Publication date: 11 June 2018 Source: Author: Jude Nwafor Eze, Umar Aliyu, Abdulmalik Alhaji-Baba, Muhammad Alfa This research evaluates the farmers’ vulnerability to climate change in Niger State. Strategies for reducing the effect of climate change have regularly been made without experimental foundations and adequate information on farmers’ vulnerability to climate change in the study area. Thus, integrated farmers’ vulnerability assessment approach was employed by classifying socioeconomic and biophysical indicators of vulnerability into adaptive capacity, sensitivity and exposure to determine (...) the farmers’ vulnerability to climate change. This is based on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s definition of vulnerability. The study adopted a survey design and the method utilized for the study was questionnaire administered to 400 households in the study area. The results indicate that the farmers’ vulnerability was low in zone A with a mean index of 2.86, very low in zone B with a mean index of 3.74, and high in zone C with a mean index of 1.95. It is recommended that measures should be taken to integrate climate change adaptation into Niger State development process. These measures should include improvement in adoption of good agricultural practices. (shrink)

Background: The prevalence of diabetes is rising worldwide, especially in poorer nations. It is anticipated to emerge as the sixth main cause of mortality globally by 2030. The factors linked to self-awareness in diabetes patients are still debated.Aim: To identify factors associated with self-awareness among diabetic patients attending Al-Zaher primary health care center (PHCC), Makkah Almukaramah City, Saudi Arabia 2024Methods: A cross-sectional study was performed using a randomized sample of diabetes patients visiting Al-Zaher Primary Health Care Center in Makkah AlMukarramah (...) city. The used questionnaire included demographic information and data on the patient's beliefs and attitudes toward diabetes mellitus (DM). The statistical analysis was conducted using SPSS. A P-value below 0.05 was deemed significant.Results: The study included 523 patients with T2DM in different genders, age categories from 20 to 70 years and education levels. The majority of respondents were married (79.3%). 53.5% of respondents were fully informed of their health conditions, however 52% were not confident in managing their diabetes. 60% of patients stated that regular diabetic follow-up every one to two months would assist in maintaining their health. 50.7% of respondents said there is a significant likelihood of getting diabetic issues in the future. While 50.9% of respondents felt that diabetes may be remedied with medicine, 47% of them thought that those with diabetes would have a shorter lifespan compared to those without the condition. 48% of patients selected meals optimal for their health, whereas 51.6% engaged in exercise at least three times weekly to enhance blood glucose regulation. Nonetheless, 51.1% of them sometimes missed doses of diabetic medicine. The average total score of patients' self-awareness about diabetes mellitus was 6.8±3.9, with a median of 8 (range 1-13).Conclusion: The study found inadequate self- awareness among diabetic patients. Male gender, younger age and high education level are the significant factors associated with high self-awareness toward DM. The study highlights the need for educational programs to improve self-awareness and empower patients, especially females, older individuals, and those with lower education levels, in Saudi Arabia. (shrink)

Although it has been claimed that the Kharijite understanding emerged as a result of a booty division in the Prophet's time, their emergence as a sect was in the Battle of Siffin. This formation, which gained fame with the motto "The Judgment belongs only to Allah" in the arbitration issue between Hazrat Ali and Muawiya, came to the fore enough to leave Muaviye's rebellion against Hazrat Ali behind. So much so that when the battle of Siffin is mentioned, researchers focus (...) on Muawiya and Kharijites and what they did rather than what he did. Although there are many reasons for this, the most important one is the evaluation of Kharijites and Kharijites within the framework of Sunni sources. We can say that the way to be objective about Kharijites and Kharijites is to refer to the sources of the Kharijites themselves or the sects associated with the Kharijites. Kharijites are not a formation that systematizes as a creed or fiqh sect. However, The Ibâzî sect is known as a Khariji sect, as the pioneers of the sect, which would later be known as Ibâzî, were among the group that left Ali and gathered in a place called Harûra. In the year 64 Hijri, the people of Harura were divided into sects among themselves. The reason for this separation is especially because Nafi' b. Ezrak sees violence as legitimate and rejects other Muslims who do not think like them, and considers their blood, property and chastity halal. After this separation, the Kharijites were referred to as Ezârikâ, Süfriyya, Necdiyye/Necedât and Ibâzis. The Ibazis specifically stated that they were away from these sects because of their radical attitudes. This situation was especially emphasized in the correspondence between Abdullah b. İbâz and the Umayyad caliph Abdulmalik b. Marwan. However, when dealing with the subject of Kharijite, the reason for this disintegration was ignored, and the Ibazis, who had a moderate understanding, were evaluated in the same category as other Kharijite sects that were pro-violence and takfir. Ibazis strongly opposed such a generalization and argued that they should be evaluated separately from other Kharijite sects. In our study, this attitude of the Ibâzîs and their justifications have been included, and it has been tried to be explained with reference to both their own sources and Sunni sources. Another important point is that the Ibazis do not want to be called Kharijites. They considered it more appropriate to be named as Shurat, Ehlu'l-Istaqama, Haruriye and Vehbiye. The Ibâzî sect, which has managed to survive to the present day, has original views on Kharijites and Kharijites, and they also expressed an opinion on whether they see themselves as Kharijites or not. In addition, their approaches to and definitions of Kharijite differ from those mentioned in Sunni sources. Because of these connections with the Kharijites and the fact that they have reached the present day, it is a necessity to refer to the Ibâzî sources on the subject of Khârijism in terms of objectivity. However, we can say that Ibâzîs were introduced by adhering to Sunni sources. Such an approach, on the other hand, would not only cause the Ibazis to be understood correctly, but also caused them to be identified with the other Kharijite sects, especially the Ezarika. In this study, we will try to deal with the approaches of the Ibazis to the subject of Kharijite and Kharijite and whether they see themselves as a Kharijite sect, based on their own sources. (shrink)

