Effective Altruism is both a philosophy and a movement. The main criticism on EA is that by donating to charities EA leaves fundamental moral issues such as global poverty and injustice intact. EA arguably does not promote radical institutional change which could lead to an ultimate eradication of the problems that may endanger people’s lives in the first place. In this article this critique is reinforced from a different point of view. The criticism on EA has been mainly on the (...) performative or the empirical aspect of the movement. That is, criticism on EA focuses on evaluating the practical realisation of its mandates with little, if any, evaluation on its philosophical foundation. My aim in this paper is to extend the critique but from a different angle, that is, by going back to its philosophical underpinnings. By exploring the philosophical foundation of EA, I would like to show how EA is not authentic altruism as it is founded on the sacrifice of the Other whom is supposed to be saved. (shrink)

We show: for every noncomputable c.e. incomplete c-degree, there exists a nonspeedable c-degree incomparable with it; The c-degree of a hypersimple set includes an infinite collection of \-degrees linearly ordered under \ with order type of the integers and consisting entirely of hypersimple sets; there exist two c.e. sets having no c.e. least upper bound in the \-reducibility ordering; the c.e. \-degrees are not dense.

We use certain strong Q-reducibilities, and their corresponding strong positive reducibilities, to characterize the hyperimmune sets and the hyperhyperimmune sets: if A is any infinite set then A is hyperimmune (respectively, hyperhyperimmune) if and only if for every infinite subset B of A, one has \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\overline{K}\not\le_{\rm ss} B}$$\end{document} (respectively, \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\overline{K}\not\le_{\overline{\rm s}} B}$$\end{document}): here \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\le_{\overline{\rm (...) s}}}$$\end{document} is the finite-branch version of s-reducibility, ≤ss is the computably bounded version of \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\le_{\overline{\rm s}}}$$\end{document}, and \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\overline{K}}$$\end{document} is the complement of the halting set. Restriction to \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\Sigma^0_2}$$\end{document} sets provides a similar characterization of the \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\Sigma^0_2}$$\end{document} hyperhyperimmune sets in terms of s-reducibility. We also show that no \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${A \geq_{\overline{\rm s}}\overline{K}}$$\end{document} is hyperhyperimmune. As a consequence, \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\deg_{\rm s}(\overline{K})}$$\end{document} is hyperhyperimmune-free, showing that the hyperhyperimmune s-degrees are not upwards closed. (shrink)

Ioannidis relies on existential and feminist psychoanalysis to provide a radical and intertextual philosophical analysis of altruism. Following Nietzsche, he traces altruism to the phenomenon of giving one’s word.

We show that for every intermediate \ s-degree there exists an incomparable \ s-degree. As a consequence, for every intermediate \ Q-degree there exists an incomparable \ Q-degree. We also show how these results can be applied to provide proofs or new proofs of upper density results in local structures of s-degrees and Q-degrees.

Empathy is a term used to denote our experience of connecting or feeling with an Other. The term has been used both by psychologists and phenomenologists as a supplement for our biological capacity to understand an Other. In this paper I would like to challenge the possibility of such empathy. If empathy is employed to mean that we know another person’s feelings, then I argue that this is impossible. I argue that there is an equivocation in the use of the (...) term ‘empathy’ which conditions the appropriation of the Other as we think that we know how the Other feels. To claim that we do know an Other’s feelings – or any kind of their intentional experience – means to appropriate their experience through our own. I will first reveal the equivocal use of the term ‘empathy’ and, then, I will explore Husserl’s use of the term. In Husserl, the understanding of an Other as empathy is only partial. I shall conclude by reiterating a thesis from philosophy of existence and feminist theory according to which to know another person comes from creating a community with them and not because we have a biological structure that can mirror each other’s feelings. (shrink)

