The subject of this article is the istishhād method used by Abû Ishâq al-Zajjāj (d. 311/923) in his work calledMa‘ānī al-Qur’ān wa i‘rābuh. Zajjāj, who lived in the third and fourth centuries of the Islamic calendar, is one ofthe leading scholars of the Arabic language. Zajjāj, who wrote various works in the field of Arabic language,wrote his most important work in the field of tafsir named Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān wa i‘rābuh, in a long period ofabout sixteen years. In this work, Zajjāj (...) examined the verses in terms of language and rhetoric, and also includedexplanations about word structure and syntax rules. In his analyzes and evaluations, it is seen that Zajjāj madeistishhād from verses of the Qur'an, Qur’anic recitation, hadiths, poems and Arabic dialects. The verses of theQur'an are at the forefront of the istishhāds used by Zajjāj in his mentioned work. Zajjāj, who applied to poemsin the second place, made istishhād with nearly five hundred poems in his work. In the present study, Zajjāj’s lifestory, his tafsir named Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān and the characteristics of the work are briefly mentioned. Followingthis, the concept of istishhād, the place and importance of istishhād in Arabic language are examined. Finally, theistishhād method used by Zajjāj in his work named Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān has been tried to be explained with someexamples. (shrink)

Yūsuf al-Nabhānī (d. 1932) became famous in the world of science with many works he wrote in the fields of Hadith and Kalam. On the other hand, he is a person who has proven himself with his works and poems in the field of madīh nabawī. For this reason, he was also referred to as Hassān and Busīrī of the period in which he lived. His diwan named al-Sābiqātu'l-jiyād fī madhi seyyidi'l-'ibād is an important work that contains the poems he (...) sang in the type of prophetic madīh nabawī. The divan in question consists of ten couplet odes in which each letter of the alphabet is determined as a rhyme. In these odes, which he wrote to express his love for the Prophet and for some other religious reasons, the influence of classical Arabic poetry and especially Būsīrī can be found. Mystical thought also has a great influence on the poems of Yūsuf al-Nabhānī. As a matter of fact, the narration of the Prophet in his poems is generally shaped in line with the concept of al-Haqīqa al-Muhammedī/al-Nūr al-Muhammedî. In this study, Yūsuf al-Nabhānī will be discussed as a madīh nabawī poet within the framework of his divan. In this context, the content and stylistic structure of his poems will be examined in the axis of literary criteria, and the effect of mystical thought on his poems will be tried to be explained in general terms. (shrink)

Kadim bir dil olan Arapça, İslamiyet’in gelişiyle birlikte kutsal bir kitap olan Kur’an-ı Kerim’in dili olmuş, günümüze kadar varlığını ve önemini korumuştur. Anadili Arapça olmayanlara bu dilin öğretilmesi için farklı coğrafya ve farklı dönemlerde medreselerde veya devletin resmi eğitim kurumlarında Arapça dersleri verilmiştir. Verilen Arapça eğitimlerinde nahiv ve sarf temelli bir eğitim uygulanmıştır. Gramere dayalı bu dil eğitimi İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerinde verilen eğitimlerle daha ileri bir seviyeye taşınmaya çalışılmıştır. İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerinde verilen Arapça eğitimleri temelde dört (...) beceriyi kazandırma odaklı hazırlanmıştır. Ancak gramer odaklı verilmeye çalışılan Arapça eğitimlerinde hedeflenen başarı elde edilememektedir. Bu araştırmanın konusu, İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerinde okutulan Arapça hazırlık eğitiminin değerlendirilmesi ve bu eğitimin kalitesinin arttırılması için yapılması gerekenlerdir. Bu doğrultuda bu çalışmada Bitlis Eren Üniversitesi İslami İlimler Fakültesi %30 Zorunlu Arapça Hazırlık Sınıflarının 2018-2019 Eğitim ve Öğretim Yılında aldıkları Arapça eğitimi model alınmıştır. Hazırlık Sınıflarında Arapça eğitimi alan 90 öğrenciye 33 sorudan oluşan anket uygulanmıştır. Anket sonuçları değerlendirilmiş ve verilen Arapça eğitiminin kalitesi ortaya konulmuştur. Elde edilen sonuçlardan hareketle, verilen eğitimde eksik ve hatalı durumlar tespit edilerek, eğitimin daha kaliteli bir düzeye ulaştırılması için önerilerde bulunulmuştur. Giriş bölümünde İlahiyat veya İslami İlimler fakültelerindeki Arapça eğitimi hakkında bilgiler verilmiştir. Sonrasında çalışmanın amacı, önemi, sınırlılıkları, problemi ve örneklem ortaya konulmuştur. Fakültede uygulanan Arapça hazırlık eğitimi hakkında bilgiler verilmiş ve uygulanan anket çalışmaya eklenmiştir. Son olarak bulgular ve yorumlar verilerek çalışma sonuç ve öneriler ile sonlandırılmıştır. (shrink)

تأملات في دفن الصحابي حجاج بن علاط في ارضروم/ قاليقلا الملخص إن وفيات الصحابة الكرام رضي الله عنهم محل خلاف بين المؤرخين، وهذا في المشهورين من الصحابة فما بالك بباقي الصحابة لا شك أنه محل خلاف، إلا النادر ما ثبتت وفاته ودفنه في مكان معين، ومن هؤلاء الذين وقع الخلاف في وفاته ودفنه الصحابي حجاج بن علاط، اختلف في مكان دفنه وتاريخ وفاته، لذلك جمعت هنا أقوال العلماء وناقشتها للوصول إلى جواب عن مكان أو تاريخ دفنه.

