This article considers the connection between Milton's republicanism and his use of natural rights language. Based on Milton's understanding of man's dignity, it claims that natural rights and civic virtue are articulated consistently. Inextricably linked to his being created free, the dignity of man is central both in the description of the birth of political society and in the defence of the inalienable right to liberty against tyrannical government. Thus, while not an end in itself, civic virtue nevertheless has an (...) irreducible moral value, for being a virtuous citizen means first of all exercising one's own freedom in a way that complies with the natural dignity of man. (shrink)

At first glance singularity would seem to be necessarily opposed to the physical sciences, indeed to any kind of science. As the hallowed saying goes: “Science deals only in universals.” According to this view, the aim of any true scientific endeavor must be the discovery of universals or, in other words, the value of such an endeavor is based on its ability to explain phenomena in terms of universals. The status of singularity in science is a direct result of this (...) approach. Singularity is associated with the presence, either in a person or an object, of an unusual or exceptional quality, or of an individual trait. Singularity so conceived must therefore be seen as inherently compromising the aims of any scientific endeavor, since the purpose of that endeavor is universality as defined above. In this sense, the basis of scientific explication is the ability to determine a feature common to a collection of objects, thus allowing them to be explained by deductive reasoning. This common feature can therefore not be individual, if individual is understood as unusual or exceptional. (shrink)

t. 1. Logica, metaphysica, philosophia moralis -- t. 2. Physica generalis et specialis tripartita.

O presente artigo discute a inclusão do imigrante em contextos políticos democráticos. Pretende demonstrar que o paradigma procedimental de direito proposto por Jürgen Habermas oferece as condições formais requeridas para a solução da tensão entre cidadania e identidade, produzida pelo fenômeno das migrações. O modelo habermasiano visa a assegurar, mediante a estrutura reflexiva do direito, a inviolabilidade da pessoa e a neutralidade ética do Estado democrático de direito. Todavia, embora tenha fundado o Princípio da Democracia na ideia de reconhecimento intersubjetivo, (...) Habermas não se deteve em explicitar o teor normativo de tal noção. Dado que a noção de reconhecimento possa ser interpretada em sentido meramente descritivo, buscamos sustentar, com base no modelo teórico-crítico de Honneth, que a plausibilidade do procedimentalismo habermasiano depende de uma concepção reconhecimento enquanto postura moral de afirmação fática do valor intrínseco de uma pessoa ou grupo de pessoas. (shrink)

In recent years we have seen a renewal in the field of Christian ethics that is both ecumenical and interdisciplinary. This book gathers together key contributions by leading moral theologians, as well as psychologists and Scripture scholars, to provide a basic introduction to the discipline.

We show that ZF + DC + “all Turing invariant sets of reals have the perfect set property” implies that all sets of reals have the perfect set property. We also show that this result generalizes to all countable analytic equivalence relations.

Cet article propose une discussion critique de plusieurs études récentes, en histoire intellectuelle et en histoire de la philosophie, qui portent sur la liberté d’expression. Ainsi examine-t‑il la cohérence des démarches historiques et questionne-t‑il l’ambition commune de contribuer, de façon directe ou indirecte, aux débats contemporains. Il souligne les forces et les faiblesses des approches continuistes et discontinuistes, et met en avant les tentatives d’éclairer de façon non rétrospective la généalogie de ce droit fondamental.

Collaborer avec les peuples autochtones relève d’un équilibre fragile qui peut basculer du « faire avec » à « faire pour ». Cette réflexion en témoigne alors qu’elle est l’occasion de décortiquer l’ingérence d’allochtones dans l’approbation d’une recherche avec une communauté autochtone. À partir de cette situation vécue lors d’un terrain de thèse anthropologique, des questions associées à la décolonisation de la recherche sont abordées.

Ce livre entend montrer, par la reconstruction rationnelle de la pensée politique et morale de Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), que son usage du langage des droits est non seulement compatible avec son républicanisme, mais indissociable de celui-ci. L'objectif est ainsi de mettre en cause l'intuition, que partagent philosophes et historiens, selon laquelle le concept des droits relèverait essentiellement du libéralisme.