The core of Australia’s response to asylum seekers who arrive in an unauthorised manner has been to detain them in immigration detention centres until they are judged to engage Australia’s protection obligations or, if they do not, until they are returned to their country of origin. For a number of asylum seekers this has resulted in very prolonged detention. This policy has aroused a storm of controversy with very polarised positions being taken by participants in the debate. In particular, the (...) claim has frequently been made (including by this author) that the circumstances and duration of immigration detention cause substantial harm to the mental health of a significant number of detained asylum seekers. A rational debate on the effects of detention has been hampered by the fact that the Australian government has not allowed researchers access to the detention centres in spite of persistent requests for access by professional bodies. This paper is written in response to the following questions posed by the Journal: Is there a case to be made for individuals agreeing to participate in research studies and for the wider population of current and future detainees to be involved in research without informing either the detention provider or the host nation? Is it legitimate for a researcher to engage in potentially deceptive actions in order to obtain access to such detention facilities to undertake research? What ethical framework should underpin such research? Although there is very little guidance in the literature on the ethical conduct of research in settings such as immigration detention centres, a consideration of the ethical implications of carrying out research in the manner raised by these questions leads this author to conclude that such research cannot be ethically justified. Governments must be persuaded to allow, and to provide substantial support for, ethically conducted research on all aspects of detention. There is also a need for the development of an explicit ethical framework for the conduct of research in settings characterised by a very problematic human rights context. (shrink)

This article discusses the main trends of Georgian philosophy: its basic principles and perspectives, the importance of the Western, especially the European cultural heritage, and the Georgian contribution to the history of ideas in a global perspective. Metaphysical questions of cognition, truth, identity, virtue and value, wisdom and power, as well as issues of ethical, social, political and aesthetic values, phenomenological, philosophical-theological and linguistic research are central to Georgian philosophy and exemplify its continuing relevance vis-à-vis the Western tradition in its (...) broadest sense. Although philosophical ideas in Georgia rarely matured into a well-balanced, selfsufficient system, one may distinguish as original conceptions some ideas of Christian Neo-Platonism and Aletheological Realism. (shrink)

We show that the Q-degree of a hyperhypersimple set includes an infinite collection of Q1-degrees linearly ordered under \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\leq_{Q_1}}$$\end{document} with order type of the integers and consisting entirely of hyperhypersimple sets. Also, we prove that the c.e. Q1-degrees are not an upper semilattice. The main result of this paper is that the Q1-degree of a hemimaximal set contains only one c.e. 1-degree. Analogous results are valid for \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} (...) \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\Pi_1^0}$$\end{document}s1-degrees. (shrink)

We prove that if $A$, $B$ are noncomputable c.e. sets, $A<_{sQ_{1}}B$ and [($B$ is not simple and $A\oplus B\leq _{sQ_{1}}B$) or $B\equiv _{sQ_{1}}B\times \omega $], then there exist infinitely many pairwise $sQ_{1}$-incomparable c.e. sets $\{C_{i}\}_{i\in \omega }$ such that $A<_{sQ_{1}}C_{i}<_{sQ_{1}}B$, for all $i\in \omega $. We also show that there exist infinite collections of $sQ_{1}$-degrees $\{\boldsymbol {a_{i}}\}_{i\in \omega }$ and $\{\boldsymbol {b_{i}}\}_{i\in \omega }$ such that for every $i, j,$ (1) $\boldsymbol {a_{i}}<_{sQ_{1}}\boldsymbol {a_{i+1}}$, $\boldsymbol {b_{j+1}}<_{sQ_{1}}\boldsymbol {b_{j}}$ and $\boldsymbol {a_{i}}<_{sQ_{1}}\boldsymbol {b_{j}}$; (...) (2) every c.e set in $\boldsymbol {a_{i}}$ is a maximal set; and (3) every c.e. set in $\boldsymbol {b_{j}}$ is a non-maximal hyperhypersimple set. We prove that a noncomputable c.e. $sQ$-degree contains either only one or infinitely many c.e. $sQ_{1}$-degrees. The $sQ_{1}$-degrees of c.e. cylinders are dense upper semilattice. (shrink)

We show that if M is an r‐maximal set, A is a major subset of M, B is an arbitrary set and, then. We prove that the c.e. ‐degrees are not dense. We also show that there exist infinite collections of ‐degrees and such that the following hold: (i) for every i, j,, and,(ii) each consists entirely of r‐maximal sets, and(iii) each consists entirely of non‐r‐maximal hyperhypersimple sets.

