Feminist Policymaking in Turbulent Times offers a unique and timely reflection of the critical debates around the institutionalisation of feminist and gender-focused ideas and norms into policy. Many states and non-governmental organisations are increasingly invested in 'feminist policymaking' at the domestic and international levels. Yet, this liberal (feminist) agenda is also vastly disputed by critical, intersectional and decolonial voices on the one hand, and by anti-gender movements around the world on the other. Indeed, while opposition to 'gender ideology' is mounting (...) from reactionary, religious and secular forces, feminist policymaking is also being challenged in important ways from within. Thus, this book situates feminist policymaking in a challenging and 'turbulent', global context. This book explores feminist policymaking in multiple areas of policy, examining various gender-focused programmes that states and international organisations have undertaken in the last decade, offering critical interventions and rethinking the relationship between feminism and policy. The book not only reflects on the advances of feminist policymaking globally, but also critically assesses the intersectional challenges embedded within it and lying ahead. It moves the field forward by creating opportunities, based on lived experiences, for re-imagining the transformative potential of the nexus between feminism and policymaking. Interdisciplinary in scope and bringing to the fore the voices of both academics and practitioners, the book is the product of an international collaboration, forging links and dialogue that are increasingly necessary to question some of the exclusionary, militaristic and hierarchical assumptions of policymaking which is labelled as feminist. Feminist Policymaking in Turbulent Times will be of interest to all scholars, students and practitioners interested in the role of gender in policymaking and concerned with contestations around gender-focused projects. (shrink)

The present text aims at mapping out a synopsis of the main political parties from Romania after 1989 on the one hand, and at pointing out the way in which their activity interferes with religion, on the other hand. To this point we have endeavored to place emphasis on the role played by the church within the Romanian society, as well as the main paths of influence the clerical representatives may exert upon the political life, occasionally voluntarily, yet involuntarily (...) for the most part. (shrink)

Mill’s claim that representative government can be democratic, and as such “the ideally best form of government”, rests on the virtues of public deliberation, which he sees both as a means for pursuing just political decisions and as a means of participation for the widest citizenry. His view has been criticized, by Schmitt in particular, for assuming that free discussion can dissolve the conflict of social forces and that it leads to the discovery of the truth. But does it really (...) depend on such premises? The focus of the paper is the tension between the search for truth and the need for inclusion in Mill’s theory of representative government. An examination of the role played by freedom of discussion suggests that far from sublimating social conflict or guaranteeing the correctness of political decisions, the deliberative process regulates the conflict of opinions, understood as a violent struggle over truth, on an egalitarian basis. (shrink)

Volume 20, Issue 9, September 2020, Page 68-70.

올바른 입법의 목적이 무엇인지를 탐구하는 『법률』의 논의 중 주연 제도에 대한 아테네 인의 설명은 1, 2권의 대부분의 분량을 차지할 정도로 방대하다. 그럼에도 기존 『법률』 연구에서 주연 제도에 대한 논의는 마땅한 주목을 받지 못했다. 이 글에서는 주연 제도가 ‘공동체의 자발적인 조화’(symphōnia)라는 입법의 목표를 위해 법률이 교육의 기능을 한 다는 점을 명시적으로 보여주는 예증이라고 주장한다. 플라톤은 주연 제도를 통해 법률이 교육의 역할을 해야만 한다는 점과 함께 그 역할이 어떻게 수행되는지는 물론, 공동체의 조화와 우애라는 입법의 목표가 성공적으로 수행될 수 있음을 보여준다. 이때 ‘교육’의 (...) 의 미는 우리가 익히 알고 있는 『국가』에서의 ‘혼의 전환’으로서의 통치자 교육이 아닌, ‘전체 적인 덕’의 추구를 위한 교육이며, 이는 다름 아닌 법률의 내용을 따르는 것이 좋음을 아 는 것, 즉 절제(sōphrosynē)의 함양을 위한 교육이다. 시민들은 현명한 통솔자가 감독하 는 주연에서 술에 취함(methē)이라는 사태를 통해 고통과 쾌락을 이겨내는 경험을 해볼 수 있는데, 이러한 안전한 훈육을 통해 입법가들은 법률의 가르침을 전달한다. 디오니소스 제전 중에 열리는 주연은 특히 나이가 들어 법률의 설득으로부터 멀어지게 되는 시민들을 다시금 훈육하는 기능, 즉 ‘올바른 교육의 보존’이라는 기능을 갖는다. 주연의 참석자들이 술을 마심으로써 경직된 혼의 상태로부터 벗어나 기꺼이 통솔자의 가르침을 따르게 되어 모임이 성공적으로 이루어지면, 전체 구성원들 간에 한마음 한뜻(homonoia)이 이루어지 며 결과적으로 친애(philia)가 생기게 된다. 마치 주연의 구성원들이 현명한 통솔자를 자발 적으로 따라 주연이 성공적으로 행해지는 것처럼, 나라의 구성원들도 법률을 자발적으로 따르면 전체 시민들 사이에는 평화와 우애가 생기게 될 것이다. 따라서 주연 제도는 법률의 교육 기능이 작용하는 방식을 보여줌과 동시에 입법의 목표가 성공적으로 이루어지는 경우를 보여준다는 점에서 『법률』 전체 논의에서 중요한 역할을 한다. (shrink)