Neste artigo o autor relaciona os pensamentos políticos de Locke e Sidney para defender que Locke não pode ser inserido na tradição republicana da qual os escritos de Sidney fazem parte. Isto porque: 1) inexiste na teoria política lockeana uma visão de que a virtude cívica seja o suporte para instituições livres, tal como existe na referida tradição evocada por Sidney; 2) Locke reconhece o fundamento constitucional da prerrogativa do rei, o que para os republicanos, Sidney entre eles, é incompatível (...) com a liberdade; 3) Locke retrata um povo excessivamente cordato e permissivo com o uso do poder por parte do governante, e também pouco disposto ao exercício do direito de resistência. Diferentemente, Sidney recorre à história para defender que os povos livres revelam as qualidades necessárias para conduzir essa resistência, já que o reconhecimento de que o governo de si mesmo e a resistência à tirania é uma questão de dignidade do homem como ser de liberdade. (shrink)

t. 1. Compendia et logica -- t. 2. Moralis -- t. 3. Metaphysica -- t. 4. Physica generalis -- t. 5. Physica particularis.

Contre l’opposition entre vertu et droit que Pocock a mise au cœur de son modèle de lecture de l’histoire de la pensée politique, cet article avance l’hypothèse qu’il existe une tradition républicaine qui intègre le droit naturel comme pièce essentielle de son dispositif argumentatif. Pocock a interprété les concepts de vertu civique et de droit naturel d’une manière qui ne correspond pas à l’usage qu’en font les auteurs considérés ici . En particulier, c’est parce que le détenteur du droit naturel (...) est conçu davantage comme un sujet moral que comme un centre de désirs qu’il n’y a pas de contradiction entre sa liberté et ses obligations, i.e. sa vertu, de citoyen. De même, c’est parce que la vertu du citoyen se définit moins par la pratique de ses capacités politiques que par l’exercice mesuré de sa liberté qu’il n’est pas contradictoire qu’il revendique un droit naturel à changer de gouvernement et à résister au pouvoir.— Contrary to the now received opposition between virtue and right that lays at the heart of Pocock’s historiographical pattern, this paper suggests that there is a republican tradition which integrates natural right to its argumentative structure. Pocock has construed the concepts of civic virtue and natural right in a way that does not fit the doctrines of the authors here considered . Since the natural right bearer is conceived by those authors more as a moral subject than as a source of desires, he needs to be a virtuous citizen to be free. Likewise, since the citizen’s virtue is not determined by his political capacities but by an exercise of his liberty, it is not absurd that he can claim a natural right to change government and to resist power. (shrink)

Cette lecture illustrée de l'Odyssée d'Homère nous introduit aux thèses de la Dialectique de la Raison de Theodor W. Adorno et Max Horkheimer, une des oeuvres maîtresses de l'école dite de " Francfort ", écrite entre 1941 et 1944 au moment où la civilisation basculait dans le gouffre. Les deux auteurs y démontraient comme la raison occidentale fondatrice de la société européenne est viciée en son essence : une terreur originelle la motive. Sa relation à la Nature est pensée dans (...) les termes antagonistes du tuer ou mourir. La fameuse raison des Lumières perpétue finalement la violence et les réflexes irrationnels qu'elle prétendait vouloir éliminer, elle contient son contraire, elle est d'essence dialectique. Pour illustrer leur propos, Adorno et Horkheimer sont remontés jusqu'à l'Ulysse d'Homère qu'ils présentent comme le passeur de la pensée mythique - qui pactise encore avec les forces naturelles - à la pensée rationnelle, qui est une stratégie, une ruse en vue de dominer celles-ci. Il incarne à la fois une victime ballottée par les éléments et un bourreau, le porteur d'un espoir - en grande partie déçu - d'émancipation et l'ancêtre du bourgeois qui défend à tout prix ses intérêts contre ceux des autres. Ce livre, illustré en eaux-fortes avec un anachronisme assumé, commente l'Odyssée depuis les jalons posés par les penseurs allemands. Il nous dévoile ainsi la geste sanglante de la naissance de la rationalité européenne. (shrink)