İrap Arap dili ve İslami ilimlere dair tedvin faaliyetlerinin başlangıcından bu yana önemini devam ettiren bir olgudur. Bu sebeple farklı alanları konu alan İslami ilimlerin çoğunda esas alınan unsurlardan birisi olmuştur. Bu alanlardan biri olan ve öncelikli hedefi Kur’ân’ın anlaşılmasına katkı sağlamak olan tefsirin de önemli bir parçasıdır. Zira dile ait özelliklerin tam manasıyla gözetilmesiyle ancak doğru bir tefsir faaliyetinden söz etmek mümkün olabilmektedir. Arap dilinin tefsirle ilgili en bariz özelliklerinden biri ise iraptır. Bundan dolayı her bir müfessirin tefsir yönteminde (...) irap önemli bir yer işgal etmektedir. Tefsirinde iraba önemli bir yer ayıran müfessirlerden Beyzâvî, İslam âleminde ve özellikle Osmanlı âlimleri nazarında kabul görmüş bir müfessirdir. Nitekim tefsiri; şerh, haşiye, ihtisar vb. yönlerden başka çalışmalara konu olmuştur. Ayrıca bazı tefsir çalışmaları da bu tefsir esas alınarak oluşturulmuştur. Bu çalışmada Beyzâvî ve Osmanlı dönemi âlimlerinden olan Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin tefsiri, irabı ele alışları noktasında karşılaştırılmıştır. Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin iraba dair görüşlerinin çoğuna Beyzâvî’nin kaynaklık ettiği, Beyzâvî ile aynı düşündüğü noktalarda onun görüşlerini özetleme, açıklama veya yorumlama yoluna gittiği görülmüştür. Bazı durumlarda ise kendisinin dile ve özellikle iraba vukufiyetini gösteren bir tarzda Beyzâvî’nin görüşlerine katılmamıştır. Bu durumda Zemahşerî, Râzî, Ebû Hayyân başta olmak üzere daha başka müfessirlerin görüşleriyle kendi görüşünü desteklemiştir. Bazı örnekler üzerinden iki müfessirin iraba dair görüşlerinin karşılaştırmalı incelemesini yapan bu çalışmada bu iki müfessirin eserlerinden başka tefsirlerinde irabın önemli bir yer işgal ettiği zikri geçen müelliflerin eserleri de konuyla ilgisi bağlamında incelenmiştir. Özet: Açıklamak ve beyan etmek anlamlarına gelen i‘râb, Arap dilinde kelimelerin sonlarındaki alametleri düzenleyerek, kelimelerin birbirleriyle irtibatlarını kuran ve bu sayede anlam değerlerini belirleyen kurallar sistemidir. Dolayısıyla i‘râb, cümlede anlam belirsizliklerini ortadan kaldırarak anlam inceliklerinin ortaya çıkmasını sağlayan ve bu sayede sözdeki derin anlamların anlaşılma yolunu kolaylaştıran bir role sahiptir. Bu yüzden i‘râb, Arap dilcilerinin yanı sıra hadis, fıkıh, kelam gibi dile ilişkin özelliklerin gözetildiği alanlarda eser veren müelliflerin de çalışmalarını dayandırdıkları temel noktalardan birisi olmuştur. Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in tefsirinde de i‘râb başta gelen unsurlardan biri olmuştur. Nitekim i‘râb kaidelerinin konulmasındaki temel dinamik, Kur’ân’ı Kerîm’i lahn adı verilen hatalı okumalardan korumak olmuştur. Tefsirciler de Kur’ân’ı Kerîm’i anlamada i‘râbdan çokça faydalanmışlardır. Tefsîr-i Beyzâvî diye de bilinen Envâru’t-tenzîl ve esrâru’t-te’vîl adlı eserinde Kur’ân’ı anlamada i‘râb özelliklerine sıkça başvuran âlimlerden birisi meşhur tefsirci Abdullah b. Muhammed el-Beyzâvî’dir (ö. 685/1286). Bu eser ilim çevreleri tarafından kabul görmüş bir tefsirdir. Beyzâvî gibi tefsirinde i‘râbı çokça kullanan bir diğer alim Muhammed b. Lutfullah el-Erzurûmî (ö. 1202/1788) olup Göğsügür Lütfullah Efendi olarak da bilinmektedir. Osmanlı dönemi âlimlerinden olan ve birçok ilim dalında eser veren Lutfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin tefsirinin adı Râmûzu’t-tahrîr ve’t-tefsîr olup bu tefsirin dil ve i‘râb özelliklerine geniş yer ayırması sebebiyle lugavî tefsir olarak da nitelendirilmesi mümkündür. Müellif bu tefsirinde Beyzâvî’nin i‘râba dair görüşlerinden istifade etmenin yanında çoğu zaman onun görüşlerini açıklama yoluna gitmiştir. Bununla birlikte i‘râba dair mevzularda Zemahşerî, Râzî, Ebû Hayyân ve daha başka âlimlerin görüşlerinden de yararlanmıştır. Bu çalışmada Beyzâvî’nin Envâru’t-tenzîl ve esrâru’t-te’vîl’i ile Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin Râmûzu’t-tahrîr ve’t-tefsîr’i, i‘râbı ele alışları açısından karşılaştırmalı olarak incelenmiştir. Çalışmada bu iki tefsirin seçilmesindeki belirleyici etken eserlerin i‘râbı ele alış yöntemlerinin benzerlik arz etmesidir. Bazı örnekler üzerinden konuyu karşılaştırmalı olarak inceleyen bu çalışmanın amacı iki müfessirin Kur’ân ayetlerini anlamada i‘râba yaklaşımlarını tespit etmek suretiyle bu iki müfessir arasındaki i‘râb değerlendirmeleri bağlamındaki ilişkinin niteliğini belirlemektir. Çalışmanın diğer bir amacı Beyzâvî’den sonra yaşamış olan Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin onunla aynı düşündüğü veya farklı görüşe sahip olduğu noktalardaki değerlendirmelerini incelemektir. Bu noktada, her iki eserde yer alan i‘râb örnekleri üzerinden incelenen konu, eserlerinde i‘râba geniş yer veren Zemahşerî, Râzî, Ebû Hayyân ve daha başka tefsircinin görüşleriyle de mukayeseli olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Bu çalışmada i‘râba dair görüşleri değerlendirilen her iki alim kuşkusuz çeşitli yönleriyle birçok çalışmaya konu olmuştur. Yıllar geçtikçe şöhreti daha da artan ve eserleri daha çok ilgi gören Beyzâvî hakkındaki çalışmalar daha fazladır. Konumuzla alakalı olarak tefsirindeki yöntemi ve ayetleri anlamlandırmada i‘râbı kullanış tarzını inceleyen çalışmalar bulunmaktadır. Ancak bu çalışma, önceki çalışmalardan farklı olarak Beyzâvî’nin tefsirindeki yöntemi ve tefsirde dile ait özellikleri ve i‘râbı nasıl kullandığını açıklamaktan ziyade Beyzâvî ile ondan sonra yaşamış olan Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin tefsirlerinde irabı ele alış tarzlarını mukayeseyi konu edinmektedir. Diğer taraftan Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî, Beyzâvî kadar çalışılmamış olsa da bazı eserlerinin çeşitli çalışmalara konu olduğu görülmektedir. Eserlerini dil yönünden inceleyen çalışmalar da bulunmaktadır. Ancak bu çalışma Beyzâvî’nin tefsirde i‘râbı ele alışını da değerlendirmekle birlikte iki müellifin bu konudaki görüşlerinin kıyaslamasını yaparak tefsirinde Beyzâvî’nin i‘râba dair görüşlerine başvuran Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin onunla ittifak ettiği ve farklı düşündüğü tarafları ve bu farklılıkların kaynaklarını ortaya koymaya çalışmaktadır. Ayrıca Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî’nin Beyzâvî’yle ortak görüşe sahip olduğu noktalarda onun görüşlerini ele alış tarzının alıntılama, açıklama veya atıf yapma gibi şekillerden hangisiyle gerçekleştiğini tespit ederek buradan bir değerlendirme yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Öte yandan farklı düşündüğü noktalarda ise bu görüşün önceki âlimlerin görüşlerinin değerlendirilmesi neticesinde birinin diğerine tercih edilmesi şeklinde mi yoksa bizzat müellifin kendi görüşü mü olduğu belirlenmeye çalışmaktadır. Çalışmaya konu olan iki eserdeki i‘râba dair mevzuların ele alınış biçimiyle ilgili olarak şu sonuçlara ulaşılmıştır: Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî çoğunlukla Beyzâvî’nin görüşüne tabi olmuştur. Beyzâvî’nin çoğu görüşünü özetleme yoluna gitse de bazı durumlarda açıklama yapma ihtiyacı hissetmiştir. Çalışmada bazı örnekleri sunulan bu konuya dair daha çok örnek her iki müellifin eserinden verilebilir. İhtilaf ettiği konularda ise diğer tefsirlerde daha isabetli gördüğü görüşleri sunmuştur. Beyzâvî’ye katılmadığı noktalarda ise başta Zemahşerî’nin Keşşâf’ı olmak üzere Râzî’nin Mefâtîhu’l-gayb’ı, Ebû Hayyân’ın el-Bahru’l-muhît’i ve daha başka tefsirlerdeki i‘râba dair görüşlerden yararlanmıştır. Bazı görüşlerinde ise gerek Beyzâvî gerek diğer müfessirlerin görüşlerine katılmayarak kendi görüşünü belirtmiştir. İraba dair bu değerlendirmeler, önceden dile getirilmemiş müellife ait bir görüş olabildiği gibi anlamı belirlemede açık etkisi olan herhangi bir görüşün üstün tutulması tarzında da tezahür edebilmiştir. Lütfullah el-Erzurûmî, Beyzâvî’nin görüşlerine katıldığı durumlarda bunu çeşitli deliller sunarak gerekçelendirmiştir. Bu husus, kadim müfessirleri takip eden sonraki müfessirlerin tefsirdeki rolünün sadece özetleme veya şerh etme şeklinde gerçekleşmediğini, bilakis kendilerine has yöntem, değerlendirme ve kıstaslarının bulunduğunu göstermektedir. Öte yandan çalışmaya konu olan iki eserin karşılaştırılmasıyla ortaya çıkan bu sonuçlar, kadim âlimlerin gerek dil alanında gerek diğer alanlarda sonrakilere bıraktığı bilgi birikimi ve teliflerin bolluğuna rağmen kapsamlı inceleme ve araştırmalar neticesinde onların elde edemedikleri bir takım neticelere sonrakilerin ulaşabileceğini de ortaya koymaktadır. (shrink)

