An elegant English version of La Boetie's _Discourse on Voluntary Servitude_, which is both a key to understanding much of Montaigne and a major piece of early modern political thought. --Timothy Hampton, Professor of French and Comparative Literature, University of California, Berkeley.

The article takes into account the exceptionality of Étienne de La Boétie’s Discourse on Voluntary Servitude sur la servitude volontaire within its historical context, when compared to other anti-tyrannical essays published in Sixteenth-Century France. The Discourse can be read as a sort of anachronistic criticism of the modern theory of sovereignty, since it connects the birth of a monar-chical power with the presence in every man of a desire to be identified with “the name of the One”. However, (...) this process of hallucinatory identification with a “master”, to whom the individual sacrifices his own singularity, can be fought by the capacity of human language to build a net of co-operation among men, which overthrows any close and static identity between individuals and power. Thus freedom appears to be not a natural and stable possess, but rather an uninterrupted and risky process of collective emancipation. (shrink)

This study undertakes a reading of Etienne de La Boétie’s Discours de la servitude volontaire, endeavoring to bring to light the way it convergences with and diverges from the political thought of Paul Ricœur, around the central concept of the will. On the basis of the twin notions of “denaturation” and of “pathology,” a course unfolds which aims at helping establish the people, in comparison with the institution of the State, through a political process revitalised by friendship. But the (...) two thinkers differ when it comes to the resources of the will. This is reflected in the notion of freedom, conceived as absolute in La Boetie, while Ricœur emphasizes its contingency, which leads him to thematize it in terms of capabilities. (shrink)

El objetivo de este artículo es el análisis crítico del concepto de “servidumbre voluntaria” y sus implicaciones para la libertad que plantea Étienne de la Boétie y su relación con el deseo natural de libertad. En particular se analizan algunas ideas de la obra Discours de la servitude volontaire (1576) comenzando por una introducción general y las implicaciones de la obra en la historia de las ideas políticas. La parte central radica en el problema que plantea para la (...) sociedad el deseo de servir de los hombres o, en otras palabras: el deseo de esclavitud y rechazo de la libertad. Todo ello va contra la naturaleza humana según La Boétie. Estos problemas son los que se discuten a partir de un planteamiento de teoría política que va contra el “pensamiento único” y que destaca algunos de los errores conceptuales del autor desde la óptica de la “realidad política” y la poca relevancia que tienen los estándares de perfección para una organización político-social factible. (shrink)

Étienne de La Boétie (1530–63) is a central, if enigmatic, figure in modern French political philosophy. While his name is most famous for his friendship with Montaigne, his Discours de la servitude volontaire (Discourse of Voluntary Servitude) is a tour-de-force of humanist political writing, a youthful paean to liberty arguing that subjection to tyrants is the result of popular corruption. This article argues that the text can be read as a reflection on the perils and promise of transparency. (...) Reading La Boétie helps us see two radically different ways in which members of a polity can be known to one another – two models of transparency – and it offers an important, but ultimately unsettling, political ideal based on a classical conception of civic friendship. The article draws out the importance of this ideal for modern anti-corruption efforts. (shrink)

The 16th-century French humanist writer Etienne de La Boétie has not often been considered in literature on republican political thought, despite his famous essay, Discours de la Servitude Volontaire, displaying a number of clear republican tropes and themes, being largely concerned with the problem of arbitrary power embodied in the figure of the tyrant. Yet, I argue that the real significance of La Boétie’s text is in his radical concept of voluntary servitude and the way it adds a (...) new dimension to the neo-republican theory of liberty as non-domination. The problem of self-domination or wilful obedience to authority is a form of ideological domination that Pettit’s understanding of arbitrary power relationships between agents does not adequately account for. Furthermore, La Boétie shows that freedom is an ontological condition and is realised not – or not entirely – through the rule of law as the guarantee against arbitrariness, as neo-republicans advocate, but rather through acts of self-emancipation and civil disobedience. Here I understand La Boétie’s thinking in terms of a certain anarcho-republicanism in which the promotion of freedom depends not so much on institutions, as Pettit suggests, but rather on autonomous relations of friendship, love and solidarity between individuals. (shrink)