Christopher Hamel | : Dans cet article, je tente de montrer que la vertu civique repose sur le souci du bien commun, sans être exclusive des intérêts personnels. À cette fin, j’examine les travaux que Shelley Burtt a consacrés à l’élaboration d’une conception privée de la vertu civique. Burtt juge cette conception privée compatible avec les prémisses réalistes de la citoyenneté contemporaine, car contrairement à la conception publique de la vertu civique héritée des Anciens, la conception privée fonde la (...) vertu civique dans la poursuite des intérêts personnels. Je montre que les reproches que Burtt adresse à la conception publique sont équivoques et que leur clarification ne permet pas de défendre la conception privée de la vertu. Je soutiens ensuite qu’en voulant faire l’économie du souci du bien commun, la conception privée échoue à assurer ce pour quoi elle est conçue : la stabilité des institutions libres. Je montre enfin que dans son explicitation de la conception d’esprit privé, Burtt présuppose en fait l’esprit public qu’elle cherche à écarter. Je conclus que la vertu civique est nécessairement enracinée dans l’esprit public, et propose des éléments définitionnels de la vertu civique dans ses rapports au bien commun et à la satisfaction des intérêts personnels. | : I argue that while civic virtue relies on the concern for the common good, it is not exclusive from self-interests. To do so, I scrutinize Shelley Burtt’s works that elaborate a private conception of civic virtue. She takes it to be compatible with the premises of contemporary citizenship, because unlike the public conception of civic virtue, the private conception grounds civic virtue in the pursuit of self-interest. I show that Burtt’s criticisms to the public conception are equivocal and that their clarification does not stand up for the private conception of civic virtue. I then claim that by trying to do without the concern of the common good, the private conception fails to provide what it is conceived for: the stability of free institutions. Finally, I show that in her own exposition of the case for the private conception, Burtt presupposes indeed the public spirit that she wanted to dismiss. I conclude that civic virtue is necessarily grounded in public spirit and I propose some definitional elements of civic virtue in its connexion with the common good and the satisfaction of self-interests. (shrink)

Our recent theory of intervocality (Cahill and Hamel 2018, 2021) provided a new model of voice as material, relational, and socially constructed. However, our work did not substantially address the complex relationship between voice and emotion, or how that complex relationship could be taken up more effectively and ethically in actor training and the theater studio. Utilizing insights from affect theory, cultural psychology, and affective neuroscience, this article argues for the need for pedagogies that substantively engage with the cultural (...) specificity of emotion, affect, and voice to create more just practices and experiences within the training studio and in performance. (shrink)

We present bibliometric evidence for increasing estrangement between the philosophy of economics and economics itself. Our analysis centers on research articles published in the Journal of Economic Methodology (JEM) between 1994 and 2021. We analyze the citations within these research articles, in particular with respect to the citations of economics. Our results are fourfold. (1) The share of economic citations in JEM articles has been decreasing. (2) The remaining economic citations in JEM articles are increasingly older relative to citation patterns (...) within economics. (3) The profile of economic citations in JEM articles is increasingly dissimilar when compared to what is cited within economics. (4) There is decreasing diversity with regards to the share of attention towards different economic subfields in the articles published in JEM when compared to economics. We discuss interpretations of this evidence for estrangement between philosophy of economics and economics. (shrink)

It has become a commonplace in neo-republican thinking to claim that if the notion of rights can be allowed a place in republican political theory, it can never achieve the prominence that liberalism allegedly grants it. Philip Pettit’s book, Republicanism, provides several arguments to buttress this thesis. This article aims at examining these arguments in order to show that once properly stated, they must on the contrary be considered as powerful arguments to the effect that republicans take rights very seriously.

