Bu çalışmada küresel İkinci Soğuk Savaş koşulları, post-truth (hakikat-ötesi) kavramı ve gelişmekte olan ekonomi toplumlarının tereddütleri nedeniyle yeniden söz konusu olan özne felsefelerinin sorun çerçevesi ve işlevi ele alınmaktadır. Ram Roy Bhaskar ve Jean-François Lyotard’ın eleştirilerine dayanılarak öznenin ancak kendi ekosistemi ve ekolojisinde bir toplumsal gerçeklik, karşılılıklılık ve mantıksal doğrulama olanağına erişebileceği fikri geliştirilmektedir. Postmodernizm ve post-yapısalcı felsefenin büyük anlatıların veya meta-söylemlerin bittiği yolundaki bildirileri, öznenin ancak kendi kişisel yaşamı ve fiziksel olarak dokunabildiği (...) toplumsal çevresinden hareketle konuşabileceği anlamında kabul edilmelidir. Kuşatıcılık ve farklılıkları önemseyen küreselleşme ve bireyselleşmenin mantığı ticari işlemektedir. Burada insan öznesi hem ekonomik, psikolojik ve hukuki güvencelerinden emin değildir, hem de toplum içerisinde kendine bir rol seçmekte zorlanabilmektedir. Böylece felsefi öznenin kendi mevcudiyetinin dışında ve doğrudan deneyimleyemediği kavramlar hakkında konuşmasının işlevsel ve yararlı olmadığı ifade edilmektedir. Özne felsefelerinin 2024-2050 arasındaki çerçevesi büyük ölçüde her öznenin kendi ekosistemi ve ekolojisinde ve pek karmaşık olmayan sorunlar etrafında teşekkül edecektir. (shrink)

The post-truth condition is just as much about naming a meta-game as winning it. This condition can be tracked across Western intellectual history from the Homeric epics to popular culture. The common thread is that players are more likely to succeed in this meta-game if they have a certain consistency of character, which Thomas More called “integrity.” The presence of integrity means that the historical losers have often had an advantage in defining for subsequent generations the name (...) of the game because the steadfastness of their characters may make them be regarded as the agents of history, for better or worse. Further, naming the game tends to be stabilized by a variety of mental and material conditions, including “modal power”—control over what people think is and is not possible. Modal power is related to both Machiavellian politics and Kantian transcendentalism, and to the phenomenon of “truthiness.” The character of the post-truth player is epitomized by Thomas More, the “man for all seasons,” who remained consistent as he moved between multiple games, and ultimately to his execution. (shrink)

“Gerçekten Öyle mi Olmuş?” kitabında, tarih disiplininin nasıl bir süreçten geçtiğine kısaca değinilerek küresel gelişmeler ışığında hangi yönlere evirildiği konu edildi. Çalışma, bir anlamda tarihin ve tarih eğitiminin varlık-amaç işlevlerinin belirlenmesinin temelinde yatan nedenleri, geçmiş-gelecek diyalektiği çerçevesinde sorgulamaya dayandı. Bu bağlamda geçmişin çağrışımının siyasetle ilişkisi, günümüz bilgi teknolojilerindeki değişim, dördüncü sanayi devrimiyle dönüşecek toplumsal yapının dinamikleri ve en nihayetinde toplumun geçmiş ve gelecek algısı ile bu algının post-truth (gerçek ötesi) dönemdeki yansımaları örneklerle ele alındı. Post-truth olarak adlandırılan (...) bu yeni dönemde, tarihçilik açısından problematik görünen üç ana konu incelendi. Bunlardan ilki, tarihin ve tarihçiliğin geleceğine ilişkin riskler ve tehditler. Diğeri, ilkiyle bağlantılı olarak tarihin öteden beri siyasiler tarafından bir meşruiyet aracı olarak kullanılıyor olmasının günümüzdeki durumu ve suistimaller. Son olarak da yeni medyada üretilen tarihsel bilginin gerçekliğinin denetlenememesiyle ortaya çıkan ve toplumsal kutuplaşmalara yol açan bilgi kirliliği. Böylelikle, post-truth çağında gerçeğin peşinden koşan tarihçilerin ve tarih severlerin, yeni medya ve onun uzantılarıyla nasıl yüz yüze kalacağı konusunda bir resim sunulmaya çalışıldı. Amacımız, bu üç soruna çözümler getirerek konu sonlandırmak olmayıp konunun özellikle akademisyenler tarafından tartışılmasını sağlayacak bir gündemin oluşturulmasıdır. (shrink)

İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dünya Üçüncü Dünya halklarının uyanışına doğdu. Yüzyıllar boyunca “gelişmiş” Batı ülkelerinin hâkimiyetinde yaşamış halklar savaş sonrası silahsızlanma, barış, ekonomik adalet, gibi söylemlerle bezenmiş bir Üçüncü Dünya projesine yoğun ilgi gösterdiler. Bu makale Üçüncü Dünya projesinin tarih yazımını incelemektedir. Bu anlamda çalışma mevcut tarih yazımına toplumsal hareketler düzeyi, devletler düzeyi ve uluslararası düzey olmak üzere, üç düzeyde odaklanacaktır. Söz konusu üç düzeyde makale ilk olarak halkların dünyanın farklı coğrafyalarında verdiği mücadeleleri konu alacaktır. İkinci olarak, (...) milliyetçi hükümetlerin anti-emperyalist mücadelelerini konu alan eserlere odaklanılacaktır. Son olarak ise, uluslararası düzeyde antiemperyalist ve anti-kolonyalist mücadele veren Bağlantısızlar Hareketi masaya yatırılacaktır. (shrink)