O presente ensaio apresenta como ponto de partida o conto "Cadeira", do escritor português José Saramago, para ilustrar a contínua atualidade do estudo "Amizade, recusa do servir" da professora e filósofa Marilena Chaui, publicado em 1982 pela editora Brasiliense como posfácio da obra "Discurso da servidão voluntária", de Étienne de La Boétie. Nossa intenção é partir da alegoria saramaguiana da queda da ditadura salazarista em Portugal para mostrar como o pensamento de La Boétie, especialmente quando analisado por (...) Chaui, trespassa incólume séculos inteiros chegando até a contemporaneidade europeia e brasileira e que possíveis caminhos alternativos a este sistema podem se apresentar. (shrink)

I investigate the contemporary problem of obedience through an exploration of Michel Foucault and Étienne de La Boétie, showing how the former drew on the latter’s concept of voluntary servitude as a way of thinking through the paradoxical relationship between power, freedom and subjectivity. My argument is that Foucault’s theory of government as the ‘conduct of conduct’ may be understood as a reflection on the question of voluntary servitude. My aim here is twofold. First, it is to show (...) that obedience is an ethical and political problem just as relevant today as it was in La Boétie’s time. Secondly, it is to suggest that voluntary servitude should be interpreted in an emancipatory way, as a problematic that reveals the ontological primacy of freedom and the fragility and instability of power. ‘Voluntary inservitude’ is something that can be expressed in acts of civil disobedience, and alternate modes of ethical conduct and association. (shrink)

Summary: This book studies the life of Étienne de La Boétie and his role in the parliament of Bordeaux in the years 1556-1563, those of his friendship with Montaigne. He has already written the Discourse on Voluntary Servitude, the contents, distribution and successive editions of which until now constitute the investigation of this book.--Classiques Garnier.

En este trabajo se relacionan los conceptos de servidumbre voluntaria y evaluación, considerando que el punto de encuentro entre ellos es la idea del necesario consentimiento del sujeto. La servidumbre voluntaria, así formulada por Étienne de La Boétie a mediados del siglo XVI, planteaba la primera paradoja: el poder que ejerce el amo no reside en su fuerza, sino en la legitimidad que le otorga el consentimiento del siervo. Durante el siglo XVII, en lo que respecta al pensamiento, (...) fue el Santo Oficio quien ocupó el lugar del amo, y su arma fue la censura, estableciendo ya un procedimiento que había que admitir si se quería publicar. Un siglo más tarde, la idea de emancipación se convirtió en un ideal de la época, actualizando la proposición de La Boétie, ya que la emancipación ilustrada fue una llamada, un imperativo que no consideraba una realidad exterior en tanto que causa, sino que ponía el acento en el consentimiento del sujeto y en su voluntad de no ser libre. Para concluir, en el artículo se aborda la cuestión de la evaluación en tanto que una modalidad actual de la servidumbre voluntaria: la búsqueda metódica, incesante, del consentimiento del otro. (shrink)

Este artigo pretende analisar e entender os mecanismos envolvidos na servidão voluntária uma vez que essa disposição dos seres humanos em servir de modo gratuito faz com que não só se afastem do estado de natureza, de sua liberdade, mas também tolerem pacientemente os maus zelos tirânicos sendo assim, a partir de que surge tal voluntarismo servil e por que ele acontece de forma fácil? Serão os costumes que encaminham os homens a servir? Ou ainda, a servidão voluntária é resultado (...) de um acaso, o “mau encontro”? Ao mesmo tempo temos os admiradores do tirano, que visando exercerem a opressão ou ainda, visando tomarem o poder do seu senhor, fomentam no cotidiano humano a servidão gratuita. Iremos apresentar cada um destes momentos para que possamos chegar a um entendimento sobre a servidão voluntária nos baseando na obra de Étienne de La Boétie “O Discurso da Servidão Voluntária”. (shrink)

