theoretical developments in the timeline mentioned above are also included in this paper. (shrink)

There are two main sources of compensation liability in Islamic Law of Obligations. These; contract and tort. Harming someone else is prohibited by any means. However, in social life, we witness that people harm others. Here, too, the legal order tries to ensure that the said damage is remedied. However, it is not a legal way to harm the other party for this. Are there other obligations at the same time as the liability for compensation? In this regard, Article 86 (...) of Mecelle regulates that compensation liability and usage benefit cannot be combined in accordance with the Hanafi sect. There are some theoretical reasons for this within the sect. However, other sects have opposing views to the Hanafi sect on this issue. In particular, they approached positively to the compensation of the usage benefit of the usurped property separately. The basis of this difference is based on whether the benefit is legally accepted as property. However, in the later periods, some exceptions were made to the first view within the Hanafi sect. These; foundation, orphan and commercial property. In addition, it has been accepted that in the Majalla amendments, the benefit can be accepted as property and may be the subject of compensation. (shrink)

The concepts of “Islamic Fundamentalism” and “Islamic Terrorism” are the usual suspects in the present political reality and discourse. After the tragic events in New York, Madrid, Istanbul, and London, one has every reason to think that Islam is somehow a part of the problem. But in terms of the issues that we currently face, we must be careful to distinguish between understanding and the creation of scapegoats. There is no doubt that a terrorist act is unjustifiable, and it must (...) be categorically condemned in every situation. We must resolutely fight against any claim to the contrary. Even so, the…. (shrink)

Kur’ân’ın yedi harf üzere indirildiğine dair pek çok hadis bulunmaktadır. Konuyla ilgili sahih hadislerde yedi harfin, Kur’ân’ın okunuşuyla ilgili bir olgu olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Ancak söz konusu hadislerde yedi harfin mahiyetine dair açık bir bilgi yer almadığından bundan maksadın ne olduğu ile ilgili çok fazla görüş ortaya atılmıştır. Zayıf hadislere dayanan birçok görüşe göre yedi harf, Kur’ân’ın okunuşundan ziyade içeriğiyle ilgili bir kavramdır. Kaynaklarda sahiplerine nispet edilmeden aktarılan bu yöndeki görüşler kıraat alanında uzman âlimler tarafından ya zayıf görüşler olarak kabul edilmiş (...) ya da bütünüyle reddedilmiştir. Kuvvetli görüşler arasında ise şu üç görüş diğerlerine nazaran daha çok benimsenmiştir: 1. Kur’ân lafızlarının farklı lehçelere göre okunması 2. Kur’ân lafızlarının eş anlamlı kelimelerle okunması 3. Kur’ân lafızlarının farklı vecihlerle okunması. Kıraat alanında temayüz etmiş bilginler tarafından tercih edilen bu görüşler de ikna edici olmaktan uzaktır. Zira bu görüşlerin hepsinde şâz kıraatler de yedi harfin içeriğine dâhil edildiğinden yedi harfin kısmen de olsa neshedildiği iddia edilmiştir. Ancak Hz. Peygamber’in açık beyanına dayanmadan yedi harfin bir kısmının neshedildiğini iddia etmek mümkün değildir. Son arzada ya da Hz. Osman döneminde yedi harfin neshedildiğini ileri sürmek de zan ve tahminden öteye geçmemektedir. İşte bu çalışmada ilgili görüşler tahlil edilerek sahih olmayan kıraatlerin yedi harfin kapsamına alınamayacağı ve yedi harfin sahih kıraatten farklı bir olgu olamayacağı, böylece kısmen de olsa neshedilemeyeceği ortaya konacaktır. (shrink)

Sartre’s phenomenology of the image in L’Imaginaire includes analytical distinctions between the mind’s comportments towards perceptual objects, images, and signs, which he refers to as different forms of consciousness. Sartre denies any possible convergence between imaging and sign consciousness, arguing that there are essential differences in the way they relate to the notions of resemblance, positionality, and affect. This essay argues against his phenomenological distinctions by stressing the continuity of imaging with sign consciousness: between images and words. In particular, it (...) argues that his understanding of the sign as affectless is questionable and that there is no reason to believe that images and signs cannot elicit similar affects or perform the same functions. Consequently, it is possible to interpret Sartre’s physical images or “analoga” as pictorial signs: his phenomenological descriptions of physical images may indeed be recast in the language of the sign and reformulated as acts of consciousness that involve pictorial signs. (shrink)

This article discusses a particular example of the intelligent design argument, which is one of the theistic arguments put forward to prove the existence of God. The intelligent design argument, in contrast to evolutionary theory, is central to the debate between religion and science. In this context, the problem that the article deals with is the validity and persuasiveness of William A. Dembski's design argument based on spatial regularities. Both historical and contemporary versions of design arguments mainly focus on spatial (...) regularities. However, with the widespread acceptance of evolutionary theory in scientific and philosophical circles, design arguments based on spatial regularities have been severely criticized. The article aims to examine a contemporary example of design arguments based on spatial regularities, and to determine whether it maintains its strength against the objections originating from the theory of evolution. Literature review, one of the qualitative data collection methods, was used in the study, and the data were philosophically evaluated in terms of consistency and defensibility. This subject, which has a very comprehensive place in the debates in the context of philosophy of religion, science and religion, is limited to Dembski's proof and objections to him. As a result of this study, it will be argued that Dembski's design argument based on spatial regularities is not convincing enough in the face of criticisms originating from the theory of evolution. (shrink)