Sosyolojinin yeni bir alt dalı olarak 1990’lı yıllarda ortaya çıkan sınır sosyolojisi, sınır ve toplum ilişkilerinin karşılıklı etkileşimini konu edinen ve sınır ve toplumsal değişme arasındaki ilişkiyi anlamayı amaçlayan bir bilimsel disiplindir. Soğuk Savaşın son bulması ve Sovyetler Birliği’nin çöküşü, Berlin Duvarı’nın yıkılması, yeni devletlerin ortaya çıkması, Avrupa Birliği’nin genişlemesi, küreselleşme ve teknolojik gelişmeler sınır sosyolojisinin ortaya çıkmasında doğrudan doğruya etkili olmuştur. Söz konusu gelişmeler sınırların yeniden düşünülmesini gerektirmiştir. Toplumların kuruluşunda sınırların nerede yer aldığı, sınırların kimlik ifade etmede (...) nasıl bir role sahip olduğu, sınırların nasıl algılandıkları ve sınırötesi ilişkilerin nasıl şekillendiği sınır sosyolojisinin temel sorularını oluşturur. Bu çalışmanın temel sorunsalı, sınır sosyolojisinin bağımsız bir disiplin olarak gelişiminde kapsamının, yönteminin ve tarihsel gelişiminin nasıl bir rol oynadığıdır. Bu sorunsal çerçevesinde sınırların farklı anlamları içerdiği, psikolojik, sosyolojik, siyasal, ekonomik, kültürel, dinsel, etnik, dilsel, toplumsal cinsiyet, mekân, güvenlik, milliyetçilik, göç ve küreselleşme gibi boyutları taşıdığı ve değişik toplumsal işlevlere sahip olduğu görülmüştür. Sınır sosyolojisinin sosyolojinin bir alt dalı olarak gelişim gösterdiği, sosyologların sınır ve toplum ilişkilerini görünür kıldıkları, sınırların tarihsel bir perspektiften inşa edildiği, genel sosyolojinin yanı sıra sınır sosyolojisinin kendisine özgü yönteminin olduğu ve sınırlarla ilgili sosyolojik çalışmaların bir tarihsel süreklilik taşıdığı tespit edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda, sınır sosyolojisinin sosyolojide yeni bir alan olarak geliştiği anlaşılmıştır. (shrink)

Classical theories of truth are monistic, since they fundamentally search for the essence of truth. The correspondence theory of truth is the most representative in this regard. There are several difficulties with the essentialist theories of truth, which led to the emergence of several alternatives. The purpose of this article is to critically evaluate three of them: the pragmatic theory of truth, the deflationary theory and the pluralistic approach. I argue for overcoming monism and for accepting pluralism in our understanding (...) of truth. At the same time, I argue – from a wittgensteinian point of view – for abandoning the attempt to build a general philosophical theory of truth. I plead for limiting the philosopher’s role to the clarification of the specific ways in which the concept of truth is used in various forms of life and areas of scientific investigation. Multiple uses of the concept of truth in different thematic areas cannot be synthesized, properly speaking, through a particular philosophical theory. (shrink)

Bu çalışma, Afrika Boynuzu’nda yer alan Eritre devletinin bağımsızlığı konusunun uluslararası alanda gündeme geldiği iki tarih olan 1950 ve 1990’ların başlarını odağa alarak, 1950’lerde onaylanmayan bağımsızlığın 1990’larda onaylanmış olmasını sorun edinmektedir. Bu açıdan, çalışmanın ilgi alanını bağımsızlık gündemine taraf devlet ve örgütlerin faaliyetleri oluşturur. Eritre’nin bağımsızlığı meselesinin kırk yıl ara ile farklı kararlarla sonuçlanmasının, bölgede çıkarları bulunan uluslararası aktörlerin tutumları, Birleşmiş Milletler’in rolü ve kararları ve bölge ülkelerinin iç dinamikleriyle doğrudan ilintili olduğu öne sürülmektedir. Bu bağlamda, Etiyopya ve Eritre’nin tarihsel (...) birlikteliği ve ayrımına odaklanarak, bu iki coğrafyanın ilişkisinin Eritre’nin bağımsızlığı özelinde üstünde durulan bir unsur olduğu gözler önüne serilmektedir. Bu iki ülkenin bir aradalığını ön gören ve görmeyen argüman ve tarihsel gelişmeler ele alınarak, Eritre’nin ikinci bağımsızlık gündeminde, ilkinde olmayan karşılıklı uzlaşı ve Eritre’nin ulusal niteliğinin üzerinde durulmuştur. İkinci olarak, self-determinasyon ve ayrılma konusunda dünyada yaşanan gelişmelerin Eritre’nin bağımsızlığına nasıl etki ettiği analiz edilmektedir. Bu noktada uluslararası örgütler tarafından alınan kararlar ve değişen normlar incelenmektedir. Son olarak Soğuk Savaş’ın tırmanma ve sönümlenme evrelerini merkeze alarak, ülkenin geleceğinde dış aktörlerin bölgesel ve küresel politikalarının nasıl belirleyici olduğu sorgulanmıştır. Özellikle ilk bağımsızlık gündeminin Soğuk Savaş politikaları gereği desteklenemeyecek ve Etiyopya’nın toprak bütünlüğünü savunacak bir konjonktürde, ikincisinin ise blok politikalarının çözüldüğü ve küresel dönüşümün başladığı yeni bir geçiş evresine denk geldiği için dış aktörlerce olumlu karşılandığı ve mümkün hale geldiği ileri sürülmüştür. (shrink)