Muâviye b. Ebû Süfyân’ın yönetimi ele geçirmesiyle başlayan Emevîler dönemi, hilâfetin saltanata dönüştüğü bir dönem olmuştur. Bu dönemde idarecilik yapan kişiler her ne kadar halife ünvanıyla anılsalar da yaptıkları icraatlar göz önüne alındığı zaman saltanat özelliği kendini bâriz şekilde hissettirmiştir. Bununla birlikte sekizinci Emevî Halifesi Ömer b. Abdülaâziz, yaklaşık iki yıl süren idareciliğiyle, Râşit halifelerin beşincisi ünvanını alacak şekilde diğer Emevî idarecilerinden ayrılmıştır. Ömer b. Abdulazîz’i diğer Emevî idarecilerinden ayıran en karakteristik özelliği ise, olaylara yeniden vahiy eksenli bir bakışla Râşit (...) halifeler dönemini andıran siyaset tarzını geri getirmesi ve sorunları, Hz. Peygamber’in öğrettiği ilkeler doğrultusunda çözmeye çalışmasıdır. Bu çerçevede Ömer b. Abdülazîz, şiddet ve baskı yolunu benimseyen kendisinden önceki ve sonraki Emevî idarecilerinin aksine, ırk bağlamında Arap olmayan unsurları, fikir bağlamında da Emevî perspektifinden farklı düşünceleri benimseyen muhâlif unsurları sindirme yerine, onları dinleme, onlarla diyalog kurma ve barışçıl çözümler bulma gayretine girmiştir. Bunda da gayet başarılı olmuş ve Emevî tarihinde bütün tebeânın beyʻatını almayı başaran tek idareci olarak gerçek anlamda halife olmuştur. Bu çalışmada, istibdat yöntemini seçen idareci profiliyle; müsamaha, ilim ve diyalog yolunu seçen idareci profilini bünyesinde barındıran Emevîler özelinde Ömer b. Abdülazîz’in yaklaşımı ve bu yaklaşımın olumlu sonuçları ele alınmaktadır. Zira bu, toplum içi barışın ve kaosun sebeplerini ortaya koyması bakımından idareci sınıf için iyi bir ibret tablosu olacaktır. (shrink)