Modern democracy is impossible without political parties. They are necessary in the process of the construction of the political class and building of relations between politicians and ‘ordinary people’. So, in Poland in the twentieth and the twenty-first centuries the significance of parties is also very important. Their history is older than the history of the reborn Poland. Especially in Galicia, an autonomous province of the Hapsburg empire, we can see the activities of many politicians. A part of (...) them in 1895 declared the birth of the Popular Party which is a constant element of the Polish political scene. The second traditional current is the socialistic movement, which is also always legally active in Poland. These two camps represent, in simplification, the ‘two Polands’—the first more traditional, conservative and provincial, and the second more progressive, ‘European’ and urban. Actually, in the typical consciousness of a Polish citizen, the political representation of the ‘black’ country is the party Law and Justice of Jarosław Kaczyński, and the ‘red’ country admires the Citizen Platform with Donald Tusk as a leader. But probably the idea of a twoparty system, like in the Anglo-Saxon world, is still very distant to reality, because in the European continent, the tradition of pluralism in a policentric version is still very significant. In Poland, even in the period of the ‘real socialism’ this conception of the organization of political life was realized, though naturally in the specific version. There were three legal parties and the Polish United Workers’ Party (the PUWP) was the most important. From 1976, the PUWP in the light of the Constitution had the official hegemony in the Republic. It is possible to compare this situation with the period 1926–39, when, after the coup d’état by Marshal Piłsudski, the Government still won in the election and the official elite wanted to create a stable political force with a perspective of permanent rule. But we must remember that between the wars opposition always was legal. In our times of demoliberalism, this is quite normal (though under the Constitution, unconstitutional parties, for example, communist or fascist, are unacceptable); however, interesting is the fact that when you observe sine ira et studio the evolutional trend of the Polish political system, you easily find the tendency of the ‘stabilization’ of the party system in the way of legal operations. From 1997, the laws concerning political parties have changed the possibilities of the conquest of seats in the Seym. Actually, only the parties having 5 per cent (or 8 per cent in coalition) of votes can gain the representation in the Diet. So it is possible to claim that the little parties today are in a more complicated situation than in the first years after the ‘operation of Round Table’ in 1989. The contemporary system is maybe more stable, but less liberal. There are theoreticians who note the danger of the alienation of the political class in the situation of the renewal of the alienation of the political elite, which de facto is more connected with the state than with the society. Many theoreticians emphasize that in the future the role and the character of political structures will be profoundly different from today. Maybe they are prophets, but we can expect that the Polish political parties or ‘post-parties’ and also political structure as a whole will have many similarities with their actual equivalents, because the mentality of the Polish nation, including the politicians, is more or less enduring. (shrink)

Difficile de trouver auteur mieux placé que Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900-2002) pour présenter à la première personne une rétrospective de la pensée herméneutique. Ce livre est donc celui qu'il faut lire si l'on veut comprendre tout le sens de l'herméneutique et de Vérité et méthode. Gadamer y expose en effet ses inspirations proprement philosophiques comme il ne l'a fait nulle part ailleurs. Il part ici des travaux de jeunesse de son maître Heidegger afin d'introduire à ce qu'il appelle le " tournant (...) herméneutique ", dont son œuvre se veut l'un des aboutissements les plus conséquents. La puissante rétrospective qu'il propose ici nous aide à voir que " la phénoménologie, l'herméneutique et la métaphysique ne sont pas trois points de vue philosophiques différents, mais bien l'expression de ce qu'est la philosophie elle-même ". (shrink)