탈진실 현상이 사회 전반에 큰 영향을 끼침에 따라 철학자들은 그 현상의 원인과 대안을 모색하는 논의를 활발히 전개하고 있다. 본 논문은 그러한 논의의 기초로서 탈진실 개념 자체에 대한 명료화를 시도한다. 탈진실은 거짓임의 한 종류로 생각하기 쉬우나, 필자는 탈진실 개념이 ‘거짓임’ 개념을 통해 정의되지 않는다는 것을 진리 동일론 하에서 ‘거짓임’을 규정하는 문제와 비교하여 서술할 것이다. 이어서 필자는 탈진실 개념에 포함된 ‘진실’은 사실적 진리와 평가적 진리를 모두 포함하지만, 이는 평가적 진리를 탈진실 현상 안에 어떻게 포괄해야 하는가의 문제를 발생시킨다는 점을 지적할 것이다. 다음으로 ‘탈진실’ (...) 개념의 사전적 정의를 점검하고, 그 정의에서 주목해야 할 세 지점을 강조할 것이다. 특히 그 가운데 ‘감정 그리고 개인적인 믿음’이 탈진실 현상의 진행 단계와 어떻게 연관되는가를 매킨타이어가 서술하는 탈진실이 형성되는 세 단계와 비교하여 분석할 것이다. 그리고 탈진실 현상이 평가적 진리를 어떻게 포괄할 것인가의 질문에 대한 답변으로서, 믿음의 객관성은 상호주관성에 기초한다는 데이빗슨의 이론을 요약하고, 그 구도에서 사실적 진리와 평가적 진리 둘 다 사실과 진리 담지자 사이의 2항관계에 의해 성립하는 것이 아니라는 답변을 제안할 것이다. 끝으로 탈진실 개념과 혼동하기 쉬운 두 가지 개념인 상대적 진리와 다원주의적 진리를 약술하고 그것이 탈진실 개념과 어떻게 다른지 서술할 것이다. (shrink)

If the important role of written translation in the construction and contestation of knowledge and narratives remains largely under-explored, then the part played by interpreting and interpreters is even less examined in knowledge construction and story-telling. At a time when Beijing increasingly seeks to bolster its discursive power and have the Chinese story properly told, the interpreter-mediated and televised Premier-Meets-the-Press conferences constitute a typical discursive event andregime of truthin articulating China’s officially sanctioned “voice.” Discursive in nature, the institutionalised event permits (...) Beijing to construct a desired version of truth, fact and narrative in front of the more vociferous and dominant West. As an attempt to employ digital humanities (DH) methods to real-world language use, this corpus-based CDA study explores the press conference interpreters’ agency and mediation in rendering key concepts and discourses (e.g., ECONOMY and REFORM) constitutive of the broader Reform and Opening-up meta-narrative, which legitimises China’s political and economic systems, developments, policies and positions in the post-1978 era. The interpreters are found to maintain and often further reinforce Beijing’s discourse in English at various levels. Apart from indicating issues of institutional alignment, this study points to interpreters’ agency in communicating beyond national borders, (re)constructing political and institutional knowledge, counterbalancing the naturalised and taken-for-granted Western narratives, and contributing to the shifting East-West power differentials discursively. This study highlights the significance of interpreters as indispensable (re)tellers of the Chinese story in an increasingly mediat(is)ed world, where the interpreted discourse is routinely quotedverbatimon various platforms and taken for granted as the correct version of Beijing’s official “voice.”. (shrink)

I argue that, despite similarities between them, Hayden White has fundamentally misunderstood Nietzsche’s philosophy of history. White, like many postmodern historical theorists, attributes to Nietzsche a truth-relativism with respect to historical facts and a value-relativism with respect to the worth of competing interpretations. I show that both of these attributions take insufficient account of Nietzsche’s perspectivism. Nietzsche rejects relativism and endorses interpretations that further the interests of particular types of life. When Nietzsche’s position is properly distinguished from the kind of (...) relativism ascribed by White, it will appear a coherent middle-ground between the positivist construal of historical truth and post-modern truth relativism. (shrink)