Many consumers are motivated to attend Farmers’ Markets because of the opportunity to purchase fresh and local products. The subsequent interactions at FMs provide an important pathway for the direct exchange of information. While previous research suggests that people value local food and the FM shopping experience and that purchasing directly from producers can lead to transformative learning, little is known about exactly how the shopping experience at FMs can influence consumer purchasing behavior. This study examines the extent of and (...) mechanism for such “influencing.” Using data from surveys, observations, and interviews gathered at six FMs, we analyze the interactions between consumers and vendors, including the motivations and values of both parties. We explore the question, “How do farmers’ markets facilitate change in consumer purchasing behavior?” We propose that the dynamic of change in consumer purchasing behavior at FMs takes root in the exchange of information between consumers and vendors during interactions. Our results suggest that there are three specific characteristics shared by FM consumers and vendors that lead to these meaningful interactions at FMs: symmetry of motivations to attend FMs, shared values, and mutual dependence on interactions. Then, when a consumer learns new information from a FM vendor during an interaction, the consumer is more likely to make a change in their immediate purchase. Information about the products for sale and the modes of production of those items can especially impact consumers’ immediate purchases at FMs. We found that FM interactions can also impact long-term purchasing behavior, such as purchasing more organic or locally produced foods. Our results suggest that FM interactions may have significant implications for consumer health, local economies, and the environment. (shrink)

Bioethics today has become a subject of wide public concern. Almost every one of its tenets is being seriously questioned and likely to be reformulated. Moreover, the pressure on bioethics continues to mount as the number of moral conflicts that buffet our society increases. What, then, will bioethics look like a decade from now? In the variety of approaches that have been employed in the practice of bioethics, one has dominated in the United States in the last decade and a (...) half. That approach is "principlism", the use of moral principles to address theoretical issues and to resolve conflicts at the bedside. Recently, however, bioethicists and others increasingly have realized the limitations of principlism and are calling for the development of alternative approaches such as phenomenology, hermeneutics, narrative ethics, casuistry, and virtue ethics. This book maps the debate over principlism and the future direction of U.S. bioethics. Part One consists of a sociological description of U.S. bioethics at the beginning of the 1990s, along with a defense of principlism by one of its major proponents. Part Two maps cross-cultural critiques of principlism, while Part Three covers five alternatives to it. Three essays in Part Four - by a bioethicist, a physician, and a theologian - reflect on the future of U.S. bioethics, principlism, and its alternatives. The Afterword emphasizes the place of religion and theological discourse in the alternative approaches and in the future of bioethics. (shrink)

By utilizing the topological concept of pseudocompactness, we simplify and improve a proof of Caicedo, Dueñez, and Iovino concerning Terence Tao's metastability. We also pinpoint the exact relationship between the Omitting Types Theorem and the Baire Category Theorem by developing a machine that turns topological spaces into abstract logics.

Populist attributions of blame have important effects on citizens’ attitudes, cognitions, emotions, and behaviors. Extending previous studies that have mostly looked at populist messages blaming political elites, we use an online survey experiment (N = 805) to investigate the effects of blaming different elitist actors in populist and non-populist ways: (1) political elites, (2) corporate elites, (3) scientific elites, and (4) a combination of these elites. We compare mere causal responsibility attribution to populist blame attributions that highlight a central opposition (...) between “pure ordinary people” and “corrupt elites” to tease out the specific effect of populist rhetoric. Results suggest that populist messages blaming all elites have stronger effects than isolated cues. Furthermore, populist blame attribution leads to more negative perceptions of the elites than non-populist blame attribution. The finding that populist frames can – under some conditions – activate negative perceptions toward different elites is alarming in times of declining trust in societal institutions, and calls for a more encompassing understanding of populists’ scapegoats. (shrink)