Is there a thought of voluntary servitude in Spinoza’s theory? Starting with tensions arising from the apparent contradiction between such a thought and Spinoza’s anthropology, this paper shows that the Tractatus Theologico-politicus’s author identifies some political conditions that lead to the reversal of the conatus and make men fight “for their servitude as if it were their salvation”. Spinoza dampens La Boetie’s hypothesis : a man or a people cannot want to enslave himself/themselves, but can be induced to do it (...) under the effect of the adoption of a certain politics or institution. It is not only the fear the monarchical regime breeds. The foundation of the Hebrew Republic, after the Jewish people left Egypt, also raises the issue of voluntary servitude. Spinoza’s thought, consequently, shows a discerning political rationalism that can help us today to think about the “hidden external causes” which can weaken, even conflict with the desire for freedom. (shrink)

En este trabajo se relacionan los conceptos de servidumbre voluntaria y evaluación, considerando que el punto de encuentro entre ellos es la idea del necesario consentimiento del sujeto. La servidumbre voluntaria, así formulada por Étienne de La Boétie a mediados del siglo XVI, planteaba la primera paradoja: el poder que ejerce el amo no reside en su fuerza, sino en la legitimidad que le otorga el consentimiento del siervo. Durante el siglo XVII, en lo que respecta al pensamiento, (...) fue el Santo Oficio quien ocupó el lugar del amo, y su arma fue la censura, estableciendo ya un procedimiento que había que admitir si se quería publicar. Un siglo más tarde, la idea de emancipación se convirtió en un ideal de la época, actualizando la proposición de La Boétie, ya que la emancipación ilustrada fue una llamada, un imperativo que no consideraba una realidad exterior en tanto que causa, sino que ponía el acento en el consentimiento del sujeto y en su voluntad de no ser libre. Para concluir, en el artículo se aborda la cuestión de la evaluación en tanto que una modalidad actual de la servidumbre voluntaria: la búsqueda metódica, incesante, del consentimiento del otro. (shrink)

Étienne de la Boétie, Rozprava o dobrovolném otroctví, Rybka Publisher : Praha 2011, 104 s., ISBN: 978-80-87067-27-7.

Existe-t-il une hypothèse de la servitude volontaire chez Spinoza? En partant des tensions qui naissent de l’apparente contradiction entre une telle hypothèse et l’anthropologie spinoziste, le présent article montre qu’il existe bien chez l’auteur du Traité théologico-politique des conditions politiques qui conduisent à l’inversion du conatus, au point de pousser les hommes à combattre « pour leur servitude comme s’il s’agissait de leur salut ». Spinoza tempère l’hypothèse laboétienne : un individu ou un peuple ne saurait de lui-même désirer la (...) servitude, mais peut y être conduit sous l’effet de l’adoption d’une certaine politique ou institution. Il ne s’agit pas seulement de la crainte favorisée par le régime monarchique. La fondation de la République des Hébreux, après la sortie d’Égypte du peuple juif, pose également la question de la servitude volontaire. La pensée spinoziste, ce faisant, témoigne d’un rationalisme politique inquiet, dont on peut s’inspirer aujourd’hui pour réfléchir sur les « causes extérieures cachées » qui peuvent fragiliser, voire contredire, le désir de liberté. (shrink)

A growing interest in Claude Lefort is bringing to light his radical insights on modern democracy, totalitarianism, and human rights. While the notion perhaps most closely associated with Lefort is that of ‘the empty place of power,’ this article offers a reading of Lefort from a unique angle: his concept of the myth of the One. I demonstrate that to Lefort, the phantasmagorical appeal of the One – the desire for harmony, unity and stability – is the force that continually (...) endangers the democratic project, while the distinctive and unavoidable characteristic of democratic society is its ‘inability’ to name itself as One – a coherent and established social self. Thus, the main challenge of society is its symbolic self-institution. The discussion illuminates Lefort’s singular stance in the study of totalitarianism (Arendt), his rejection of the imaginary (next to Castoriadis), his debt to the structuralism scheme (Lévi-Strauss), as well as his conversation with anarchist voices (La Boétie, Clastres) and with psychoanalysis (Lacan). Ultimately, what Lefort coins ‘symbolic division’ condenses the pledge of democracy to embrace a neurotic self, a bodiless body, a nameless identity in an empty space of power. As such, Lefort’s anti-myth of the One promises to be a vexing objective. (shrink)

