This paper examines the impact of corporate crime on the stock market in South Korea. Specifically, we examine the effect of crime type, industry type, business group affiliation, and corporate governance on the relationship between corporate crime announcement and stock market reaction. We find negative reactions to stock prices around the announcements of corporate crimes but no significant difference in reactions between announcements of individual and organizational crimes. Individual white-collar crimes have a stronger negative impact on stock prices than do (...) individual street crimes on average, while financial crimes have a significantly greater negative impact than do operational crimes in organizations. Moreover, financial sector firms are impacted more significantly by the announcement of corporate crimes than are non-financial firms. In addition, the stock prices of chaebol-affiliated firms decrease less than do those of non-chaebol-affiliated firms, and those with a higher board committee subindex seem to be influenced less by news of corporate crimes if the size control variable is excluded. Multivariate cross-sectional analyses show consistent findings after controlling for firm-specific factors, crime-type effect, and industry and year effects. The results of this study provide valuable insights because it covers several types of corporate crime, including those committed by individuals and those perpetrated by firms. (shrink)

1. Tonga ilbo 1920-1929-yŏn -- 2. Tonga ilbo 1930-1940-yŏn -- 3. Chosŏn ilbo 1920-1929-yŏn -- 4. Chosŏn ilbo 1930-1940-yŏn -- 5. Kit'a sinmun 1920-1940-yŏn (Maeil sinbo, Chosŏn chungang ilbo, Chungoe ilbo, Sidae ilbo) -- 6. Chapchi (Kat'ollik ch'ŏngnyŏn, Kaebyŏk, Kongdo, Taejung kongnon, Taehan Hakhoe wŏlbo, Tonggwang, Pyŏlgŏngon, Pulgyo, Pulgyo Chinhŭnghoe wŏlbo, Pip'an) -- 7. Chapchi (Samch'ŏlli, Sŏbuk Hakhoe wŏlbo, Sin'gyedan, Sindonga, Sinmun'gye, Sinmin kongnon, Sinsaeng, Sinsaenghwal, Sinch'ŏnji, Sinhŭng) -- 8. Chapchi (Sinhŭng, Yŏsi, Yŏnhŭi, Yudo, Inmun P'yŏngnon, Irwŏl sibo) -- 9. (...) Chapchi (Irwŏl sibo, Chogwang, Chosŏn chigwang, Ch'ŏndogyohoe wŏlbo, Ch'ŏrhak) -- 10. Chapchi (Ch'ŏrhak, Ch'ŏngnyŏn, Ch'ŏngsaekchi, Ch'ŏngch'un, Ch'unch'u, Ch'wisan porim, Haktŭng, Hakchigwang, Hyŏndae p'yŏngnon) -- 11. Kŭndae Han'guk ch'ŏrhak hyŏngsŏng ŭi p'unggyŏng kwa chihyŏngdo, Ilche kangjŏmgi 'sinmun' chosa rŭl t'onghaesŏ -- 12. Kŭndae Han'guk ch'ŏrhak hyŏngsŏng ŭi ŏnsŏl konggan, Ilche kangjŏmgi 'chapchi' chosa rŭl t'onghaesŏ -- 13. Ilche kangjŏmgi Han'guk ch'ŏrhakcha chuyo inmul haesŏl (purok, Ilche kangjŏmgi sinmun, chapchi surok ch'ŏrhak kwallyŏn kisa ch'ongmongnok). (shrink)

Che 1-pu. Han'guk kŭndae yurim ŭi kulchŏl : ilche hyŏmnyŏk Yurim ŭi hyŏngsŏng kwa chŏn'gae -- 1. Sŏron -- 2. 19-segi huban-Taehan Chegukki Yurim ŭi tonghyang -- 3. 1910-1920-yŏndae Kyŏnghagwŏn kwa ilche hyŏmnyŏk Yurim ŭi hwaltong -- 4. 1920-1930-yŏndae Yurim tanch'e ŭi chojik kwa hwaltong -- 5. 1930-1940-yŏndae Chosŏn Yudo Yŏnhaphoe wa 'Hwangdo yuhak' -- 6. Kyŏllon -- Che 2-pu. Han'guk kŭndae Yurim ŭi che yangsang -- 7. Hanmal, ilche ha Yang Pong-je ŭi pyŏnsin kwa hwaltong -- 8. 1920-yŏndae singminji (...) Chosŏn Yurim kwa Ilbon ŭi Yusima Sŏngdang -- 9. 20-segi ch'o ilche hyŏmnyŏk Yurim ŭi Kyŏnghagwŏn hwaltong : Yi Tae-yŏng, 1874-1950 ŭl chungsim ŭro -- 10. Ilche kangjŏmgi Song Chu-hŏn ŭi saengae wa hwaltong. (shrink)