Cette lecture illustrée de l'Odyssée d'Homère nous introduit aux thèses de la Dialectique de la Raison de Theodor W. Adorno et Max Horkheimer, une des oeuvres maîtresses de l'école dite de " Francfort ", écrite entre 1941 et 1944 au moment où la civilisation basculait dans le gouffre. Les deux auteurs y démontraient comme la raison occidentale fondatrice de la société européenne est viciée en son essence : une terreur originelle la motive. Sa relation à la Nature est pensée dans (...) les termes antagonistes du tuer ou mourir. La fameuse raison des Lumières perpétue finalement la violence et les réflexes irrationnels qu'elle prétendait vouloir éliminer, elle contient son contraire, elle est d'essence dialectique. Pour illustrer leur propos, Adorno et Horkheimer sont remontés jusqu'à l'Ulysse d'Homère qu'ils présentent comme le passeur de la pensée mythique - qui pactise encore avec les forces naturelles - à la pensée rationnelle, qui est une stratégie, une ruse en vue de dominer celles-ci. Il incarne à la fois une victime ballottée par les éléments et un bourreau, le porteur d'un espoir - en grande partie déçu - d'émancipation et l'ancêtre du bourgeois qui défend à tout prix ses intérêts contre ceux des autres. Ce livre, illustré en eaux-fortes avec un anachronisme assumé, commente l'Odyssée depuis les jalons posés par les penseurs allemands. Il nous dévoile ainsi la geste sanglante de la naissance de la rationalité européenne. (shrink)

Over the past several years, the bioethics community has seen considerable attention being given in the bioethics literature and in various initiatives to the matter of standards and quality in hea...

This paper is a response to scholars who have called for exploring and interrogating new strategies of data collection and new approaches to more traditional methods, such as interviewing in the context of the internet. Drawing on feminist standpoint theory, ‘reflexive email interviewing’ is proposed as a method for feminist research. The method is illustrated using a recent case study of email interviews with self-identified women who are members of World Pulse, an online community that aims to unite and amplify (...) women's voices worldwide. Through this case study, issues of power and resistance in the researcher/researched relationship and of participant reflexivity are interrogated. Lastly, criteria for reflexive email interviewing are proposed, including 1) strategies to interrogate and disrupt power hierarchies within the research process, 2) researcher reflexivity as a continuous part of the research process, and 3) continued invitations for participants to directly reflect on and respond to the research process. Reflexive questions are offered for researchers to use during research design and in each phase of their research process to ensure reflexivity is achieved. (shrink)

Chapitre 1. Sport et domination capitaliste (Patrick Vassort) -- Chapitre 2. Sport, anthropofacture et conformisme généralisé (Clément Hamel) -- Chapitre 3. Le sport contre les femmes (Ronan David) -- Chapitre 4. Le sport ou la fin de l'espace vécu (Simon Maillard) -- Chapitre 5. Propagande sportive et colonisation du quotidien (Fabien Lebrun) -- Chapitre 6. Le sport: une entreprise d'uniformisation et de déculturation. L'exemple des JO de Pékin (Bernard Allain) -- Chapitre 7. Le sport contre la culture et l'éducation (...) (Camille Dal et Nicolas Oblin). (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Spring Fishing Song, Prehistoric Paros JOHN ERIC HAMEL Come, tuna, iridescent whorl, Spin color through our rain-locked sea. Come, scatter winter’s smoke and spitting hail, The brazier’s headache, days of coiling clay, The endless shuttle. Let the restless needle be. Come, return the sea to life. The days of winter card our limbs to rope. Restore the muscle with your flesh, unfurl The cold’s crushing boredom into the (...) sun. We’ve burnished long enough our winter soul. The heat begins to double back. The stars That mark the Oar re-stroke at last the salt. All turns. By island and straight you loop and belt, In time with star and turning tide. Shake sail, Bring oar and rope. The barley weaves new fleece. Come, bless our boats, wake us from the hours Of dropping lines over bleached gunnel, The nights of damp and cold breathing sea. Raw mackerel for days to eat, until A line is bumped like a lover’s finger touch, And fins cut water fast as breakers flash. The circled sea within our fleet erupts With flailing fins as sharp as swords. We gaff the bleeding gills into our boats. arion 28.3 winter 2021 44 spring fishing song, prehistoric paros Come, strong fish with gemstone scale, Blow on the coals of our blood, renew our strength. The deep obsidian light of winter clouds Begins to pour molten copper thick as oil All down the sea. We’re born for sails and shrouds, We’re born in waters of a mother’s wave, And return our marble souls into the grave. 2017... (shrink)