Interleukin‐1 receptor‐associated kinase‐1 (IRAK1) is linked to the pathogenesis of atherosclerosis; however, its role in macrophage foam cell formation is not known. Therefore, the present study investigated the role of IRAK1 in lipid uptake, biosynthesis, and efflux in THP‐1 derived macrophages and human monocyte‐derived macrophages (HMDMs). Ox‐LDL (40 μg/mL, 15 minutes–48 hours) treatment induced time‐dependent increase in IRAK1, IRAK4, and Stat1 activation in THP‐1 derived macrophages. IRAK1/4 inhibitor (INH) or IRAK1 siRNA significantly attenuated cholesterol accumulation, DiI‐Ox‐LDL binding, and uptake while (...) cholesterol efflux to apoAI and HDL was enhanced in THP‐1 derived macrophages and HMDMs. Ox‐LDL treatment significantly increased the mRNA expression of CD36, LOX‐1, SR‐A, ABCA1, ABCG1, Caveolin‐1, CYP27A1 while that of SR‐BI was decreased. IRAK1/4 inhibition or IRAK1 knockdown, however, attenuated Ox‐LDL‐induced CD36 expression; augmented ABCA1 and ABCG1 expression while expression of others was unaffected in THP‐1 derived macrophages and HMDMs. Moreover, IRAK1/4 inhibition had no significant effect on genes involved in lipid biosynthesis. In IRAK1/4 INH pre‐treated THP‐1 derived macrophages Ox‐LDL‐induced Stat1 phosphorylation and its binding to CD36 promoter was significantly attenuated while LXRα expression and its binding to the ABCA1/ABCG1 locus, NFATc2 activation and its binding to ABCA1 locus was enhanced. The present study thus demonstrates that IRAK regulates lipid accumulation by modulating CD36‐mediated uptake and ABCA1‐, ABCG1‐dependent cholesterol efflux. Therefore, IRAK1 can be a potential target for preventing macrophage foam cell formation. (shrink)

Postula el presente artículo que tras la invasión a Irak estamos en presencia de una carrera bélica de los Estados Unidos, con un trasfondo geopolítico. Señala que la actual administración estadounidense busca ejercer su dominación imperial desde el poder hegemónico, renunciando a la política y al multilateralismo, sabiéndose la única potencia emergente de la postguerra fría. Tras los atentados en Nueva York y Washington habría surgido un nuevo modelo de seguridad basado en una reconceptualización de enemigo, que combina las doctrinas (...) de la guerra total y la de guerras de baja intensidad contenidas en la Doctrina para la Seguridad Nacional. Con ello sostiene el autor que el mundo ha ingresado a una era marcada por la doctrina de la guerra perpetua cuyo autonominado gendarme global son los EUA. (shrink)

Most current criticisms against the intervention in Iraq have tackled the two justifications articulated by the members of the coalition: that the United States had to neutralize the threats that Iraq generated for their own security and to the political stability in the Middle Eastand that the war in Iraq can be justified as a necessary stage in the war against international terrorism. The principal objection against justification is that it was, and remains, unfounded. Against justification, many have replied that (...) the intervention in Iraq had no connection,or at best had merely an indirect connection, with the fight against terrorism. In a recent text,Fernando Tesón claims that the American intervention in Iraq can nevertheless be morally justified as a case of humanitarian intervention. By “humanitarian intervention”, one must understand a coercive action taken by a state or a group of states inside the sphere of jurisdiction of an independent political community, without the permission of the latter, in order to preventor to end a massive violation of individual rights perpetrated against innocent persons which are not co-nationals inside this political community. I argue in this article that the American intervention in Iraq does not satisfy the conditions of a legitimate humanitarian intervention, as opposed to what Fernando Tesón claims. (shrink)

