This paper attempts to reconstruct the views of the Stoic Posidonius on the emotions, especially as presented by Galen’s On the Doctrines of Hippocrates and Plato. This is a well-studied area, and many views have been developed over the last few decades. It is also significant that the reliability of Galen’s account is openly at issue. Yet it is not clear that the interpretative possibilities have been fully demarcated. Here I develop Galen’s claim that Posidonius accepted a persistent, (...) non-rational aspect of the soul that he connects with the merely animal part of humans. The aim is to begin from this testimony in answering two questions: (1) How might the possession of a non-rational element of the soul operate alongside the hêgemonikon (leading-part of the soul) as a source of impulse for Posidonius. (2) How does this persistent animal aspect conform to the Stoic ontological classification found in their scala naturae? I shall argue in response to these that (a) Posidonius distinguished the merely cognitive aspects of the soul from those that are rational, and (b) that the hêgemonikon itself is not to be identified with what is rational. Accepting a persistent non-rational source of emotional impulses allows Posidonius a richer framework for explaining human affective responses and behaviours. I also briefly address Galen’s motivation for the account he offers. It is in view of Posidonius’ approach to Plato’s Timaeus that Galen’s discussion finds its most plausible interpretation. (shrink)

The reference to Albinus in a refutation of Bardesanes († c. 222) by Ephrem the Syrian († 373) is not unknown to modern commentators. This text, edited and translated into English since the beginning of the twentieth century, is regularly mentioned, albeit rather cursorily, by scholars of Middle Platonism. Although much has been clarified between the first publication of the book just over a century ago and the present day, the following pages aim to continue the exploration. The aim will (...) be to better understand what has so far remained unnoticed: the dependence of Albinus’ work on Posidonius on three crucial points: (1) his classification of incorporeals, (2) his doctrine of comprehensive representation, and (3) the deep relationship between (1) and (2). (shrink)

In this paper I argue that the work of the unorthodox Stoic Posidonius - as reported to us by Galen - can be seen as making an interesting contribution to contemporary debates about the nature of emotion. Richard Sorabji has already argued that Posidonius' contribution highlights the weaknesses in some well-known contemporary forms of cognitivism. Here I argue that Posidonius might be seen as advocating a theory of the emotions which sees them as being, in at least (...) some cases, two-level intentional phenomena. One level involves judgments, just as the orthodox Stoic account does. But Posidonius thinks that emotions must also include an element sometimes translated as an "irrational tug". I suggest that we see the "irrational tug" as involving a second level of intentional, but non-conceptual representation. This view satisfies two desiderata: it is a view which would have been available to Posidonius and which is compatible with the views reported to us; and it is a view which is independently attractive. It also makes Posidonius' position less far removed from that of orthodox Stoics than it might otherwise do, while remaining genuinely innovative. (shrink)

Posidonius was a major intellectual figure of the Hellenistic world whose interests and contribution spread over the whole intellectual field: philosophy, history, the sciences. His writings are of interest not only to philosophers and classicists, but also to historians and history of science. His work survives only in fragments. The text of these fragments, collected and edited by L. Edelstein and I. G. Kidd, was published in 1972, with a second edition in 1989. This collection, along with Vol. II (...) The Commentary by I.G. Kidd, has become established as the definitive modern edition. However, many of the fragments are extremely difficult to translate, and this volume of translations has been compiled to make this interesting material more easily accessible to scholars and students. The translations are accompanied by contextual introductions and explanatory notes where necessary. An Introduction summarises the importance of Posidonius and his work. (shrink)

Journal Name: Apeiron Issue: Ahead of print.

This paper argues that despite recent tendencies to minimize the differences between Posidonius and the Early Stoics, there are some important aspects of Stoic ethics in which Posidonius deviated from the orthodox doctrine. According to two passages in Diogenes Laertius, Posidonius counted health and wealth among the goods and held that virtue alone is insufficient for happiness. While Kidd in his commentary dismissed this report as spurious, there are good reasons to take Diogenes’ remarks seriously. Through a (...) careful analysis of the sources, in particular of Galen's De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis, this article offers a new interpretation of Posidonius’ ethics. It sheds light on Posidonius’ theory of virtues and shows that Posidonius must have granted a special status to things like health and wealth even if he did not regard them as genuine goods. (shrink)

To coincide with the publication of Professor Kidd's long-awaited Commentary on Posidonius, the text of the Fragments, first published in 1972, is being issued in a new edition. This edition contains sixty new readings, nearly eighty alterations to the apparatus criticus, corrections of errors, and cross-references to recently published works.