The History of Islam, which makes use of the Qur’ān, ḥadīth and many auxiliary sources, did not ignore the different elements that would shed light on the events of the periods it studied. At this point, the poem draws attention as an important source containing much data on the history of the prophets, sīrat, genealogy, and socio-cultural life. Umayya b. Abū l-Ṣalt (d. 8/630) is an important poet who has witnessed both the Jāhilī Period and the Islamic period, and has (...) poems containing the above-mentioned themes. There are different opinions about his belief status. In this context, there are discourses that consider him as Christian, Jewish, Hanīf, and monotheist. However, although it is a fact that Umayya was a ḥanīf in Jāhilī Period, his oppositional attitude with the advent of Islam is another fact. In the historical sources, there are many poems which are attributed to Umayya and contain different subjects. When these poems are examined, especially the poems that deal with the belief of oneness and the hereafter; it is seen that the creation of the world, the lives of past tribes and prophets, sīrat, some cultural elements, elegy, praise, and lineage were also handled by him. However, when the content and style of Umayya's poems, especially about the lives of the prophets, are examined, there are doubts as to whether these poems belong to him. For example, his poem about the story of Adam is as follows: “And they all prostrated to Adam by His permission / Only the damned, the sinner, and the expelled refused it /The Lord of the servants said to Iblis: / Get out of there fired, cursed and vilified.” When compared with the verses of the Qur'ān, it is seen that the information presented by Umayya about the story of Adam does not contradict with the information in the Qur'ān. “It is We Who created you and gave you shape; then We bade the angels prostrate to Adam, and they prostrate; not so Iblis; He refused to be of those who prostrate.” “(Allāh) said: "Get thee down from this: it is not for thee to be arrogant here: get out, for thou art of the meanest (of creatures).” In Umayya's poems, the story of Noah is discussed in with more details: “In the evening the flood was sent and the water overflowed. / There was no container to hold it. / He swims like an arrow seeking revenge. / And crossing the sea. / Everything began to speak with a miracle. / And the crow responded to the rooster's trust with treason. / After seven days the dove was sent / That; was unafraid of dangers and showed courage. / It was said, let's search the earth / Can you find a dry place with a water source in its furthest part? / Flew away fast. / Then he brought a cluster of black sticky mud on it.” In the poems of Umayya, in which he talks about the stories of the Prophet, many words and stories that the Arabs do not know are used. The story of the crow, rooster, and pigeon in this poem is one such example. It is said that Umayya was influenced by the old books and the words of the People of the Book in the story about the crow, the rooster, and the pigeon. Because, although there are differences in the details, it is seen that this issue is mentioned in the Torāh. Cevād Ali, who touches on this issue, states that “if it is true that these poems belong to him” and says that the available data is evidence that Umayya met with the People of the Book and knew the content of their books. While evaluating this issue, Behcet Abdulagafur referred to the 49th verse of the Surah Hūd and he emphasized two possibilities, pointing out that the story was not known to people before, including the Prophet Muḥammad: Umayya recited them from the Qur'ān and sang his poems according to the Qur'ān. However, this is a low probabilirty. Or, this poem does not belong to him and was later made up for him. He saw the second option more strongly and said that the poem did not resemble Umayya's style as a reason. The Prophet avoided a wholesale approach and evaluated Umayya's poems according to their content. Because while approving some of his poems, he also banned his poems that he sang as a lament for the polytheists killed in Badr, which did not comply with the Islamic understanding. The Prophet said about him: “His poetry became a Muslim, but his heart denied it.” Thus, while revealing that the content of Umayya's poems is generally suitable for Islam, he also stated that he was not a Muslim. At the same time, he banned his poems that were against Islam. (shrink)