ZusammenfassungDieser Aufsatz erörtert einige philosophische Fragen in Bezug auf Bayers Vergegenwärtigung Luthers. Die Einbeziehung der Philosophie bietet der Theologie sowohl Chancen als auch Risiken. Einerseits kann die Philosophie zwischen einem religiösen oder theologischen Vokabular und der gegenwärtigen säkularen Gesellschaft vermitteln; andererseits riskiert die Theologie auf diese Weise eine Beeinflussung durch die innerweltlichen Kategorien der Philosophie. Diese zweite Position scheint die Bayers zu sein, da er die Beziehung von Philosophie und Theologie als Dissonanz interpretiert. Um zu untersuchen, ob und auf welche (...) Weise die Philosophie als Vermittlerin zwischen der Religion und der säkularen Gesellschaft fungieren kann, konzentriere ich mich auf ein gemeinsames Merkmal von Philosophie und Theologie, darauf, dass sie alle Arten überlieferter Weisheit in Frage stellen, um wahre, theologisch oder philosophisch bewährte Weisheit zu bieten.Zunächst analysiere ich Bayers Konzeption der Theologie als persönliche, traditionsgebundene Weisheit. Er entwickelt diesen Gedanken im Kontrast mit Kants kritischer Beurteilung der Weisheit in seiner Kritik der praktischen Vernunft, derzufolge die Wissenschaft die einzige enge Pforte ist, die zur Weisheit führt. Nach Bayer ist der Eintrittspreis viel zu hoch, insofern er ein Reduktion der Theologie auf Wissenschaft erfordert. Im Gegensatz dazu versteht er theologische Weisheit als Metakritik, die in der Mitte zwischen Dogmatismus und Skeptizismus steht.In meinen Bemerkungen zu Bayers Position beginne ich mit der Definition der Weisheit als einer Form von Wissen, die Menschen hilft, die wahre Bestimmung ihres Lebens zu finden. In unserer postmodernen Situation wird jedoch die Plausibilität des Wahrheitsanspruches in Frage gestellt, der in dieser Definition beinhaltet ist. Alle unsere Vokabulare über die Bestimmungen unseres Lebens, ob religiös, theologisch oder philosophisch, werden als radikal kontingent und äquivok wahrgenommen. In der Konsequenz ist Weisheit zur Privatmeinung einer Person oder einer Gruppe Gleichgesinnter geworden. Obwohl ich mit Bayers Kritik der Privatisierung der Weisheit übereinstimme, scheint mir seine Argumentation zugunsten einer theologischen Weisheit, die auf Grund von Gottes persönlicher Anrede über jeden Ideologieverdacht erhaben ist, höchst problematisch zu sein. Obwohl die Religion ein enormes kritisches Potential in Bezug auf die Ideologien unserer Zeit hat, überzeugt das säkulare Zeitgenossen kaum, weil sie die Religion selbst als eine Form der Ideologie betrachten. Deshalb schlage ich mithilfe von Kants Essay Was heißt: Sich im Denken orientieren? einen anderen Zugang zur notwendigen Kritik der religiösen Weisheit vor, die sich im Unterschied zum Begriff der Wissenschaft am Begriff der Vernunft orientiert. Dies führt zu einer weniger dissonanten Beziehung zwischen Philosophie und Theologie als bei Bayer.SummaryThe focus of this article is to raise some philosophical questions concerning Bayer's aim of making topical the theology of Luther. The involvement of philosophy offers both opportunities and risks for theology. On the one hand, philosophy can mediate between a religious or theological vocabulary and contemporary secular society; on the other, however, theology runs the risk of being affected by the inner-worldly categories of philosophy. The latter position seems to be the one of Bayer since he defines the relation between philosophy and theology as a discordant one. In order to examine if and how philosophy can serve as a mediator between religion and secular society, I concentrate on a common characteristic of theology and philosophy, viz. that they query all kinds of traditional wisdom in order to offer true, theologically or philosophically corroborated wisdom.First, I analyse Bayer's idea of theology as personal, traditional wisdom. He develops it through a confrontation with Kant's critical assessment of wisdom in his Critique of Practical Reason, according to which science is the only narrow entrance gate that leads to wisdom. According to Bayer, the entrance fee is far too high, since is implies an imoverishing reduction of theology to science. Instead, he understands theological wisdom as meta-criticism, standing in the middle between dogmatism and scepticism.In my comment on Bayer's position, I start from the definition of wisdom as a kind of knowledge, helping humans to find the true destiny of their lives. However, in our post-modern times, the plausibility of the truth-claim implied in this definition is being challenged. All our vocabularies about the destinies of our lives, be they religious, theological, or philosophical, are perceived as radically contingent and equivocal. Consequently, wisdom has become a private opinion of a person or a group of like-minded people. Although I agree with Bayer's critique of the privatisation of wisdom, his argument in favour of a theological wisdom which claims to be above any suspicion of being ideological in character because of God's personal address, seems highly problematic to me. Although religion has an enormous critical potential with regard to the ideologies of our times, it does not convince contemporary, secularised people, because they perceive religion itself as a form of ideology. Therefore, I propose, with the help of Kant's, What Does it Mean to Orientate Oneself in Thinking, another approach of the necessary critique of religious wisdom, which is based on the concept of reason, as distinct from science. This leads to a less discordant view of the relationship between philosophy and theology than Bayer's. (shrink)