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la recepción de la obra de Tucídides a principios del siglo XXI en el contexto de la intervención militar estadounidense en Irak y la discusión sobre el carácter imperial de Estados Unidos. Se observa un empleo de la historia de la Atenas clásica y de su imperio, en pos de incidir en los debates políticos, en donde se le asigna al pasado las funciones de “legitimación” y “advertencia”. Se concluye que el imperio ateniense (...) configuró un modelo alternativo de imperio, enunciado como hegemonía, para aquellos académicos y analistas reacios a comparar a los Estados Unidos con el modelo romano. (shrink)

En esta investigación se analiza la titulación de los periódicos venezolanos El Nacional y Panorama sobre la guerra en Irak, para conocer la recontextualización de ese conflicto en la prensa de ese país. Se sigue el modelo teórico-metodológico de Fernández que integra el análisis lingüístico con la acción comunicativa y las funciones estratégicas del discurso periodístico. Los resultados permiten caracterizar la conceptualización, el léxico, las construcciones sintácticas y las metáforas. Se concluye que en los titulares el periodista deja marcas lingüísticas (...) de su subjetividad, que se privilegian los actantes principales de los hechos y no se exploran las causas y las posibles consecuencias de los acontecimientos, lo cual no contribuye con el entendimiento de procesos complejos como los que involucra la guerra. (shrink)

La invasión de Irak por parte de tropas angloestadounidenses, que tuvo lugar en los meses de Marzo ¿ Abril de 2003, constituyó un acontecimiento mediático de primer orden. Los dos bandos implicados directamente en el conflicto desarrollaron diversas estrategias de propaganda con el objetivo común de atraerse hacia su campo a la opinión pública internacional, que se manifestó de forma continua y evidente, particularmente en España, en la calle y a través de las encuestas de opinión, constituyéndose en un nuevo (...) poder político de dimensión aún por determinar. En este trabajo pretendemos estudiar cómo actuó la información sobre el público español, qué actitud adoptaron, en la selección e interpretación de la información, los contendientes, los medios de comunicación de masas y los medios de carácter sectorial y alternativo, y sobre todo cómo incidieron la actitud y las opiniones del público respecto del conflicto en la configuración de un ¿menú¿ informativo que se alejó considerablemente del modelo clásico de recepción, caracterizado por una asimetría favorable al emisor (los medios de comunicación de masas). (shrink)

본 논문은 조선 말기에 활동한 우성규와 일제강점기에 활동한 신성섭의 활동 양상을 통해 조선 중기 때 금호강과 낙동강이 합류하는 대구 지역에 형성된 한강 정구에서 낙재 서사원으로 이어지는 학맥과 도통 의식이 300년 동안 이어져 내려왔음을 규명하고자 했다. 우성규와 신성섭은 금호강 하류일대에 구곡을 경영하고 구곡가를 지으면서 한강 정구와 낙재 서사원을 떠올렸다. 대구지역에는 몇몇 유학자들이 구곡을 경영하면서 구곡가를 지었는데, 여기에서 자신의 학맥과 도학의 연원을 정구와 서사원에 두고 있는 것은 우성규와 신성섭 두 사람의 경우이다.BR 우성규는 이뿐만 아니라 일찍이 칠곡부사 시절 정구와 깊은 관련이 있는 녹봉정사와 (...) 사양서원, 관어대 등을 찾았다. 그리고 낙향 후 서찬규와 이종기 등 일대의 유림 80여 명과 어울려 낙강선유를 했을 때도 정구와 서사원을 떠올렸으며, 낙강선유 자체도 일찍이 서사원이 행했던 선사선유의 행적을 따랐던 것이다.BR 이를 통해 금호강이 낙동강과 합류하는 하류 지역, 곧 대구를 중심으로 한 낙동강 중류 지역 일대에는 조선 중기에 형성된 한강 정구에서 낙재 서사원으로 이어진 낙동강 중류 지역 유학의 학맥과 도통 의식이 300년이 되도록 끊어지지 않은 채 면면히 이어졌음을 알 수 있다. (shrink)