Pourquoi la démocratie qui, en son principe, est un régime de liberté peut-elle dériver vers la servitude? Cette question n'est pas nouvelle, elle figurait déjà en bonne place dans la pensée politique de Platon et d'Aristote, pour lesquels cette dérive était inscrite dans la nature du régime, lequel n'était donc pas viable. Elle se retrouve également chez les premiers penseurs de la démocratie réelle moderne, en particulier Alexis de Tocqueville, pour lequel la démocratie est perpétuellement confrontée à une redoutable alternative (...) : promouvoir le goût de la liberté ou, à l'inverse, se dégrader en servitude de mœurs et d'opinion. Or, que cette servitude démocratique, qui est une tendance interne par laquelle la démocratie se détruit elle-même, ne résulte pas d'un pouvoir de contrainte externe mais trouve ses ressorts dans la volonté des individus, nous savons le penser depuis longtemps avec le concept de servitude volontaire d'Etienne de La Boétie. Pourquoi donc parler de nouvelles servitudes? Parce qu'il n'y a pas lieu d'écrire aujourd'hui un " Contr'un ". La figure du maître a changé, ce n'est plus un maître personnel, un tyran, qui tiendrait sous son pouvoir une multitude effrayée, mais un maître anonyme, sans visage et sans nom propre qui, par de nouvelles voies, instaure une domination d'un nouveau genre et de nouvelles servitudes. Celles-ci sont analysées ici sur les plans de l'anthropologie, de l'éthique, de l'économie, ainsi que de l'analyse sociale et de la philosophie politique en vue de repenser une liberté civile à la mesure des problèmes de notre temps. Ce livre est une défense de la liberté issue de la convergence des vues, non d'un collectif, mais d'un certain nombre d'individus singuliers, auteurs libres et indépendants, disons intempestifs, qui entendent s'élever contre les formes larvées de servitudes qui se mettent en place dans les sociétés démocratiques. Il s'agit donc de retrouver l'esprit de liberté sans lequel la démocratie se dégrade et se meurt. (shrink)

This book deconstructs the whole lineage of political philosophy, showing the ways democracy abuts and regularly undermines the sovereignist tradition across a range of texts from the Iliad to contemporary philosophy. Politics is an object of perennial difficulty for philosophy—as recalcitrant to philosophical mastery as is philosophy’s traditional adversary, poetry. That difficulty makes it an attractive topic for any deconstructive approach to the tradition from which we inherit our language and our concepts. Scatter 2 pursues that deconstruction, often starting with, (...) and sometimes departing from, the work of Jacques Derrida by attending to the concepts of sovereignty on the one hand and democracy on the other. The book begins by following the fate of a line from Homer’s Iliad, where Odysseus asserts that “the rule of many is no good thing, let there be one ruler, one king.” The line, Bennington shows, is quoted, misquoted, and progressively Christianized by Aristotle, Philo Judaeus, Suetonius, the early Church Fathers, Aquinas, Dante, Ockham, Marsilius of Padua, Jean Bodin, Etienne de la Boétie, up to Carl Schmitt and Erik Peterson, and even one of the defendants at the Nuremberg trials, before being discussed by Derrida himself. In the book’s second half, Bennington begins again with Plato and Aristotle and tracks the concept of democracy as it regularly abuts and undermines that sovereignist tradition. In detailed readings of Hobbes and Rousseau, Bennington develops a notion of “proto-democracy” as a possible name for the scatter that underlies and drives the political as such and that will always prevent politics from achieving its aim of bringing itself to an end. (shrink)

O presente artigo analisa a evolução de um novo ideal republicano no contexto das guerras de religião do século XVI francês. Para tal, concentra-se em dois textos: o Discurso sobre a servidão voluntária, de La Boétie, cujo essencial se supõe ter sido redigido por volta de 1548, e os Ensaios, de Montaigne, cuja primeira edição data de 1580. Demonstra, com isso, que Montaigne transfere os ideais republicanos de La Boétie a um contexto novo, passando de um ethos republicano (...) herdado do humanismo renascentista para um ethos que se pode anacronicamente qualificar de “liberal”. (shrink)