Önsöz 6 Yenilenmiş 2. baskıya önsöz 7 İçindekiler 8 Kısaltmalar 11 Giriş 13 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM 1. AHLAK VE BASIN AHLAKI ALANINDA OLUŞTURULAN KURUMLAR BAĞLAMINDA GAZETECİNİN ETİK KİMLİĞİ 19 1.1. Ahlak Kavramı 20 1.1.1. Bireyci Ahlak 24 1.1.2. Toplumcu Ahlak 27 1.1.3. Sofist Ahlak Anlayışı 31 1.1.4. Ödev Ahlakı 32 1.1.5. Yararcı Ahlak (Utilitarianism) 35 1.2. Etik Kavramı 38 1.2.1. Etik Değer 40 1.3. Mesleki Etik 43 1.3.1. Basında Etik 46 1.3.2. Din ve Hukuk Yasaları Bağlamında Basında Etik İlkeler 51 1.3.3. (...) Basında Etik Değerlerin Saptanması 54 1.4. Basın Ahlak Kuralları ve Basında Özdenetim 59 1.4.1. Basın Ahlak Kurallarının Kaynakları 65 1.4.2. Basında Özdenetimin Yararlan 67 1.5. Basın Ahlak Kurallarının Uygulanması 68 1.5.1. Gönüllü (ya da İsteğe Bağlı) Kuruluşlar 71 1.5.1.1. Gönüllü Kuruluşların Basın Özgürlüğünün Korunması Açısından Yararları 73 1.5.1.2. Gönüllü Kuruluşların Yaptırım Uygulama Açısından Yetersizlikleri 74 1.5.2. Yasaya Dayanan Zorunlu Kuruluşlar 76 1.5.2.1. Yasaya Dayanan Zorunlu Kuruluşların Yaptırım Uygulama Açısından Üstün Yanlan 77 1.5.2.2. Yasaya Dayanan Zorunlu Kuruluşların Basın Özgürlüğü Açısından Sakıncaları 78 İKİNCİ BÖLÜM 2. BASIN KURAMLARI BAĞLAMINDA GAZETECİNİN ETİK KİMLİĞİ.. 82 2.1. Basında Liberal Kuramın Ortaya Çıkışını Hazırlayan Nedenler.... 83 2.1.1. Basında Liberal Kuramın Dayandığı Düşünsel Kaynaklar 88 2.1.2. Basında Liberal Kurama 20. Yüzyılda Getirilen Eleştiriler 99 2.2. Otoriter ve Totaliter Rejimlerin Basına Yaklaşımları Bağlamında Basında Etik Anlayışın Tartışılması 100 2.3. Toplumsal Sorumluluk Kuramının Ortaya Çıkışı 111 2.3.1. Toplumsal Sorumluluk Kuramının Basına Yönelttiği Eleştirel Yaklaşım 117 2.3.2. Toplumsal Sorumluluk Kuramına Göre Basının Yerine Getirmesi Gereken Görevler 119 2.4. Basında Liberal Kuram İle Toplumsal Sorumluluk Kuramının Karşılaştırılması 122 2.4.1. Liberal ve Toplumsal Sorumluluk Kuramları Temelinde Farklılaşan Özgürlük Anlayışı 127 ÜÇÜNCÜ BÖLÜM 3. TÜRKİYE’DE BASIN AHLAKI OLUŞTURULMASI ÇALIŞMALARININ TARİHÇESİ BAĞLAMINDA GAZETECİNİN ETİK KİMLİĞI 131 3.1. Cumhuriyet Öncesi Dönemde Türk Basınında Basın Ahlakı İle İlgili Yasal Girişimler 136 3.1.1. Basım Etkinliği İle İlgili İlk Düzenlemeler ve Matbaalar Nizamnamesi 136 3.1.2. 1864 Tarihli Matbuat Nizamnamesi 137 3.1.3. Ali Kararname 140 3.1.4. Birinci Meşrutiyet ve Kanunu Esasi’nin Basın Etkinliği Açısından Önemi 141 3.1.5. İkinci Meşrutiyet ve 1909 Basın Kanunu 143 3.1.6. Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Gazetecilerin İlk Örgütlenme Çabalan 147 3.2. Cumhuriyet Sonrası Dönemde Türk Basınını Etkileyen Yasal Düzenlemelerle Basın Ahlakı İle İgili Girişim ve Gelişmeler 148 3.2.1. Birinci Türk Basın Kongresi (25 Mayıs 1935) 152 3.2.2. Basın Birliği 155 3.2.2.1. Basın Birliği’nin Eleştirisi 158 3.2.3. Gazeteciler Cemiyeti’nin Kuruluşu ve Amaçları 161 3.2.4. İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sonrası Türkiye’nin Siyasal Durumu ve DP’nin Kuruluşu 165 3.2.5. 1950-1960 Arasında DP-Basın İlişkileri ve Basın Şeref Divanı’nın Ortaya Çıkış Nedenlerini Hazırlayan Koşullar 170 3.2.5.1. Basın Şeref Divanı’nın Kuruluşu 175 3.2.5.2. Basın Şeref Divanı’nda Yer Alan Kurumların Temsilcileri ve Görevleri 177 3.2.5.3. Basın Şeref Divanı’nın Başarısızlık Nedenleri 178 3.2.6. Basın Şeref Divanı Sonrasında Basın Ahlakı İle İlgili Girişimler 183 3.2.6.1. Basın Konseyi’nin Kuruluşu 196 3.2.6.1.1. Basın Konseyi’ nin Örgütlenme ve Çalışma Biçimi 199 3.2.6.2. Ombudsman (Okur Temsilcisi) 204 Sonuç 212 Ekler 221 Kaynakça 254. (shrink)

After the end of the era of "absolute idealism", philosophy is falling into a sort of "identity crisis," which requires the constant rethinking of its essence as a specific type of knowledge, and also of its subject and method. As a result of the attempts to "save" philosophy, meta-physics was replaced by ontology, the absolute - by the attempts of an "open system" and/or integral thinking, and the place of the identity of truth, good and beautiful were taken by (...) axiology. Consequently, notions as world, horizon, life, life world, self, alterity, and values became of crucial importance. In this context, the author argues several interrelated theses: Firstly, that in post-Husserlian phenomenology, especially in its French versions, a reinterpretation of the notion of "life world" based on Heidegger Being in the World is done, which turns in a sense against Husserl's transcendental justification of phenomenology. Secondly, this reinterpretation gradually leads to a departure from Heidegger's ontology towards the practical philosophy and axiology, respectively, towards the values denied by Heidegger. Thirdly, the living world becomes a crossroads between the problems of theoretical and practical philosophy, as it stands at the center of value discourse. (shrink)

Intellectual experiences of Russian philosophers of the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries devoted to Russia demonstrate the intensive work of national self – knowledge. The concentration of thinkers on a certain range of topics, such as freedom and revolution, the state and society, culture and politics, religion and ideology, indicates a high density and polemical intensity of discussion. The thematic focus of Russian thought on national and cultural issues creates an end-to-end narrative with an open structure, where (...) texts are dialogically intertwined with each other. These statements often indicate a value and ideological conflict between various actors in the social history of Russia. This historiosophical narrative can be interpreted as a meta-text of Russian social and religious-philosophical thought, which in many senses is the practice of self-description of the national intelligentsia. It testifies to her spiritual and ideological quest, the struggle for a social ideal – about the moral choice of thinking Russian people, which encourages criticism of the historical experience of Russia. The main problem of this pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary discourse is the question of the moral and political responsibility of the educated class for the historical choice of Russia and its fate. The most important from a historical and philosophical point of view texts are the works of Russian Silver Age thinkers. Their arguments about Russia include both a reaction to the events of the three Russian revolutions and the Great War, which traumatized the consciousness of the intelligentsia, and a painful post-traumatic reception of their own intellectual tradition and the moral deformation of ideals that took place in it. Those ideals based on the idea of freedom and philosophical honesty in achieving the truth. (shrink)

In this book the author presents an original argument for constitutive and ontological realism, developed against the backdrop of a reconstruction of Kantian philosophy. The first chapter argues that Kant does not primarily reject the epistemological principles of classical empiricism--that there are only two species of epistemic warrant possible for any judgment: logical warrants as analytic entailments and evidential warrants. Rather, Kant rejects its tacit commitment to an epistemological atomism, substituting for this a species of representational holism. The primary question (...) of legitimacy attaches not to individual concepts or judgments but to a larger conceptual structure in which they are embedded as logically indispensable features. Kant's transcendental deduction thus consists in the demonstrations of a family of analytic entailments which collectively secure a logical warrant for meta-judgments expressing the applicability of categorial concepts to, and the truth of corresponding judgments about, a world as a systematic experiential unity. (shrink)

What is post-truth? -- Science denial as a road map for understanding post-truth -- The roots of cognitive bias -- The decline of traditional media -- The rise of social media and the problem of fake news -- Did post-modernism lead to post-truth? -- Fighting post-truth.