Dünya genelinde yaşanan çatışmalarda dinî inanç ve değerlerin araçsal kullanımı, din ve şiddet konularının merkeze alındığı birçok tartışmaya kaynaklık etmektedir. Yapılan tartışmalar dinî inanç ve değerlerin şiddet içeren davranışlara neden olduğu varsayımı etrafında şekillense de din ve şiddet arasında var olan ilişki oldukça karmaşık bir yapıya sahiptir. Zira, dinsel geleneklerin merkezinde yer alan kutsal metinler, savaş ve şiddet içeren örnek ve sembollerin yanı sıra barış ve uzlaşı içeren taleplere de sahiptir. Başka bir ifade ile dinî gelenekler, tarihî süreç içerisinde hem (...) temel ahlaki değerlerin hayata geçirilmesi hem de barışçıl tutumların benimsenmesinde ilham verici bir kaynak olarak hizmet etmişlerdir. Diğer taraftan insanlık tarihinin en kötü örnekleri de dinî inanç ve değerler ile bağlantılıdır. Tarihî kayıtlar, din adına yapılan savaşlarda binlerce insanın hayatını kaybettiğine ve bir o kadarının da doğrudan ya da dolaylı şiddete maruz kaldığına işaret etmektedir. Öyleyse kutsal metinlerde yer alan herhangi bir pasajdan ya da geçmişte yaşanmış olumlu ya da olumsuz herhangi bir örnekten hareketle dinî inanç ve değerlerin bütünüyle savaşa veya barışa hizmet ettiğini söylemek gerçekçi bir tutum olmayacaktır. Bununla beraber Amerika’da gerçekleşen 11 Eylül saldırıları dinsel şiddet konusunda farklı görüşlerin öne sürülmesine neden olmuştur. İronik bir şekilde 2001’de dinî terörizm ile mücadele kararı alan Amerika’nın dinî inanç ve değerleri şiddetin meşrulaştırılmasında bir araç olarak kullanması, 11 Eylül’ün benzer saldırılar için bir arketip olarak kullanılmasına zemin oluşturmuştur. Zira Müslüman olduğu iddia edilen on dokuz kişinin kaçırdığı dört uçağın Dünya Ticaret Merkezi’ne yapılan saldırı için kullanılması sadece dinsel şiddet tartışmalarının İslâm ve Müslümanlar üzerinden yapılmasına neden olmamış aynı zamanda İslâm coğrafyasının yeniden şekillenmesine neden olacak askeri ve siyasi kararların alınmasına da zemin oluşturmuştur. Bu saldırı neticesinde dinsel terör örgütlerine karşı harekete geçtiğini iddia eden George W. Bush, verilen mücadeleyi şeytani güçlere karşı Haçlı Seferi olarak yorumlayarak Afganistan ve Irak’ta on binlerce insanın ölmesi ile sonuçlanan askerî operasyonları başlatmıştır. Benzer şekilde 7 Ekim 2023 tarihinde gerçekleşen saldırıları Yeşaya kehaneti üzerinden temellendiren Binyamin Netanyahu, 7 Ekim olaylarını İsrail’in 11 Eylül’ü olarak niteleyerek kadın-erkek, genç-yaşlı ayrımı yapılmaksızın binlerce sivilin ölmesine neden olmuştur. Yaşanan çatışmalar her ne kadar teopolitik, ekonomik ya da kültürel nedenlere dayansa da şiddetin meşrulaştırılmasında din dilinin kullanılması kanaatimizce din ve şiddet konusu ile ilgili tartışmaların araştırılmasını gerektirmektedir. Bu nedenle dinsel şiddet tartışmaları bağlamında ele alınan bu çalışmada genel bir değerlendirme yapılması amaçlanmıştır. Konu incelenirken önce 11 Eylül saldırılarından günümüze dinsel şiddet tartışmaları ile ilgili farklı bakış açıları üzerinde durulmuş daha sonra monoteist geleneğe ait kutsal metinlerde yer alan şiddet ifadelerinin tarihî süreç içerisinde farklı şekillerde yorumlandığına dikkat çekilerek dinsel olarak nitelenen şiddet eylemlerinin çok sayıda ve karmaşık nedenlere dayandığı gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Konu Yahudi, Hıristiyan ve İslâm gelenekleri üzerinden ele alınmış ve monoteist geleneğe ait dinî inanç ve değerlerin şiddete referans olarak gösterildiği örnekler ile sınırlandırılmıştır. Fenomenolojik bakış açısı ile ele alınan araştırmada dinsel olarak ifade edilen şiddet eylemlerinin belli amaçlar doğrultusunda kutsal metinlerin yeniden yorumlanması ve yeni yorumun idealleştirilmesi ile ilişkili olduğu görülmüştür. (shrink)