Michel de Montaigne inherited a copy of Lucretius’ De rerum natura from his bosom friend, Etienne de La Boétie. He read it carefully and annotated it with pleasure. A comparative study of the successive editions of the Essais reveals the continuous presence of this didactic poem composed by the most famous of all epicureans. The humanist-philosopher shares with Lucretius and Augustine a critical perspective on the capacities men attribute to themselves. Montaigne uses not only this epicurean poem against Augustine (...) – the gods do not care about the fortune of men –, he pushes the argument even further alleging that men, and thus Lucretius, are far too insignificant to understand the gods and the universe. The young Montaigne was mostly above all fascinated by the moral strength of the stoics. As he became older he questionned the legitimacy of their philosophical conceptions. But their spiritual exercices helped him, even in it his older years, to cope with human dereliction. (shrink)

As Nietzsche famously declared, only that which has no history can be defined. Robert Sparling's superb book shows that corruption is a concept with a history. Although Political Corruption is ordered chronologically, it is expressly not a linear account of how one modern definition of corruption evolved. History instead discloses how the concept has been deployed in a variety of modes in occidental political philosophy, seven of which are recovered here: from Erasmus's focus on the moral integrity of the prince (...) to Weber's ethics of bureaucratic office, via Machiavelli, Étienne de la Boétie, Bolingbroke, Robespierre, and Kant. Pursuant to the book's nonlinearity, these philosophers are not placed in conversation... (shrink)

En partant de l’image de la servitude volontaire comme un enchantement collectif qui apparaît au début du Discours de la servitude volontaire d’Étienne de La Boétie, cet article explore la transformation que subit la notion d’enchanteur au début du XVI e siècle. Les différents contextes que cette image permet d’identifier, indiquent que le Discours s’inscrit, de manière originale, dans la longue tradition médicale sur le pouvoir des enchantements. Cette reconstruction accorde un rôle central à la figure du chef (...) thaumaturge, dont les caractéristiques sont définies par Machiavel et Pomponazzi. L’article se termine par une comparaison entre le paradigme thaumaturgique et le paradigme charismatique et s’ouvre sur une archéologie du populisme. (shrink)

J’élaborerai dans ce texte une interprétation de la pensée politique de Negri en tant qu ‘elle est geste, et que je formule de la manière suivante: (1) La pensée politique d’Antonio Negri est principalement, dans son effet le plus important et le plus immédiat, et dans son intention même, thérapeutique ; (2) Une telle lecture permet d’élucider dans cette pensée politique un certain nombre de paradoxes apparents, notamment la question de I’immanence et de la révolution ; (3) Ce geste thérapeutique (...) de transvaluation ontologique relève, à plusieurs égards, d’un mode d’action symbolique qui peut se comprendre comme paradigme de la créativité matérielle et symbolique caracteristique d’une certaine philosophie politique émancipatrice que I’on retrouve chez Socrate, Jésus de Nazareth et Étienne de la Boétie. (shrink)

Este artigo se propõe como entretenimento, sugerindo, a partir da análise do Discurso da Servidão Voluntária, de Etienne de La Boétie, que o lugar do politico é um lugar de interrogação infinita, onde as formas da vida comum são inventadas, destruídas e reinventadas pelo homem. O entretenimento se dá num espaço de liberdade e só é possível entre amigos.

This paper employs the critical and analytical techniques of philosophical reflection to present a moral justification for the use of non-violent civil disobedience by Kenyan citizens in pursuit of their aspirations. It sets out with a brief review of political disobedience in Kenya from the advent of the British invasion and domination of the country in the late nineteenth century to the present. Next, it examines the nature of non-violent civil disobedience, outlining the views of four of its most influential (...) advocates, namely, Étienne de La Boétie, Henry David Thoreau, Mohandas Karmachand Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. It then offers a moral justification for non-violent civil disobedience by presenting nine arguments in its favour, with special reference to the Kenyan context. Thereafter, it answers six objections to non-violent civil disobedience. The paper concludes that it is high time that Kenyans gave serious consideration to a commitment to non-violent civil disobedience. (shrink)