Conceptual engineering is the method for assessing and improving our concepts. Some have recently claimed that the implementation of such method in the form of ameliorative projects is truth-driven and should thus be epistemically constrained, ultimately at least (Simion 2018; cf. Podosky 2018). This paper challenges that claim on the assumption of a social constructionist analysis of ideologies, and provides an alternative, pragmatic and cognitive framework for determining the legitimacy of ameliorative conceptual projects overall. The upshot is that one should (...) not ameliorate for the sake of truth or knowledge, in the case of ideologies—at least, not primarily. (shrink)

'Post-truth', Oxford Dictionary's 2016 word of the year, appears to cover only the turn away from reason in contemporary politics. In fact the truth behind 'post-truth' is historically and philosophically more complex. As Fuller shows in this book, it reaches into the nature of knowledge itself.

This paper discusses operationalization of open educational practices (OEP) using innovative, Internet-influenced pedagogies to expose dangers of post-truth narratives. The first part reviews interpretations of OEP (associated with open-access and tools, collaboration, problem-centered learning, and democratic pedagogy) and explores possibilities for creating educational initiatives where students learn to create problem-solving communities mirroring an informationally healthy society. The second part suggests our society has reached a post-truth crossroads. Post-truth was initially discussed in the 1990s—a reification of critical theorists’ (...) pessimism of social structures, controlling narratives and ways members react to critical events, whether through obedience to institutional authority or support for destructive adventurism, creating situations producing cybernetic double binds. The third part contextualizes OEP as ecologically grounded pedagogies through an open source educational processes framework focusing on productive many-to-many online communication and community formation, offering practical examples of open source educational processes curricula implemented in a higher education setting. (shrink)

The discipline of knowledge translation (KT) emerged as a way of systematically understanding and addressing the challenges of applying health and medical research in practice. In light of ongoing and emerging critique of KT from the medical humanities and social sciences disciplines, KT researchers have become increasingly aware of the complexity of the translational process, particularly the significance of culture, tradition and values in how scientific evidence is understood and received, and thus increasingly receptive to pluralistic notions of knowledge. Hence, (...) there is now an emerging view of KT as a highly complex, dynamic, and integrated sociological phenomenon, which neither assumes nor creates knowledge hierarchies and neither prescribes nor privileges scientific evidence. Such a view, however, does not guarantee that scientific evidence will be applied in practice and thus poses a significant dilemma for KT regarding its status as a scientific and practice-oriented discipline, particularly within the current sociopolitical climate. Therefore, in response to the ongoing and emerging critique of KT, we argue that KT must provide scope for relevant scientific evidence to occupy an appropriate position of epistemic primacy in public discourse. Such a view is not intended to uphold the privileged status of science nor affirm the “scientific logos” per se. It is proffered as a counterbalance to powerful social, cultural, political and market forces that are able to challenge scientific evidence and promote disinformation to the detriment of democratic outcomes and the public good. (shrink)

The present crisis of truth, the "post-truth" crisis, puts the philosophy of truth in a new light. It calls for a reexamination of the tasks of the philosophy of truth and sets a new adequacy condition on this philosophy. One of the central roles of the philosophy of truth is to explain the importance of truth for human life and civilization. Among other things, it has to explain what is, or will be, lost in a post-truth era. Clearly, (...) the deflationist answer that the role of truth is to serve as a tool of generalization and oblique endorsement will not do. My account of truth in this paper addresses this task. Truth, I argue, is first and foremost a human value. Its importance to our life/civilization lies, not exclusively, but principally, in the centrality of this value to our humanity. I investigate the ramifications of this answer to the issues discussed in the contemporary philosophy of truth, and I end with a comparison of the substantivist and deflationist approaches to truth in light of this new perspective. (shrink)

Welcome to the Post-Truth era-- a time in which the art of the lie is shaking the very foundations of democracy and the world as we know it. The Brexit vote; Donald Trump's victory; the rejection of climate change science; the vilification of immigrants; all have been based on the power to evoke feelings and not facts. So what does it all mean and how can we champion truth in in a time of lies and 'alternative facts'? In this (...) eye-opening and timely book, Post-Truth is distinguished from a long tradition of political lies, exaggeration and spin. What is new is not the mendacity of politicians but the public's response to it and the ability of new technologies and social media to manipulate, polarise and entrench opinion. Where trust has evaporated, conspiracy theories thrive, the authority of the media wilt and emotions matter more than facts. Now, one of the UK's most respected political journalists, Matthew d'Ancona investigates how we got here, why quiet resignation is not an option and how we can and must fight back. (shrink)

This book examines the concept of post-truth and the impact it is having on contemporary life, bringing out both its philosophical and political dimensions. Post-truth is contextualised within the philosophical discourse of truth, with particular reference to theories of scepticism and relativism, to explore whether it can take advantage of these to claim any intellectual credibility. Sim argues that post-truth cannot be defended on either sceptical or relativistic grounds – even those provided by recent iconoclastic philosophical movements (...) such as poststructuralism and postmodernism. The affinity between post-truth and conspiracy theory is emphasised, and the extent to which post-truth plays a role in religious doctrine is also considered. Post-truth is seen to constitute a threat to liberal democratic ideals and our Enlightenment heritage, raising the question of whether we are moving into a post-liberal age where the far right would hold power. To prevent this, post-truth urgently needs to be countered. (shrink)