Parents in Arab society did not take any responsibility for their children in the pre-Islamic era. The husband, as the head of the family, used to treat family members as his servants and forced them in the direction of his interests. No matter the rationale behind it, the burial of daughters in the pre-Islamic era is an outrageous and ill-treated tradition. In this study, it is possible to see which tribes in the Arab society started this repellent custom and which (...) ones were more common. In the society, it is possible to find that there were conscientious and virtuous people trying to prevent these events which can be called as a shame of this humanity, which does not approach the events with the value judgments of that day. Before shedding light on the motivations behind this tradition in the Jahiliyyah Arab society, the examination of the treatment towards daughters in other parts of the World in the same era, would be meaningful in terms of enlightening the phenomenon. This study aims to crystallize the causes, extent, and responses by wise people towards the burial of daughters in the pre-Islamic and Prophetic era.Summary: The burial of daughters or their slaughter in a variety of ways was not unique to the Arabs. At that time people and animals in many parts of the world were sacrificed to give thanks to the gods and to ease their anger. When the killings of girls are considered, Arab society comes to mind. In that time, other countries and nations in the world were not different from the Arabs. During this period, daughters were killed in different ways, not through the burial of living alive.During the Jahiliyya period, among the Arabs who murdered the children of the boys, the girls, and children who were considered to be the weakest members of the family were conducted with this treatment. Men who were the head of the family could tolerate having one or a maximum of two girls. When the number of girls increased, they regarded it as a matter of honour so that when a new daughter was born, the inevitable attempt was to murder her.In the Arabian peninsula - rich merchant families exceptional - families were trying to survive with scarce opportunities. The food and clothing materials used were usually exported and extremely expensive. Therefore, there was a necessity for male members of the family who would provide for the family. From this perspective, so many sons meant dignity. The economy of the day was based on looting and pillaging except for the trade of the elite. Therefore, one had to be strong. The birth of a daughter meant shame, sadness and grief instead of joy and happiness for them. The man would wait excitedly for good news. If the baby was a boy the family rejoiced. However, if it was a daughter the father would be upset. When a person said, “She was a daughter” she could not know what to do with her shame and how to hide from people.When the Arab tribes were examined in general, the burial of daughters was not extended to the whole population. The question of murdering the girl by burying her child was common among Bedouin Arabs who lived in the desert rather than the city. It was extremely difficult to see this tradition in the tribe of Quraish, which were regarded as the masters of the Arabs. When we look at the sources of Jahiliyya and Islamic history, it is observed that the examples of this outrages customs were generally realized in the near term. It is understood that the memory of society is not rich enough to comment. The main reason for this is that Arab society has not a written culture.For the Jahiliyya Arabs, her daughters were ashamed. If they married their daughters even before they had married their daughters into adultery, seeing it as lighter than their children. One of the main reasons was jealousy. The data show that this style was applied more intensely among the Bedouin tribes and especially the tribes of Temim, which is considered to have started the process of burying girls. It is also said that the most jealous tribe of the Arabs is the Rebia tribe. Because of this feature, it is accepted that the first burial of the girl was started in this tribe.Although the Arab society before Islam was known by the atrocities of ignorance and weakness, there were people who were not completely dead and consciously dead. Even though they buried girls alive in society, some people who were disturbed by this rite that destroyed human dignity were trying to prevent ignorant and cruel fathers. The most well-known of the these was the famous poet Ferezdak, grandfather Sasaa b. Naciye.One of the main reasons for the behavior of burying girls alive before Islam was the fear of poverty. Most of them were living in the midst of starvation, and they were considering their daughters as burdens for the family. So they were burying their daughters because of poverty and hunger.One of the reasons for the murder of girls was the sense of honour. In Jahiliyya when a man marries a woman does not come to mind this sense, while marrying his own daughter to someone else sees this as a matter of dishonesty and and he says “it was more sweet to me to bury my daughter with my own hands rather than to marry my daughter. The idea of honour among the Arabs was the idea that their daughters and women would one day be in the hands of the enemy and thus would become a concern for themselves.One of the attributes of the nobles of Arabs was pride and vanity. If someone become arrogant to him and he doesn’t reply, he would be considered a coward. This arrogance dominated the movements of the people of the ignorance. In their eyes, it was so bad to marry someone who was not equal, that they were more likely to die than marrying someone. They were doing this because they had a bit of compassion for them. According to them, girls could not shoulder the heavy burden of life. There were many ways to kill the girl before Islam. But the most common of these was to push him into a hole he had dug before and to throw soil over her and bury her alive. The most commonly used method of killing girls by dumping them in the pits, though, was that they were drowned in the water or strangled. (shrink)