The article is devoted to the famous The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude by Étienne de La Boétie. The author considers the theoretical premises underlying the concept of “voluntary servitude”, juxtaposing them with two modern concepts of will developed by Descartes and Pascal. An important feature of La Boétie’s project is the political and therefore intersubjective – as opposed to the individualistic perspective of Descartes and Pascal – starting point. It is therefore situated against the background of, on (...) the one hand, the historical evolution of early modern states and, on the other hand – of the political philosophy of Machiavelli and Hobbes. (shrink)

Si l'histoire de la pensee medievale inclut celle de ses influences, comme l'histoire de la pensee moderne celle de ses sources, il est alors doublement legitime de se demander ce que peut nous apprendre sur la pensee cartesienne sa confrontation historique avec la pensee medievale, au contact de laquelle elle s'est formee, et a l'encontre de laquelle elle s'est developpee. Prenant la suite de travaux anterieurs, cet ouvrage d'Etienne Gilson envisage tout d'abord la confrontation dans une perspective genetique (en cherchant (...) dans certaines doctrines medievales les sources de theses cartesiennes comme l'inneisme, l'etude des meteores ou de la circulation sanguine), avant de considerer plus precisement le rapport de la metaphysique cartesienne et de la metaphysique medievale a travers l'examen de certains points de doctrine particulierement delicats. C'est ici notamment que sont rencontres et eclaircis les problemes de la critique cartesienne des formes substantielles, du dialogue de Descartes avec saint Augustin a l'occasion du cogito, avec saint Thomas dans la preuve de l'existence de Dieu par la causalite de l'idee, et avec saint Anselme dans la preuve dite ontologique. Le caractere novateur de la pensee cartesienne se trouve ainsi etabli avec une acuite inedite. (shrink)

Toujours, les révolutions s'inversent en terreur, la libération fait naître la domination, le pouvoir abuse, ment, échoue... Pourquoi continue-t-on pourtant à croire que le gouvernement des hommes a pour but de transformer la société alors qu'il se réduit souvent à une gestion de la situation? C'est cette question qui résonne singulièrement en ces temps de changement de gouvernance que lance ici Etienne Tassin, se reposant sur une formule de Merleau-Ponty : "On veut oublier un problème que l'Europe soupçonne depuis les (...) Grecs : n'y a-t-il pas un maléfice de la vie à plusieurs?" Les Grecs seront donc nos guides pour éclairer notre démocratie contemporaine, Oreste pour appréhender la question de la justice, Oedipe celle du maléfice, Antigone la dissidence, Socrate l'utopie, Caton les révolutions, Gygès les oubliés du régime libéral, Achille le courage, Diogène la question des migrants... Ils nous aideront à affronter cette idée tragique : il n'y a pas de bonne solution, la politique n'est pas une affaire de réussite ou d'échec mais de risque, celui de vivre à plusieurs. Elle est la condition humaine. (shrink)

RESUMO:O objeto de estudo deste artigo é a condição humana. Qual a possibilidade de existência da condição humana fundamentada na liberdade? O objetivo é relacionar esfera pública, política, liberdade e condição humana. A elaboração teórica considerou obras de Etienne de La Boétie, Hannah Arendt, Cornelius Castoriadis, entre outros. Na atualidade, ocorre a supressão da condição humana, pois a esfera pública tem a ingerência da esfera privada, predominando a razão instrumental e a lógica do mercado, e o homem é afastado (...) da vida política. Por isso, a nossa ação política pela liberdade é fundamental para a problematização do processo de banalização do mal e da servidão voluntária. A coragem é uma virtude indispensável à ação política, é necessária para nos libertarmos da dominação e do servilismo da vida privada e conquistarmos a vida política. A centralidade da ação política do homem é a sua condição de ser atuante para a reafirmação da esfera pública, do mundo da pluralidade, humano e comum. Todavia, a condição humana fundamentada na liberdade implica a superação da atividade e do pensamento pragmáticos e fragmentários da vida cotidiana e a constituição da praxis na dimensão humano-genérica consciente. ABSTRACT:The subject of this article is the human condition. What is the possibility of the existence of the human condition founded on freedom? The aim is to connect the public sphere, politics, freedom, and the human condition. The works of Etienne de La Boétie, Hannah Arendt, Cornelius Castoriadis, and others, are considered. At the present time there is occurring a suppression of the human condition, because the public sphere exists under the interference of a private sphere in which instrumental reason and market logic prevail. People are divorced from political life. For this reason, political action seeking freedom is essential for addressing the problems of the banalization of evil and voluntary servitude. Courage is an indispensable virtue to political action; it is necessary for liberating us from the domination and servitude of private life, as well as for attaining political life. The centrality of human beings’ political action is the condition for acting to reaffirm the public sphere and the world of plurality, both human and common. However, the human condition founded on freedom supposes the overcoming of the pragmatic and fragmented activity and thinking of daily life, and requires the constitution of praxis in the conscious human-generic dimension. (shrink)