It is commonly believed that populist politics and social media pose a serious threat to our concept of truth. Philosophical pragmatists, who are typically thought to regard truth as merely that which is 'helpful' for us to believe, are sometimes blamed for providing the theoretical basis for the phenomenon of 'post-truth'. In this book, Sami Pihlström develops a pragmatist account of truth and truth-seeking based on the ideas of William James, and defends a thoroughly pragmatist view of humanism which (...) gives space for a sincere search for truth. By elaborating on James's pragmatism and the 'will to believe' strategy in the philosophy of religion, Pihlström argues for a Kantian-inspired transcendental articulation of pragmatism that recognizes irreducible normativity as a constitutive feature of our practices of pursuing the truth. James himself thereby emerges as a deeply Kantian thinker. (shrink)

The US populace appears to be increasingly polarized on partisan lines. Political fissures bifurcate the country even on empirical matters like vaccine safety and anthropogenic climate change. There now exists an ever-expanding interdisciplinary research program in which theorists attempt to explain increases in political polarization and myriad other phenomena collected under the “post-truth” heading by appeal to social-epistemic structures, like echo chambers and epistemic bubbles, that affect the flow and uptake of information in various communities. In this paper, I (...) critically analyze C. Thi Nguyen’s important and popular analysis of echo chambers and epistemic bubbles. As I demonstrate, the explanatory mechanisms on which Nguyen focuses are, arguably, overly cognitive and obscure significant effects of social-epistemic structures on our affective lives. The broader lesson to draw from my discussion is the following: commonly used expressions intended to refer to social-epistemic problems, like “political polarization”, possess no univocal definition across theorists, and various ways of making the terms precise are differentially successful in characterizing verifiable phenomena. Theorizing about social-epistemic structures should be responsive to relevant empirical work on various phenomena that we have good reason to believe constitute real and substantive problems that result from the flow and uptake of information. (shrink)

A prevalent political narrative is that we are facing an epistemological crisis, where many citizens no longer care about truth and facts. Yet the view that we are living in a post-truth era relies on some implicit questionable empirical and normative assumptions. The post-truth rhetoric converts epistemic issues into motivational issues, treating people with whom we disagree as if they no longer believe in or care about truth. This narrative is also dubious on epistemic, moral, and political grounds. (...) It is epistemically dubious in being largely insensitive to the problem of complexity in politics; it is morally dubious because “post-truth” is often a derogatory label for individuals or groups that are deemed stupid, irrational, or morally compromised; and it is a politically toxic neologism because it purports to use the language of ‘truth’ as a weapon against power, yet these truth-claims are often themselves attempts to exert power over others by delegitimizing their perspectives. While it may seem as if truth and democracy are on especially bad terms lately, politics and truth have long had a vexed relationship, and moral panics about the value of truthfulness in politics are as old as politics itself. (shrink)

In the wake of Brexit and Trump, the debate surrounding post-truth fills the newspapers and is at the center of the public debate. Democratic institutions and the rule of law have always been constructed and legitimized by discourses of truth. And so the issue of "post-truth" or "fake truth" can be regarded as a contemporary degeneration of that legitimacy. But what, precisely, is post-truth from a theoretical point of view? Can it actually change perceptions of law, of (...) institutions and political power? And can it affect our understanding of society and social relations? What are its ideological premises? What are the technical conditions that foster it? And most importantly, does it have anything to teach lovers of the truth? Pursuing an interdisciplinary perspective, this book gathers both well-known and newer scholars from a range of subject areas, to engage in a philosophical interrogation of the relationship between truth and law. (shrink)

Recent political developments have made the notion of 'post-truth' ubiquitous. Along with associated terms such as 'fake news' and 'alternative facts', it appears with regularity in coverage of and commentary on Donald Trump, the Brexit vote, and the role – relative to these phenomena – of a half-despised, half-feared creature known as 'the public'. It has become commonplace to assert that we now inhabit, or are entering, a post-truth world. In this paper, I issue a sceptical challenge against (...) the distinctiveness and utility of the notion of post-truth. I argue, first, that the term fails to capture anything that is both real and novel. Moreover, post-truth discourse often has a not-fully-explicit political force and function: to ‘irrationalise’ political disaffection and to signal loyalty to a ‘pre-post-truth’ political status quo. The central insight of the speech act theory of J. L. Austin and others – that saying is always also doing – is as indispensable for understanding the significance of much of what is labelled ‘post-truth’, I’ll argue, as it is for understanding the significance of that very act of labelling. Keywords: post-truth, speech acts, Trump, brexit, Austin. (shrink)

"Dishonesty inspires more euphemisms than copulation or defecation. This helps desensitize us to its implications. In the post-truth era we don't just have truth and lies but a third category of ambiguous statements that are not exactly the truth but fall just short of a lie. Enhanced truth it might be called. Neo-truth . Soft truth . Faux truth . Truth lite ." Deception has become the modern way of life. Where once the boundary line between truth and lies (...) was clear and distinct, it is no longer so. In the post-truth era, deceiving others has become a challenge, a game, a habit. High-profile dissemblers compete for news coverage, from journalists like Jayson Blair and professors like Joseph Ellis to politicians (of all stripes), executives, and "creative" accountants. Research suggests that the average American tells multiple lies on a daily basis, often for no good reason. Not a finger-wagging scolding, The Post-Truth Era is a combination of Ralph Keyes's investigative journalism and solid science. The result is a spirited exploration of why we lie about practically everything and the consequences such casual dishonesty has on society. American society has become permeated from top to bottom by deception. Its consequences for the nature of public discourse, media, business, literature, academia, and politics are profound. With dry humor, passionate fervor, and deep understanding, Ralph Keyes takes us on a tour of a world where truth and honesty are no longer absolutes but mutable, fluid concepts. (shrink)