Het is bijna niet voor te stellen hoeveel Foucaults studie Surveiller et punir in het verleden betekend heeft voor mij en een belangrijk deel van mijn generatie. Vanwege mijn Franse achtergrond – ik promoveerde in Straatsburg op een proefschrift over Albert Camus – kende ik Foucault en zijn werk al goed. Je kon met name in de zomer van 1967 gewoon niet om hem heen. In alle parken en cafés rond de universiteit zaten toen in Straatsburg studenten zijn dikke boek (...) Les mots et les choses ostentatief te etaleren. Ze hadden het met de titelpagina naar boven naast of voor zich liggen, of hielden hun kostbare schat, met weer de titel goed zichtbaar in de hand. Het kwam zelden voor dat ze erin lazen. Als buitenlander begreep ik er niets van. Mijn Franse vrienden legden het mij uit. (shrink)

1. Insaeng kwa ch'ŏrhak sasang -- 2. Saram ŭi maŭm, ŭisik segye -- 3. Chŏngch'i wa ch'ŏrhak sasang -- 4. Kyŏngje chŏngch'aek kwa ch'ŏrhak sasang -- 5. Chabonjuŭi segye ch'eje wa Han'guk kyŏngje -- 6. Minjok munje wa tarŭn nara hyŏngmyŏng -- 7. Munhwa wa ch'ŏrhak sasang -- 8. Saŏp pangbŏmnon kwa sasang.

不了解日本國學，就無法了解日本社會及文化，更遑論了解日本人 日本國學產生的歷史和背景漫長且複雜， 為了對日本國學的形成、發展、特點及其影響，有較為清晰的把握， 香港城市大學人文‧社會科學學院副教授王小林 以漢字、名實觀、朱子學、疑古思潮等作為觀察對象， 多元檢視日本國學思想的要素， 為讀者提供了相對全面理解日本國學之內在精神結構的可能。 本書作者王小林以「從漢才到和魂」作為日本國學思想之形成與發展的研究、觀察視角，分別從不同議題、現象與學說主張來考察日本國學思想的發展流變。 《從漢才到和魂：日本國學思想的形成與發展》第一章與第二章主要從「漢字」與「言靈」；「名」與「言」，探討了漢字與「和魂」、「國語（日語）」之關係，以及名、言與「實事」、「體魂」之間的演繹詮釋，如何神聖化 日語同時強化日本之神國意識。第三、四、五章則以朱子學為江戶儒學之代表，將之視為日本國學之對照學問，闡述了日本國學之文論、宇宙觀與不可測度之神。第六章則從江戶儒者富永仲基之「加上說」與顧頡剛之層累說之間 的關聯，爬梳了中日兩國之「中國學」背後的日本國學之成份。最後一章的第七章，則闡明了決定近代日本資本主義的「職分」、「世間」這兩個精神關鍵概念，其宗教理論根據其實來自近世日本之國學家。 如上所述，《從漢才到和魂：日本國學思想的形成與發展》以漢字、名實觀、朱子學、疑古思潮作為「漢才」與「和魂」比較的觀察對象，多元檢視了日本國學思想的形成要素，本書所涉及之議題內容，提供了讀者數個面向以思 考形構日本國學之要素有何？同時也為讀者提供了相對全面理解日本國學之內在精神結構的可能。.

Ben shu shou ci dui ming mo qing chu zui fu sheng ming de hui zu san da han wen yi zhu jia--Wang Daiyu, Ma Zhu, Liu Zhi de zheng zhi lun li si xiang, jing ji lun li si xiang, hun yin jia ting lun li si xiang, ren xing shan e guan, dao de xiu yang guan jin xing le quan fang wei, duo jiao du de shu li, gou chen he kao cha.

As we all know, the Silk Road, as a famous ancient transportation route, was a trade line cross-Eurasian continent in history. Its name was from the delivery of silk. However, no Chinese ancient documents mentioned the name of “Silk Road”. German F. V. Richthofen (1933-1905) firstly used the term “Silk Road” in his book China, published in 1877. Afterwards, the name of “Silk Road” has been accepted universally and used by the world widely. The Silk Road was an ancient business (...) channel, acrossing the middle of China and countries in Central Asia, gradually forming after Qian Zhang visited Western Regions twice, two thousand and one hundred years ago. The north-west land Silk Road started from Chinese ancient Capital Chang’an (now Xi’an), acrossing Central Asia, and reaching ancient Rome in Europe. It was a bridge for communication of politics, economy, and culture between ancient China and the Western. Before 11 Century, the Sino-Western silk trade mainly depended on the land transportation. During Han Dynasty, it was a competition between the Huns and the Hans for occupy the Silk road. The silk as a kind of material culture was a sort of intermediary for making people to know how to get along together.This article attempts to describe the Sino-Western silk trade conditions before and after the two missions of Qian Zhang to Western Regions (Xiyu), including archaeological evidences, kinds of silk and trade scale, transportation routes, trade participants, and so on. (shrink)

The term of Tαυyάστ was found first in the History of Theophylact Simocatta, the Byzantine historian. Phonetically, it was derived from Ta-han, i.e. the Great Han, an appellation for the two Han Dynasties by the Huns and other nomadic peoples. With the rise of the Turks in Central Asia and its frequent diplomatic exchanges with the Byzantine empire in the last half of the 6th century, this term was acquainted with and written down by the Byzantine historian. This term, commonly (...) used as a name, was accepted by the various ethnic groups during its westward spread to Central Asia and West Asia, referring to China, and to those ethnic groups themselves with a derivative meaning in many cases. (shrink)