Seit kurzem wird des öfteren in Deutschland die Ansicht geäußert, Deutschland solle nun seine fremdenfeindliche Vergangenheit im Zweiten Weltkrieg endlich hinter sich lassen und von nun ab als >>normalisiertes<< Land der Zukunft gegenübertreten. Diese Meinung entsteht aus der Voraussetzung, daß Deutschland durch seine Geschichte von Xenophobie und Genozid im Zweiten Weltkrieg als abnormal, als ungewöhnlich gekennzeichnet ist. Aber das ist nicht wahr. Deutschlands blutige Geschichte ist mit derjenigen der Vereinigten Staaten, Großbritanniens, der Niederlande, Rußlands, Chinas, Japans, der Türkei, Vietnams, Kambodschas, (...) Somalias, Ruandas, des Irak, des Kosovo, Bosniens, und anderer Länder vergleichbar. Zu vergleichen bedeutet weder zu relativieren, noch zu entschuldigen, sondern bloß anzuerkennen, daß die Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit, die in verschiedenen Ländern stattfinden, einige gemeinsame Eigenschaften haben. (shrink)

AM Hendropriyono 2021, Filsafat Intelijen. Sebuah Esai ke Arah Landasan Berpikir, Strategi, serta Refleksi Kasus-kasus Aktual, Jakarta: PT Hedropriyono Strategic Consulting. Bagi seorang "filosof emeritus" ("filosof afkiran") seperti penulis buku Hendropriyono menarik karena menjadi kelihatan bagaimana seorang 0tokoh yang profesinya jauh dari filsafat dapat memanfaatkan pendekatan filosofis. Yang dimaksud Hendropriyono dengan "filsafat Intelijens" memang bukan filsafat seperti filsafat moral atau filsafat politik atau filsafat manusia. Melainkan filsafat sebagai cara seorang tokoh inteligens Indonesia menjalankan tugasnya, mengumpulkan pengetahuan tentang ancaman-ancaman tersembunyi yang (...) dihadapi suatu negara, dalam kasus ini, Indonesia. Dalam definisi Hendropriyono: "Filsafat intelijen memahami keamanan sebagai suatu kebebasan dari bahaya yang mengancam personal, informasi, komunikasi, pernaskahan fisik dan non-fisik serta lingkungan hidup manusia" h. 103). Hendropriyono memperlihatkan bagaimana ketajaman filosofis dapat membantu melihat realitas dari pelbagai segi, menghindar misalnya dari tiga sikap keliru klasik yang sudah diangkat oleh para filosof Yunani, sofisme, paralogisme dan sikap echolalian (h. 56), sadar akan perangkap logical fallacies seperti argumentasi ad hominem, sikap latah (bandwagon), kesimpulan yang tergesa-gesa (hasty generalization), menganggap A disebabkan B hanya karena terjadi sesudah B (post hoc, bukan propter hoc), dikotomi keliru, circular reasoning dan membiarkan diri dibawa sesat karena mengikuti suatu red herring (h. 133 s.). Pendekatan filosofis akan membuat was-was terhadap "pemikrian konspirasi", informasi top-down dan hoaks. Dalam bukunya Hendropriyono membawa pendekatan filosofis itu pada kejadian-kejadian di dekade-dekade terakhir. Msalnya Arab spring dengan pergolakan-pergolakan luar biasa yang mengikutinya: Mesir dengan semangat demokrasi yang justru membawa Ikhwanul Muslimen ke puncak kekuasaan, hanya untuk kemudian digulingkan oleh Jendral Siwi dengan dukungan Al Azhar dan Gereja Koptik. Kekacauan