ʻAlī b. Abī Tālib (d. 40/661), who took over the caliphate duty in a troubled environment after the murder of ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān (d. 35/656), first faced with the demands that the murderers of his murdered predecessor be punished. Although Hazrat ʻAlī himself was of the same opinion, he wanted to ensure public order in the city first. However, the Companions of the Prophet (aṣ-ṣaḥābah) like Zubayr b. al-ʻAwwām (d. 36/656) and Ṭalḥa b. ʿUbaydallāh (d. 36/656), who were not convinced (...) about this issue, started an opposition movement under the leadership of ʻĀ’isha bt. Abī Bakr (d. 58/678), who went to Mecca. The attempts of this movement, which got out of control with the participation of Umayyads and ʻAbdallāh b. Saba’ supporters of different intentions, ended with The Battle of the Camel. Before the war took place, Hazrat ʻĀ’isha heard the barking of dogs when the army led by ʻĀ’isha came to Hawaab on the road to Basra. For this reason, she asked where they were. When she heard that this region was Hawaab, she wanted to go back. Because the Hazrat Prophet had said the following before: "Which of you the Haw's dogs will bark for." The following statement is used in the ḥadīth sources in several different variants, generally without specifying a name: "Thereupon, the people with her wanted her to continue her journey, hoping that the Muslims would recover.” At this point, there is a difference between ḥadīth sources and Islamic historical sources. Islamic historical sources state that the people who wanted her to continue her journey were Ṭalḥa b. ʿUbaydallāh, Zubayr b. al-ʻAwwām and ʻAbdallāh b. al-Zubayr (d. 73/692). The following statements are included in another narration reported from Ibn ʻAbbās (d. 68/688) regarding the issue: The Prophet said to his wives: “I wish I knew! Which of you owns the beautiful hairy camel!” She will set out and then Hawaab dogs will bark at her, many people will be killed, right and left. Then she will survive when she is almost dead. A fifth piece of news mentioned within this framework was narrated by Abū Rāfiʻ (d. 40/660). According to this rumor, the Prophet of Allah said to Hazrat ʻAlī: "Something will happen between you and ʻĀ’isha." Hazrat ʻAlī said: "O Prophet of God! Me?" Allah's Prophet said: "Yes." Hazrat ʻAlī said: "Is it me among my friends?" Allah's Prophet said: "Yes." Hazrat ʻAlī said: "Well, did I trouble them?" The Prophet of Allah said: "No," and then added: "If such a thing happens, take her to a safe place." The sixth narration on the subject is a statement made by Ḥudhayfa b. al-Yamān (d. 36/656). Accordingly, Ḥudhayfa said: "Would you believe me if I told you that one of your mothers will set out with a group of Muslims and will fight you?" Those who were there said: "Will this really happen?" Ḥudhayfa said: "Yes". The last narration mentioned in this context is the news of Abū Bakra (d. 52/671). According to this narration: "Abū Bakra said: Immediately after joining the people of Camel in order to fight with them in the days of Camel, Allah helped me with a word I heard from the Prophet. When the news that the Persians appointed the daughter of Kisrā as the ruler reached the Prophet, the Prophet said: ‘The people who entrust their works to women will not find peace’. " In such a situation, it becomes important to analyze the narrations. Because analyzing the reliability of the narrators and the contents of the narrations will help to understand the subject in a healthy way. Although ḥadīth scholars make some different statements about the reliability of the people who narrated the narrations, the view that gains weight is that they are reliable. Likewise, no problem was detected in the contents of the narrations. Some problems draw attention when Islamic historical sources are considered. For, these historians were not as sensitive as ḥadīth scholars regarding the evaluation of the narrations. At this point, two problems draw attention: The transponder understanding adopted in the early stages of historiography. The effort to protect some valued people. Early historians generally adopted the transponder understanding while writing their works. For this reason, some misinformation that was not analyzed began to be passed down from generation to generation. At this point, the science of history should benefit from the methods of ḥadīth and its sound narrations. In addition, the effort to protect a valuable person like Hazrat ʻĀ’isha has brought the understanding of holding the Companions like Ṭalḥa b. ʿUbaydallāh and Zubayr b. al-ʻAwwām responsible for a behavior that is thought to be wrong. However, it should not be ignored that people can make mistakes. Loving Hazrat ʻĀ’isha does not require defending her wrong decision. In addition, this has brought the accusation of other Companions of behavior unbecoming to them. (shrink)