In some cases of disagreement, particularly in ethics and law, it is impossible to provide any conclusive demonstration. The role of argument in such cases is to persuade rather than to prove. Drawing on ideas ofPerelrnan, we argue that persuasion in such cases relies on a recognition that the strength of such arguments will vary according to their audience, and depends on the comparative weight that the audiences gives to the social values that it advances. To model this, we introduce (...) the notion of Value-based Argumentation Frameworks (VAFs), an extension of Argumentation Frameworks as originally introduced by Dung. We then describe a dialogue game based on VAFs, designed to model persuasive argumentation, which we illustrate with a widely discussed ethical problem. (shrink)

From within a “systemic approach” to deliberative democracy, political parties can be seen as crucial actors in facilitating deliberation, by playing epistemic, motivational, and justificatory functions that are central to the deliberative ideal. However, we point out that if we assume a purely outcome-oriented conception of the role of parties within a deliberative system, we risk losing sight of a central tenet of deliberative democracy and of its distinctive principle of legitimacy, namely, that citizens must be able to (...) exercise critical reflection on the grounds of democratic decisions. We argue that parties have a special responsibility in making a deliberative system meet this requirement, and that such special role can be fulfilled only if parties’ programs, values, and strategies are shaped through intra-party deliberation. On the grounds of this discussion, we define a model of intra-party deliberation that is based on the principles of mutual acceptability, pluralism, and publicity. (shrink)

Guy Austin _Claude Chabrol_ Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1999 ISBN 0 7190 5271 8 (hb); 0 7190 5272 6 (pb) 197 pp.

Οἱ λίθοι τῆς Δήλου, ὅπως καί ἄλλες ὁμάδες ἐπιγραφών πού ἔχουν ἤδη μελετηθεί καλύτερα, ἀποκαλύπτουν πολλούς ἀρχιτεκτονικούς τεχνικούς ὅρούς, άγνωστους ἤ πού χρησιμοποιοῦνται σπάνια. Πρόκειται γιά λέξεις πού προσδιορίζουν μέρη θυρυῶν καί πιό εἰδικά τά ὑπέρθυρα καί τούς παραστάτες, πού ἐξετάζονται ἐδῶ · προσπαθούμε συγχρόνως νά διακρίνουμε παραλλαγές στήν ἔννοια. Μέ αὐτά τά παραδείγματα θά θέλαμε νά ἀποδείξουμε, γενικώτερα, τό ἑνδιαφέρον πού ἔχει ἕνα ἑλληνικό ἀρχιτεκτονικό λεξιλόγιο στήν προσπάθεια νά λυθοῦν προβλήματα ἑρμηνείας πού ἐμφανίζονται διαρκῶς.

Sociological studies into alcohol use seem to find it difficult to deal with the substance itself. Alcohol tends to be reduced to a symbol of a social process and in this way the sociological research loses sight of effects beyond the social. This article suggests a new theoretical approach to the study of alcohol and teenagers' (romantic) relationships, inspired by actor-network theory (ANT). The central feature of ANT is to search for relationships, or rather networks, between all things relevant to (...) the phenomenon. All material and semantic structures, things, persons, discourses, etc. that influence a given situation are described as actants and are entered into the analysis. The aim of this article is to propose a way of including materiality in sociological analyses of alcohol and to explore ways of using focus group interview material in ANT-inspired analysis. By analysing a girl's development from being a non-drinker at the age of 14, to a heavy drinker at 16, the article investigates how the actants brought out by young people in the focus groups themselves constitute different forms of agency. The analysis is based on a qualitative study consisting of 37 focus groups conducted with teenagers in Denmark over a three-year period. (shrink)

Nineteenth-century psychiatrists ascribed to a model of health that was predicated on the existence of objective and strictly defined laws of nature. The allegedly “natural” rules governing the production of consumption of food, however, were structured by a set of distinctively bourgeois moral values that demonized over-indulgence and intemperance, encouraged self-discipline and productivity, and treated gentility as an index of social worth. Accordingly, the asylum acted not only as a therapeutic instrument but also as a moral machine that was designed (...) to remake lazy, indolent transgressors into useful, “decorous” citizens. Because the theory and mechanics underlying this machine seemed straightforward and self-evident to psychiatrists, they were confounded when the asylum failed to translate its ideals into reality. While psychiatrists tended to blame this failure on the intractable immorality and weakness of individual patients, particularly paupers and immigrants, a review of the various meanings and uses of food in the hospital reveals the fault lines that ran through the asylum’s ideological structure. (shrink)