luar biasa di Siria dan Irak di mana Amerika Serikat mendukung gerakan demokratis dengan harapan bisa menggulingkan diktator Bashar al-Assad, hanya untuk akhirnya malah menjadi pendukung ISIS - yang menyingkirkan gerakan demokratis - karena Assad didukung oleh Rusia dan Iran. Sebelumnya Amerika Serikat juga dengan logika kepentingannya membuat kacau Haiti: Sesudah Amerika mendukung Jean-Bertrand Aristide, presiden pertama Haiti yang dipilih secara demokratis, yang menggantikan diktator "Baby Doc" Duvalier, tetapi karena Aristide dianggap terlalu kiri, Amerika mendukung penggulingannya; sampai sekarang Haiti kacau. Dan ada contoh logical dan political fallacies lain yang dianalisa, misalnya perang proxy di Afganistan. Tentu Hendropriyono juga memakai pendekatan filsafat untuk melihat pekembangan di Indonesia. Amendemen UUD 1946 pasca reformasi, masalah Papua, gejala populisme, keberhasilan deradikalisasi seperti misalnya terwujud dalam Pondok Pesantren Al-Zaitun. Sama dengan alm. Romo Nikolaus Drijarkara Hendropriyono menunjukkan bahwa "Sila Pancasila yang Ke II, Kemanusiaan yang Adil dan Beradab, merupakan landasan bagi implementasi seluruh sila-sila dalam Pancasila" (142). Tentu ada juga beberapa kesalahan. Perang Napoleon tentu berlangsung di abad ke-18 dan permulaan abad ke-19 (h. 29), Hitler berkuasa di Jerman tahun 1933 (h. 38), demonstrasi dua Desember (212) terjadi di tahun 2017, bukan 2016 (56), dan PD II bukannya diadakan untuk menjatuhkan Hitler, melainkan yang memulainya memang Hitler (146). Buku ini sekaligus membuat pembaca paham bagaimana Hendropriyono melihat realitas politik, baik di Indonesia maupuan situasi internasional. Ia bermaksud menunjukkan bagaimana "kacamata" filsafat membantu untuk memahami apa yang terjadi dalam dimensi politik, dimensi utama yang mau dilindungi dari kejahatan oleh aparat inteligence. Suatu buku yang cukup khas. Franz Magnis-Suseno. (shrink)

Los textos recopilados aquí nos invitan a explorar los múltiples laberintos que plantea la polifórmica noción de responsabilidad, una categoría que se ha vuelto central e imprescindible en nuestro horizonte actual. Ciertamente, se impone introducirnos y avanzar por los vericuetos, a veces pobremente iluminados, de los complejos laberintos de la responsabilidad: el incremento de la desigualdad fruto de la globalización económica, la guerra de Irak y sus funestos corolarios, catástrofes ecológicas como la del Prestige o el cambio climático, los vertiginosos (...) avances de la biotecnología, el desolador y trágico atentado del 11 de marzo, plantean graves interrogantes respecto al valor de la responsabilidad en el mundo actual dado que unas decisiones políticas y técnicas imprudentes, precipitadas, conllevan espirales de violencia, horror y devastación que nos estremecen. Todo ello nos exige, imperiosamente, replantear el significado y alcance de la noción de responsabilidad desde la reflexión ética, desde la filosofía social y política e igualmente desde la filosofía de la ciencia y la tecnología. (shrink)