Plakias has recently argued that there is nothing wrong with publishing defences of philosophical claims which we don't believe and also nothing wrong with concealing our lack of belief, because an author's lack of belief is irrelevant to the merit of a published work. Fleisher has refined this account by limiting the permissibility of publishing without belief to what he calls ‘advocacy role cases’. I argue that such lack of belief is irrelevant only if it is the result of an (...) inexplicable incredulity or the result of a metaphilosophical or epistemic stance that is unrelated to the specific claim. However, in many real-life cases, including Fleisher's advocacy role cases, our doubts regarding the claims we defend arise from reasons that have something to do with the insufficiency of the philosophical evidence supporting the claim, and publishing an unconditional defence of a claim without revealing our doubts is impermissible as it involves withholding philosophically relevant reasons. Plakias has also argued that discouraging philosophers from publishing claims they don't believe would be unfair to junior philosophers with unsettled views. I propose that we should change our academic practices that pressure philosophers to publish articles that pretend to be defences of settled views. (shrink)

Do we love for reasons? It can seem as if we do, since most cases of non‐familial love seem *selective*: coming to love a non‐family‐member often begins with our being drawn to them for what they are like. I argue, however, that we can vindicate love's selectivity, even if we maintain that there are no reasons for love; indeed, that gives us a simpler, and hence better, explanation of love's selectivity. We don't, in short, come to love *for* reasons. That (...) which seemed like evidence for thinking that there are reasons for love, then, turns out to militate against that view: how can these purported reasons be reasons for love, if they don't engender (in virtue of rationalizing) it? (shrink)

This paper explores the accounts of conceptual thought of Peter John Olivi (1248–1298) and Peter Auriol (1280–1322). While both thinkers are known for their criticism of representationalist theories of perception, it is argued that they part ways when it comes to analyzing conceptual cognition. To account for the human capacity for conceptual thought, Olivi is happy to make a number of concessions to indirect realist theories of representation. Insofar as he criticizes a specific branch of indirect realism about conceptual thought, (...) he does so for theological rather than strictly epistemological reasons. This goes to qualify recent philosophical interpretations of Olivi’s ‘Tractatus de verbo.’ By contrast, Auriol’s account of conceptual thought is thoroughly direct realist. According to Auriol, the natures of external things themselves appear to us directly in conceptual cognition, without the mediation of inner images or other representational devices. (shrink)

In recent years, an increasingly assertive People’s Republic of China (PRC) leadership has sought to extend the PRC’s influence globally. To this end, it has developed diverse strategies ranging from soft power to more coercive means. The more visible strategies include the Belt and Road Initiative, the Chinese Dream, and ‘wolf warrior’ diplomacy. At the soft power end of the spectrum, Chinese overseas students are at the nexus between two strategies of soft power – the Chinese diaspora and the internationalisation (...) of higher education. While there is an established literature analysing China’s soft power worldwide, relatively little has been done on the role of higher education, particularly where this concerns overseas Chinese students. The article will examine China’s use of overseas students to project its soft power. It then identifies the strategies that support this, viz. ideological and political education to prepare young people for this role and, once overseas, an appeal to a conception of the Chinese diaspora, as well as the organisations (e.g. embassies and student associations) that form potential channels to students and monitor and support them in their role. (shrink)

Aristotle defines growing as a process in which an individual living being persists as it accumulates new matter. This definition raises the question of what enables an individual to persist as its material composition continuously changes over time. This paper provides a systematic account of Pietro Pomponazzi’s answer to this question. In his De nutritione et augmentatione, Pomponazzi argues that individuals persist in virtue of their forms. Forms are individuated in part by their material, causal, and temporal origins, which commits (...) Pomponazzi to the view that individuals necessarily have the material, causal, and temporal origins they do. I provide an account of why Pomponazzi held this view. While his opponents remain unnamed, I argue that his arguments for this view are best read as addressing, among others, Paul of Venice and Gregory of Rimini. (shrink)

Robert Desgabets has been described as a ‘radical Cartesian’. Drawing conclusions from Descartes's thought that Descartes himself had failed to see, Desgabets treated Cartesianism as a work in progress that awaited further enrichment and development. But, as scholars have recognized, Desgabets's writings also betray a significant indebtedness to scholastic tradition. In presenting his philosophy, Desgabets often appeals to traditional notions, breathing new life into scholastic concepts and ideas. This paper investigates what we are to make of the scholastic vestiges in (...) Desgabets's thought. It argues that Desgabets's relation to scholastic tradition is more complicated than Desgabets himself wants us to believe, or than his modern commentators have recognized. Scholastic echoes in Desgabets cannot be taken at face value. Sometimes, they reflect basic points of agreement with scholastic theories. But just as often, scholastic formulae in Desgabets are vehicles for expressing philosophical views.. (shrink)