First published in 1923 as part of the Cambridge Plain Texts series, this volume contains Descartes' Discours de la méthode in the original French. A short editorial introduction in English is also included. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in the works of Descartes and the development of rationalism.

Étienne Pouliot | Résumé : On convient aisément que tout témoignage peut renvoyer à une expérience, passée ou du moins présupposée, ou encore qu’il peut véhiculer en quelque sorte un message. Il ne se réduit pas pour autant à n’être qu’une fenêtre sur autre chose, voire sur lui-même. En vérité, parce qu’il est avant tout parole, le témoignage constitue toujours et se constitue précisément en un certain ratage de l’expérience là représentée, du message là livré, du vécu là offert. (...) Un examen de certaines conditions épistémologiques de cet enjeu de la représentation au coeur du témoignage, en écho à la philosophie de Paul Ricoeur mais pour en signaler le point aveugle, permet d’élucider que cet enjeu y est second — ce qui ne signifie en rien : secondaire — par rapport à un enjeu herméneutique bien plus originaire, bien plus radical et fondamental que la représentation elle-même : celui de la parole. Au travers du témoignage, une parole atteste autant qu’elle efface. |: We all agree that witnessing may refer back to experience — to something from the past or at least to something that is presupposed — or that it may be the vehicle for some message. This does not mean that witnessing is merely a window onto something else, or onto itself. Indeed, because it is first and foremost “word”, it always stands as a reminder of its inability to represent what it purports to represent and as a failure to deliver the message it intends to deliver. This examination of some of the epistemological underpinnings of representation — which echoes the philosophy of Paul Ricoeur even as it points to a blind spot in his position — intends to show that the issue of representation comes second in witnessing and that a far more radical and fundamental issue — a hermeneutical one — also comes into play here. Thus witnessing, and more precisely the word that is witnessing, both attests to and obliterates itself. (shrink)

One of the key concepts in XVIII century political thought was despotism. Also Diderot utilised this complex idea. According to him, who followed Hobbes and Montesquieu, despotism was the result of the love of power, which was able to bring forth the passion of fear in the society. In this sense, Machiavelli belonged to this line of reflection: like that of Hobbes, his system was intended to show the danger of despotism and to learn the true foundation of natural law. (...) But rethinking this paradox Diderot was led to elaborate a new theory of despotism, no longer based on the mechanism of power. His interpretation of Machiavelli – and Hobbes – had opened up a new perspective, which did not move from the enigma of power – Machiavelli's and Hobbes’ chief concern – but from the nature of subjection. Along this path Diderot came across de la Boëtie's Discours de la servitude volontaire, which explained the origin of despotism in a different way. Despotism was not the result of the passion of fear, but of that of interest. The discussion of these two different ideas of despotism led Diderot to a new perspective from which he answered the problem of liberty in an original way. (shrink)

Cet article commence par examiner trois justifications épistémiques de la démocratie, proposées par José Luis Martí, David Estlund et Hélène Landemore. Tous trois cherchent à montrer en quoi la démocratie possède une tendance à engendrer des décisions correctes, mais font face au risque de légitimer une organisation technocratique du politique, en contradiction avec le principe d’égalité politique. Ils estiment donc que l’argument épistémique ne peut pas suffire à justifier des institutions démocratiques. Cependant, si l’on comprend la valeur «épistémique» d’une décision (...) politique à la fois d’un point de vue factuel et normatif, c’est-à-dire qu’on considère à la fois sa rationalité et son impartialité, une justification épistémique de la démocratie beaucoup plus robuste émerge. C’est cette dernière qui est explorée et défendue dans la seconde partie de cet article. (shrink)