Des médecins, à l'Age classique, observent le visage humain, et tentent d'y deviner les passions de l'âme ; des savants, dans les premières décennies du XIXe siècle, déchiffrent le corps du monstre, et y perçoivent un semblable. Des curieux se pressent, au siècle des Lumières, au spectacle d'un homme sans bras ni jambes, vêtues à la Turque, qui tourbillonne, le sabre au clair, sur le pavé parisien ; les foules de la Belle Epoque, à la Foire du Trône, se massent (...) sur le seuil des musées de cires anatomiques, qu'elles déserteront bientôt. Des soldats américains, durant la Guerre d'Irak, posent devant des prisonniers dénudés... Ce sont là quelques-uns des regards qui les scrutent et qu'interroge le travail de Jean-Jacques Courtine, dans un parcours qui traverse l'histoire du visage, celle du corps, celle de la virilité. On y sent à chaque pas la présence de la pensée de Michel Foucault, entendue, discutée ; ses concepts - énoncés, formation discursive, dispositif - questionnés. Le livre partage avec le travail foucaldien un paradoxe fondateur : lorsqu'on y interroge l'énigme de la chair, ce sont tout autant l'épaisseur sédimentée du langage et les incessants déplacements du regard qui répondent. Pas d'histoire du corps qui ne soit une archéologie des discours et une généalogie des regards. (shrink)

En varios de sus trabajos, Susan Sontag trató de pensar qué podían las imágenes de y ante el sufrimiento de los otros: ¿nos ayudan a comprender o nos insensibilizaban?, ¿en qué contextos y regímenes de circulación son capaces de generar solidaridad hacia la víctima?, ¿en qué condiciones fueron producidas y recepcionadas las fotografías de torturas inflingidas a prisioneros en Vietnam —en los años setenta— e Irak —en los dos mil— y hasta qué punto esas condiciones modifican la percepción social de (...) las violaciones de los derechos humanos? El presente artículo trata de localizar, analizar y poner en valor las aportaciones de Sontag sobre las fotografías de atrocidades, en general, y de tortura en particular. (shrink)

Joseph E. Stiglitz, premio Nóbel de Economía, ha sostenido que la Guerra de Irak es «Una guerra que no ha tenido más que dos vencedores: las compañías petrolíferas y los contratistas de defensa». A su vez Jay Hanson, cita a Robert Constanza quien señala: «En los años 50, los productores de petróleo descubrieron 50 barriles de petróleo por cada barril invertido en perforación y bombeo. Hoy, la cifra es de aproximadamente cinco barriles por cada uno gastado en obtenerlos. Hacia el (...) año 2005, es.. (shrink)

Niko Čavčavaże -- Tʻamaz Buačʻiże -- Zurab Kakabaże -- Eduard Kodua.

L'échec des printemps arabes et l'instauration d'un nouveau Califat de la terreur en Syrie et en Irak nous contraignent à repenser la place du religieux dans le monde contemporain. Rivés sur les questions sécuritaires, nous manquons encore néanmoins d'outils philosophiques pour comprendre la montée d'un nouveau totalitarisme millénariste et apocalyptique. Le présent ouvrage s'appuie sur les travaux d'Eric Voegelin (1901-1985), un philosophe américain d'origine allemande encore trop peu connu en France et dont toute l'oeuvre vise à mettre en lumière les (...) racines religieuses des totalitarismes qui ont ensanglanté le 20e siècle. Voegelin et l'Orient propose une relecture iconoclaste de ses écrits, souvent à rebours de la réception néoconservatrice dont ils ont fait l'objet outre-Atlantique. Renaud Fabbri nous fournit ainsi des clefs pour mieux comprendre les origines idéologiques de l'islamisme radical mais aussi du nationalisme hindou. Il montre aussi qu'une redécouverte des grandes traditions de la philosophie mystique peut nous aider à conjurer le spectre des "religions politiques" qui menacent aujourd'hui aussi bien les non-croyants que les croyants de toutes les confessions. (shrink)