Kurallar ve hareke yönünden Arapçaya olan ilginin artmasında şüphesiz, Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in nâzil olmasının çok büyük bir etkisi olmuştur. Kur’ân-ı Kerîm’in yazılışı, mushaf hâline getirilmesi ve sonrasında çoğaltılıp şehirlere dağıtılması, Arap Dilinin korunmasında derin bir etkiye sahip olmuştur. Fakat Kur’ân yazılışının takip edilip edilmeyeceği ve Kur’ân yazılışının anlam üzerinde ilişkisinin olup olmadığı meselesi daha sonra asırlar boyunca fakihler, tefsirciler ve dil âlimlerinin ilgi odağı olmuştur. Fakihler, Kur’ân’ın hükmü ve yazılışının tevkîfî olup olmadığını tespit etmeye çalıştılar. Müfessirler ise Kur’ân’ın yazılışının tarihi ve (...) anlam ilişkisi ile kıraati konusunda açık bir etkisi olup olmadığı meselesini ortaya koymaya çalışmışlardır. Bazı dilciler ise normal Arapça yazılışının tarihi ve kurallarını belirlemeyi, Kur’ân’ın yazılışının bu kurallara uyumlu olup olmadığını ve takip edilen bu kuralların oturmuş kurallar mı yoksa güncellemeye gerek olup olmadığını belirlemeye çalışmışlardır. Yukarıda bahsettiğimiz fakihlerin görüşlerine ve yönelimlerine binaen; fıkıhçıların, tefsircilerin ve dilcilerin bakış açıları arasında farklılıklar olmuştur ve onlardan değişik görüşler ortaya çıkmıştır: Birincisi: Kur’ân’ın yazılışının anlam ile ilişkisi yoktur fakat o yazılışa aykırılık olmamalıdır. İkincisi: Kur’ân’ın yazılışının takip edilmesi zorunlu değildir ve yazılışla anlam ilişkisi olmaması gerekir. Üçüncüsü ise, Kur’ân’ın yazılışının korunması gerekir ve o yazılışın da anlam ile ilişkisi vardır. Bu makalede Kur’ân’ın yazılışının anlam ile ilişkisinin olup olmadığı ile ilgili görüşleri, o görüş sahiplerinin delilleriyle birlikte objektif olarak bir araya getirdik. Delilleri değerlendirirken dil ve mânâ açısından meseleyi ele aldık, fıkıh açısından değerlendirmedik. Ancak ihtiyaç durumunda fıkhî yönleri de göz önünde bulundurduk. Değerlendirme yaparken de önceki çalışmalardan yola çıkarak farklı bakış açılarıyla değerlendirmede bulunmaya çalıştık. Görüşler arasında tercih yaparken şu sonuca vardık: Kur’ân’ın yazılışının bir kutsiyeti vardır. Aynı zamanda anlam ile ilişkisi bulunmaktadır ancak yukarıdaki görüşlerde zikredilen ilişki yönünden değil, farklı bir ilişki olduğu yönündendir. Çalışmamızda daha başka görüşler ve deliller de vardır. (shrink)

لقد انتشر المسلمون خلال الفتوحات الإسلامية في مشارق الأرض ومغاربها وأول أولئك صحابة النبي ومعظم البلدان التي اتجهوا إليها بقي فيها بعضهم أميرا أو واليا او معلما للناس ومن هذه البلاد التي كان لها الحظوة من صحابة النبي قاليقلا / أرزن الروم (Erzurum)/ ويوجد ضريح شاهد بها صاحبه عبد الرحمن غازي ولكن السؤال المطروح من هو الصحابي عبد الرحمن غازي، محاولا الإجابة عليه في هذه المقالة.

One of the most rooted topics in Arabic poetry is the dirge. It shows that during the Jāhiliyya period, people lamented the dead at the graves and remembered their beautiful qualities. A similar situation continued in terms of content in the dirges that were said in the following periods. However, with the change of social, political and cultural conditions in time, there have been partial changes in the writing styles and purposes of the dirges. For example, the effects of political (...) and sectarian factors were felt more in the process that started with the Umayyad period and continued in the following centuries. On the other hand, it has been observed that poets wrote dirges not only for the people they love but also for themselves, the animals they owned and the cities they lived in. In Arabic literature, dirges written for cities became famous and widespread, especially during the Andalusian period. However, considering that the poets of the Jahiliyya period lament the lands abandoned by the beloved, especially in the first part of the ode, it can be said that the tradition of writing elegies for cities dates back to much earlier times. On the other hand, the destruction of cities during the Abbasid period due to many wars, especially the Mongol invasion, caused many poets to recite dirges for these destroyed cities. One of the cities damaged during this period is Baghdad, one of the most important cities of Islamic culture and civilization. As it is known, Baghdad was occupied by the Mongols in 1258. As a result of this occupation, also known as the Baghdad disaster, many of the material and spiritual wealth of the city were destroyed. For this reason, the event had great repercussions in Arabic poetry, and many poets who could not remain unresponsive to what happened elegized for Baghdad. One of these poets is Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī (d. 675/1256), whose al-Kasīda al-Nūniya is the subject of our study. Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī, who was born in 623/1226 in Kufa, is one of the leading literary scholars and poets of his period. Due to the fact that the Baghdad disaster affected his poems to a great extent, he was given the title of Poet of Baghdad Disaster. When his poems are examined in general, it can be said that the dirges he sang for family members, friends, children of his friends and the city of Baghdad, which was destroyed by the Mongolian invasion, are at the forefront. The poet, who uses verbal arts such as tibāq and rad al ajuz alā al sadr intensively, places more importance on the meaning dimension of the issue in his dirges and uses arts related to meaning skillfully. al-Kasīda al-Nūniya, written by Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī in the Kamil bahr for Baghdad, is composed of 27 couplets. The theme of complaint about separation is addressed in the introduction part of the kasīda. Then, the main subject of the kasīda was put forward with the themes of the effects of the Mongolian occupation in Baghdad, the poet's feelings about this occupation, and the longing for the beautiful days in Baghdad. In the conclusion part, by returning to the theme of complaint about separation, a different internal structure from the contents of traditional Arabic poetry is displayed. This organization, while in keeping with the spirit of the type of city dirge that reflects the disaster experienced in a city, also provides fluency. While words that are easy to pronounce and suitable for morphology rules are preferred in general, attention has been paid to the rules of eloquence. On the other hand, the poet mostly preferred informative sentences in which he conveyed the Baghdad disaster to the reader with all its truth. However, in the sections where he felt the need to express his emotional intensity in a more striking way, he enriched his expression with sentence types such as wonder, interrogation, oath and interjection. Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī frequently used jinās in his poems. In addition, the art of tibāk, which is one of the arts related to meaning, is one of the badī (creative) arts in its couplets. As a result, it was seen that the Mongol invasion had a considerable effect on Arab poetry within the framework of this city dirge, which Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī had recited, and that historical facts were transferred to the next periods with a poignant style in these poems. (shrink)