IX. yüzyılda Horasan bölgesinde ortaya çıkan Melâmiyye, XXI. yüzyıla kadar varlığını sürdürmüştür. Hamdûn el-Kassâr’ın (ö. 884) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Kassâriyye, Hacı Bayram-ı Velî’nin (ö. 1430) halifesi Ömer Dede Sikkînî’nin (ö. 1475) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Bayramîyye ve Muhammed Nûrü’l-Arabî’nin (ö. 1888) temsil ettiği Melâmetiyye-i Nûriyye olarak 3 dönemde incelenmektedir. Melâmîliğin bu devrelerine dair akademik düzeyde çalışmalar yapılmış olsa da mûsikî yönüne dair çalışmaların çok az olduğu görülmüştür. Bu çalışmanın evreni Nûriyye Melâmîleri, örneklemi ise Nûriyye Melâmîlerine dair mûsikî ile ilgili çalışmaları kapsamaktadır. (...) Çalışmada Nûriyye Melâmîlerinin edebi ve sanatsal yönü araştırılmış, literatür taraması aşamasında Melâmî tekke ve derneklerinde icra edilen ilahilere güfte olarak kaynaklık eden Melâmî Efendilerine ait divanlar incelenmiştir. Çalışmamızın amacı Melâmî divanlarında yer alan ve ilahi formunda bestelenmiş güfteleri tespit etmek ve bu ilahilerin yaygınlığını belirlemektir. Nitel araştırma yöntemi kullandığımız çalışmamızda birincil veri kaynaklarını; Melâmîler tarafından bizzat kaleme alınan divanlar ve yine Melâmî ihvanı ile yapılan görüşmeler oluşturmaktadır. İkincil veri kaynaklarımız ise Melâmîlik hakkında yazılan tasavvuf kitapları, makaleler ve Melâmî derneklerinin resmi sayfalarında yer alan mevcut bilgilerdir. Tespit edilen divanlardaki bestelenmiş ilahiler için ise Melâmî Divanları, Devlet Nota Arşivi, Cüneyd Kosal Nota Arşivi, Divan Makam ve Notam v1.0 (Aytaç ERGEN) programı üzerinden taranmış, eşleşen ilahiler çalışmamıza dâhil edilmiştir. Nûriyye Melâmîlerine ait 14 adet divan incelenmiştir. Bu divanlar Abdurrahîm Fedâî, Ali Örfî, Ömer Lütfî, İştipli Hacı Salih Rıf’at, Abdulmâlik Hilmî, Hulûsi Maksud, Hüseyin Şemsi Ergüneş, Hasan Fehmi Tezdoğan, Üsküplü İsmail Hakkı, Hafız Ahmet Fethî, Hüseyin Sabri Soyyiğit, Ahmet Soyyiğit, Yaşar İhsan Gülver ve Dâvud Yılmaz’a ait divanın arasından 8 tanesinde yer alan 97 adet ilahinin notaya alındığı tespit edilmiştir. Verilerin değerlendirilmesi aşamasında; yapılan bu bestelerin hem Melâmî tekke ve meclislerinde hem de tekke dışında icra edildiği, bu bağlamda Nûriyye Melâmîlerinin edebi ve sanatsal yönünün tekke dışında da etkin olduğu görülmüştür. Araştırmanın sonucunda Abdurrahîm Fedâî Divanında yer alan 1’i nefes, 1’i deyiş (bu nefes ve deyişler ilahi formu altında listelenmiştir), 12’i ilahi olmak üzere toplam 14, Ömer Lütfî Divanında yer alan 1, Salih Rıf’at Divanında yer alan 2, Hasan Fehmi Tezdoğan Divanında yer alan 20, Üsküplü İsmail Hakkı’ya ait olduğunu tespit ettiğimiz 1, Ahmet Fethi Divanında yer alan 26, Ahmet Soyyiğit Divanındaki 21, Dâvud Yılmaz Divanındaki 12, toplamda 97 eserin ilahi formunda farklı bestekârlar tarafından bestelendiği tespit edilmiştir. (shrink)