This article uses the current post-truth crisis to level a charge against deflationism. It argues that a post-truth society rejects the normativity of truth, thereby deflating truth, by treating disagreements about, say, scientific facts, as mere disagreements of taste. To have substantive disagreements, the notion of truth at stake must be substantive as well. To ward off the perils of post-truth politics, truth must be taken to be more than what deflationists can account for. If we want (...) our disagreements to amount to more than mere differences of opinion, we should have an inflated notion of truth. The article concludes with putting this claim within the context of conceptual engineering. (shrink)

This article rejects the received view that Post-Truth is a new, unprecedented political phenomenon. By showing that Truth and Post-Truth share the same genesis, this article will submit the idea of a Consensus Theory of Post-Truth. Part 1 looks at the difference between Post-Truth, lies and bullshit. Part 2 suggests reasons behind the current preoccupation with Post-Truth. Part 3 focuses on Habermas’s influential consensus theory of truth to suggest that truth and Post-Truth have more (...) in common than is generally assumed. Part 4 puts forward the Consensus Theory of Post-Truth. Part 5 suggests three ways to emasculate the potentially destructive effect of Post-Truth on democratic society. (shrink)

The claim that we live in a post-truth era has led to a significant body of work across different disciplines exploring the phenomenon. Many have sought to investigate the role of fake news in bringing about the post-truth era. While this work is important, the narrow focus on this issue runs the risk of giving the impression that it is mainly new forms of media that are to blame for the post-truth phenomenon. In this paper, we call (...) attention to the ways in which journalistic practices in traditional forms of media also play an important role in contributing to a post-truth environment. We will do so by focusing on one particular practice common in news journalism. False balance involves presenting two sides of a debate as more equal than is justified by the evidence. We will argue that although false balance does not constitute fake news, it does contribute to an environment in which truth is devalued. By obscuring what counts as evidence and who qualifies as an authority, false balance legitimizes post-truth attitudes. We finish by outlining the virtues that journalists should develop in order to guard against false balance. While fake news is made more likely when journalists possess the vices of dishonesty, prejudice or corruption, we argue that focusing too much on guarding against these vices may actually make false balance more likely. In order to be responsible gatekeepers and to avoid false balance, journalists must also develop the virtues of wisdom, vigilance, courage, care and justice. (shrink)

This article argues that although post-truth is understood to pose a particular misogynistic threat to feminism, we cannot assume that feminists should simply oppose post-truth. The way the post-truth debate is constructed is problematic for feminism in three ways: it misconceives the relationship between democracy and truth; utilizes a questionable binary between reason and emotion; and propagates elitist assumptions about protecting democracy from the people. Recognizing the insufficiency of our understanding of post-truth, feminists have called for (...) greater understanding of the roles of language, affect and truth in the post-truth debate. In response, I suggest that the theories of Judith Butler and Bonnie Honig can help. However, I seek to emphasise that if feminists are to intervene meaningfully in the inequalities and intensified affective flows that structure the post-truth paradigm they would benefit from a deintensifying, confrontational but nonaggressive, approach. (shrink)

After explaining why, after dealing with post‐modernist confusions about truth in various books and articles from the mid‐1990s to, most recently, 2014 (§1), Haack returns to the topic of truth. She begins (§2) with some thoughts about the claim that concern for truth is on the decline, and perhaps at a new low; a claim that, sadly, may well be true. Then (§3) she looks at some of the many forms that carelessness with the truth may take, and shows (...) that, so far from revealing that the concept of truth is seriously problematic or that there is no such thing as objective truth, it simply makes no sense to say that lies, half‐truths, etc., are ubiquitous unless there is such a thing as truth, and a legitimate truth‐concept. After that, (§4) she argues that, of course, there is such a thing as objective truth, and a robust truth‐concept. And finally, (§5) she suggests some ways to fight against the rising tide of unconcern for truth—and gives her answer to the (trick) question in her subtitle. (shrink)

Post-truth politics has been diagnosed as harmful to both knowledge and democracy. I argue that it can also fundamentally undermine epistemic autonomy in a way that is similar to the manipulative technique known as gaslighting. Using examples from contemporary politics, I identify three categories of post-truth rhetoric: the introduction of counternarratives, the discrediting of critics, and the denial of more or less plain facts. These strategies tend to isolate people epistemically, leaving them disoriented and unable to distinguish between (...) reliable and unreliable sources. Like gaslighting, post-truth politics aims to undermine epistemic autonomy by eroding someone’s self-trust, in order to consolidate power. Shifting the focus to the effects on the victim allows for new insights into the specific harms of post-truth politics. Applying the concept of gaslighting to this domain may also help people recognize a pernicious dynamic that was invisible to them before, giving them an important tool to resist it. (shrink)

A key aspect of teaching ‘development’ is understanding the conundrums and tensions between balance and imbalance with constructs of global and...

This paper tackles some of the arguments Steve Fuller – arguably the best advocate of post-truth currently on the scene – put forward to show that, correctly understood, post-truth is the best conceptual tool to get a clear picture not only of what is happening in our societies today, but also of what has happened throughout the secular history of Western culture. The implicit assumption is that post-truth represents a reliable ‘epistemological compass’ – that is, a notion (...) (or a set of notions) for proper orientation in both cultural and physical environments. The aim of the paper is to show that Fuller’s arguments do not work, because an epistemological compass can only be centered on a plausible notion of objectivity, and – it will be contended – this is exactly what Fuller lacks. Accordingly, it will be stressed how the upshot of his theses is the opposite of what he presumes it to be and, moreover, that his theses prove lethal to his own position. (shrink)

Populists are often cast as deniers of rationality, creators of a climate of “post-truth,” and valuing tribe over truth and the rigors of science. Their critics claim the authority of rationality and empirical facts. Yet the critics no less than populists enable an environment of spurious claims and defective argumentation. This is especially true in the realm of science. An important case study is the account of scientific trust offered by a leading public intellectual and historian of science, Naomi (...) Oreskes, and the misapplication of that theory during the coronavirus pandemic. (shrink)