This work deals with Mollā Gūrānı̄’s critique (d. 813/1488) of Qāḍı̄ al-Bayḍawı̄ (d. 596/1200) and Zamakhsharı̄ (d. 538/1144). The Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara sūras in his manuscript tafsı̄r “Ghāyat al-Amānı̄” are chosen as the texts to examplify Mollā Gūrānı̄’s critique. His criticism is mostly related to language, qirāʾa (recitation and vocalization of Qur’ānic text), conceptual meaning and disagreement in interpretations of the Qur’ānic verses in question. Gūrānı̄ primarly criticisez Qāḍı̄ due to his reputation among Ottoman scholars. Guranı̄ has not only criticized (...) Kādı̄ and Zamahsharı̄ in the commentary of the surahs Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara but also Taftāzānı̄ and Kavāshı̄. This clearly shows thah he is a well-versed scholar in researching especially in comperative analysis. In this study, our investigation is limited to, however, Zemakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄. This stuyd shows that Zemakhsharı̄ is strictly bound to Ahl al-Sunnah. Moreover, the hadith reports are considerably important for him in understanding and interpreting the Qur’ānic verses. He closely follows the interpretive traditions of early Muslim scholars, especially on the matters that Muslim scholars had an argeemnet.Summary: This study discusses the criticism of Mollā Gūrānı̄ (d. 813/1488), one of the Ottoman commentary scholars, against Qāḍı̄ al-Bayḍāwı̄ (d. 685/1286) and Zamakhsharı̄ (d. 538/1144). The two Qur’ānic Surahs Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara are chosen from his critiques in a manuscript of his commentary called Ghāyat al-Amānı̄. Mollā Gūrānı̄’s manuscript is registered in Sulaymāniye Library, Dāmād Ibrāhı̄m Pasha Section at number 146 and consists of 352 pages in total. This copy is one of the oldest among other its existent copies. The main reason of our preference of this copy is that it is both legible and at the end of the book (the farāgh part), it writes that it was proofread by his author himself and that handwriting notes at the margins of the pages belonged to the author. We have examined this copy by comparing another copy which is again in the Sulaymāniye Library, Haji Maḥmūd Efendı̄ section at number 162, consisting of 484 pages in total, comparatively. We have examined critiques of 41 verses in total from Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs.Gūrānī’s critiques of Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ are too wide to be discussed within the limits of an article. Therefore, we have tried to briefly introduce these critiques. While presenting the commentators views, we tried to make their inexplicit expressions clear and furthermore elaborate their purposes by making use of some other resources. We have to say that we also used bracketed explanatory statements while giving commentators opinions.Most of the critiques of Gūrānı̄ are aimed at Qāḍı̄ since the latter’s commentary was one of the favourite ones among Ottoman intellectual circles. Therefore, in writing his commentary manuscript, Gūrānı̄ ambivalently both followed and criticized Qāḍı̄’s commentary. When Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs are used as a base, it is evident that Gūrānı̄’s commentary Ghāyat al-Amānı̄ is a reason-based (dirāyah) in line with those of Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ as commentary methodology. Gūrānı̄ modelled himself so much on Qāḍı̄ in this commentary of his that it seems as an abridged copy of Qāḍı̄’s. Ghāyat al-Amānı̄ as a commentary example of Ottoman era shows that the commentary methodology of the time did not change even four hundred years after Zamakhsharı̄.It is possible to say that Gūrānı̄ criticized Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ in this commentary in a meticulous manner. Although many of his critiques are disputable, his rigorous approach to texts and his courage of critique, instead of imitative attitude, of Qāḍı̄’s commentary, which was held in high esteem in madrasahs of the time, and of commentary of Zamakhsharı̄, who was competent in Arabic language, is of great significance. Gūrānı̄ used a comparative scientific methodology and was a prominent. When his commentary manuscript examined it can be seen that it was not only Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ but also Taftāzānı̄ (d. 792/1390) and Kavāshı̄ (d. 680/1281) who got their shares from his critiques. Most of Gūrānı̄’s critiques were on the subtleties of Arabic language. He sometimes expressed his criticism using Arabic grammar rules and sometimes rhetoric requirements. His other critiques involved topics such as, conceptual meaning, verses integrity, recitation and some interpretations of verses that he disagreed with. His critical method was based on the integrity of the Qurʾān, interpretive traditions, Salaf’s views and logical contradictions. We ought to mention that Gūrānı̄ showed his strong commitment to his predecessors and scholars for matters on which they had consensus. We comprehend this commitment on occasions when he rejected the claim that, for instance, a given form of qirā’a from Salaf was wrong according to Arabic grammar in favour of Salafı̄ reciter. The aim of this study is to give an idea about commentary understandings and methods of commentators in Ottoman era and to make contribution to introducing Gūrānı̄, who criticized Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄, two prominent commentators competent in their field, to researchers in terms of his attribute as a critic. An earlier study on his critiques made in this commentary of Gūrānı̄ only covered his critiques of Qāḍı̄ for some of his interpretations in Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs. Therefore, another important factor leading to this study was to cover all critiques he made against the views and comments of both Zamakhsharı̄ and those shared by Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄. Hence, this study aims to contribute to the fiedl as an analytical study or a translation made by researchers on this concise and handwritten manuscript.Some conspicuous features are seen in Gūrānı̄’s critiques. As he pointed out in his reviews, in case of subjects with availability of narratives (rivāyah) and of suitability of the literal meaning of verses, he did not prefer allegorical interpretation. He gives the impression that he based his reviews on Ahl al-Sunnah, and he took pains to follow Ashaʿrı̄te school of thought. Although Gūrānı̄, did not see harm in sharing the same things with Zamakhsharı̄, opposing Qāḍı̄ as regards Arabic language, he was always in opposition with Zamakhsharı̄ in relation to commitment to sectarian view and Ḥadı̄ths. It can also be said that Gūrānı̄ did not favour esoteric-allusive commentary style.It can also be said that Gūrānı̄ had sound and deep knowledge in the field of Kalām. This can be deduced from his considering Qāḍı̄’s arguments to criticize Muʿtazila as insubstantial and sometimes from his criticism of Qāḍı̄ for his careless selection of phrases he used in theological issues. Meanwhile, Gūrānı̄ criticized some views which did not belong to Qāḍı̄. For example, it is seen that he criticized Qāḍı̄ for his citation of an opinion through the phrase “it is said that” as if it was his own view by writing an annotation on the margin that it was Qāḍı̄ who said it. In our opinion, the most important thing that the critique of Gūrānı̄ shows is his scholarly identity and his outspoken character of enunciating of what he believed scholarly and conscientiously. This, also, shows the existence of critical thinking in Ottoman scholarship tradition. (shrink)

Hudaybiyyah Peace is one of the important turning points in the history of Islam. As a matter of fact, the Muslims, who were in a position of defense against the polytheists before, started to gain the upper hand after this treaty. In addition, with this peace, the polytheists recognized Muslims as a force for the first time. The process from before to the end of this treaty also includes many successful sociological and psychological moves in the policy of the Prophet. (...) Because the Prophet forced the polytheists to make a treaty, especially thanks to his peaceful attitude and successful policy. Other sociological and psychological issues that the Prophet paid attention to are grouped under the following headings: To analyze the sociology of society well and to gain the support of the public, to emphasize determination, to be cautious, to give importance to consultation, to give an appearance of unity, to know the value judgments of the enemy and to act principled. Finally, the long-term and principled moves of the Prophet prevailed over the narrow and personal moves of the polytheists. This article focuses on the elements of psychological warfare mutually practiced by the Prophet and the polytheists in the period from the beginning to the en of the Hudaybiyya Expedition. As a matter of fact, these important data set an example for Muslims in every period. In the study, descriptive, didactic and analytical methods were used in accordance with the nature of the subject. (shrink)

لا يكاد يخلو تفسير في العصور الأخيرة من الجمع بين علمي الرواية والدراية، وإذا كان ذلك فإن مؤلفه ولا شك على دراية بعلم الحديث وإن تفاوتت الرتبة بين المؤلفين في ذلك، ومن تلك التفاسير: تفسير راموز التحرير و التفسير للطف الله أفندي الأرضرومي، الذي بناه على تفسير البيضاوي وغيرها من التفاسير وضمّنه الكثير من المرويات، ولكن منهجه في سرد المرويات تنوع فيه ولم يلتزم منهج البيضاوي أو الاقتصار على ما فيه من المرويات، وهنا نحاول عرض شخصيته كعارف لعلوم الحديث، من (...) حيث طلبه له ورحلته لأجله وما ألّفه فيه؛ لنظهر شخصيته محدثا ولنبين أثره في هذا العلم ومن ثم الوقوف على أضخم مؤلفاته ألا وهو التفسير لنستعرض مدى استخدامه لملكته الحديثية وأسلوبه في عرض مروياته في تفسيره. (shrink)

In this paper, we first define the vector product in Minkowski space $\mathbb{R}_{4}^{7}$, which is identified with the space of spatial split-octonions. Next, we derive the $G_{2}-$ frame formulae for a seven dimensional Minkowski curve by using the spatial split-octonions and the vector product. We show that Frenet–Serret formulas are satisfied for a spatial split octonionic curve. We obtain the congruence of two spatial split octonionic curves and give relationship between the $G_{2}-$ frame and Frenet–Serret frame. Furthermore, we present the (...) Frenet–Serret frame with split octonions in $\mathbb{R}_{4}^{8}$. Finally, we give illustrative examples with Matlab codes. (shrink)

The principles offered by beliefs affect the thinking styles of individuals. Although it has been argued in recent studies that believers and non-believers have different thinking styles, there are few studies examining the relationship between belief and cognitive styles in Muslim groups. In this study, the relationships between intrinsic religious motivation and "critical thinking", which is one of the most desired thinking skills today, and " dichotomous thinking", which can be expressed as black-and-white thinking and primarily associated with negative structures, (...) were examined. The study was carried out with 395 university students, and the data was obtained by a socio-demographic information form, the Intrinsic Religious Motivation Scale, the Critical Thinking Disposition Scale, and the Dichotomous Thinking Scale. Findings suggested a positive significant relationship between intrinsic religious motivation and critical thinking and dichotomous thinking, and a positive significant relationship between critical thinking and dichotomous thinking. Regarding the relationship between dichotomous thinking and critical thinking, intrinsic religious motivation had a mediating role. The Islamic faith often invites reasoning and thinking and affirms this way of thinking; at the same time, it offers various conceptual tools for dichotomous thinking with discourses such as heaven-hell, good-evil, dark-light, and faith-denial. Although critical thinking and dichotomous thinking are seen as opposite constructs, the findings have been interpreted as the Islamic belief supporting both critical thinking and dichotomous thinking at the same time, thus reducing the rigidity of dichotomous thinking. The findings were discussed in the light of the relevant literature, and suggestions were made for further research. (shrink)