This book is a commentary on the surviving testimonia and fragments of Posidonius' work collected in Volume I of this edition. Posidonius was one of the most important philosophers and intellectuals writing in the first century BC Graeco-Roman world. The purpose of this commentary is to assess the fragmentary evidence and reports of Posidonius found in the writings of about sixty ancient authors, and to separate what Posidonius himself actually said from the interpretations and distortions of (...) his reporters. Since Posidonius also wrote at length on the sciences and on geography, and composed a large History, Kidd assesses his work against the philosophical, scientific, and historical writings of Posidonius' predecessors and contemporaries. Each fragment is explored through detailed examination of its context, philosophical and scientific content, and its relationship to Posidonius' whole thought and to contemporary ideas. This commentary proved too long for one volume and thus is issued in two separate books, which are available only as a set. (shrink)

We know enough about Posidonius' life to trace his wanderings: he was born into a wealthy and influential family in Apamea, Syria; he went through all the steps of an Hellenistic education; in Athens he encountered his Stoic teacher Panaetius; and finally he settled—except for some travelling throughout the Mediterranean and to Rome—in the high society of Rhodes, where he actively participated in political life and headed a Stoic school.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 122.3 (2001) 445-447 [Access article in PDF] Ian Kidd, ed. and trans. Posidonius. Vol. 3: The Translation of the Fragments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. 414 pp. Cloth, £50.00. The third volume of Kidd's Posidonius is billed as a translation, but it is much more than that. It is the capstone of the edition, the culmination of a lifetime of work, and the (...) most useful entrée into Posidonius' life, writings, and thought.Posidonius of Apamea, the respected Stoic philosopher of the late second and early first century B.C., and a voluminous author in an extraordinary number of fields of learning, suffered a strange fate at the hand of modern scholars. His writings, like those of many other ancient writers, were lost; and in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when the references to other lost authors were being carefully culled from surviving ancient literature and collected into critical editions of "fragments," Posidonius was largely overlooked. F. Jacoby collected references to his historical and geographical works (1926), but no one paid the same attention to his philosophical writings. Instead, a search for supposed echoes and adaptations in authors who knew, or may have known, him produced a stream of tantalizing but contradictory constructs. This continued even after J. F. Dobson sounded the alarm in 1918 about a growing "Posidonius myth." In 1936 Ludwig Edelstein attempted to halt what he regarded as ungrounded speculation by outlining what can be known from references in which Posidonius is explicitly named. He subsequently began collecting such references for publication. When Edelstein died twenty-nine years later with the task still unfinished, Ian Kidd was asked to complete the job. This he did, in what has become a monumental three-volume work, running to over eighteen hundred pages. It began with a complete edition of testimonia and fragments in 1972 (volume 1), followed by a commentary of nearly one thousand pages in 1988 (volume 2), and now finally a translation. Though it is, technically speaking, the third volume in the series, it is the best place for most readers to begin their study of Posidonius.The volume opens with a lucid summary of Posidonius' life and thought, one of the best in English. Kidd originally wrote it for a German handbook, Philosophen der Antike, volume 2 (ed. F. Ricken, Stuttgart, 1996), and now makes it available in English translation. The translations of the fragments and testimonia are accurate and highly readable, as we have come to expect from Kidd. Both scholars and Greekless readers will welcome them, because many of the sources are unfamiliar and some have never been translated into English or are difficult to interpret. Kidd's translation embodies the considered judgment of someone who has immersed himself in the texts of Posidonius for more than thirty years. Finally, each text is prefaced by an account of the context in which the reference occurs and an assessment of the extent, content, and historical background of its embedded Posidonian material.It is this ensemble of introductory survey, prefaces, and translations that makes the volume so useful. Fragments, whether they are quotations, paraphrases, [End Page 445] or interpretations (friendly or hostile), have no meaning except within an interpretive context. For each such fragment it is now recognized that there are two primary contexts: the text and creative imagination of the lost author who inspired it, and the text and imagination of the extant author who refers to that now lost text. When Edelstein began collecting the so-called fragments, the collection that Kidd completed in 1972, the goal of any collection of fragments was to reveal something about the first of the two contexts, namely, the text and thought of the lost author. The typical strategy was to extract the lost author's text (or at least his ideas) from the quoting author's text, in which it was presumably embedded, discarding all portions of text except those expressly attributed to the lost author. Since then it has become evident, as Kidd noted in volume 2 (ix... (shrink)

This paper tries to demonstrate that some passages of Pliny's Naturalis historia on metallurgical materials are influenced by the Stoic philosopher Posidonius' view that surfaces possess a physical existence. Indeed, Pliny reports that copper surfaces are material, both acting towards drawing a patina to themselves, and being acted upon; i.e. they are both chemically modified by air and fire, and subject to mechanical removal. Also relatable to Posidonius, namely to his view of the interaction between soul and body, (...) is Pliny's account of lead and tin, which can be united thanks to the action they mutually exert on each other, since each metal holds together both itself and what is outside itself. A further influence from the ‘aetiologist’ Posidonius is also betrayed in the care Pliny exercises in describing not only metal corrosion and soldering, but also their causes. Both the scientific and the philosophical imports of these passages are compared with passages by Plato and Plutarch on metallurgical subjects; they are also discussed in the light of the theories on ‘mixture’ propounded by Aristotle and by the Old Stoics. It is shown that Pliny's account compares favorably with Posidonius' doctrine, whereas it is at striking variance with the other ancient reports. Introduction Philosophical and literary evidence 2.1 Pliny 2.2 Posidonius 2.3 Plato and Plutarch Discussion Conclusion. (shrink)

This paper analyzes views of the Stoic philosopher Posidonius (1st century BC) in the light of modern Chemistry. I propose that Posidonius’ account on “generation and destruction” bears noteworthy similarities to the scientific notions of chemical elements, chemical species, nuclear reactions, and the law of conservation of mass. I find that his views compare favorably also with our understanding of chemical change at solid surfaces. Provided his thought is correctly placed in the cultural context of his day, I (...) argue that Posidonius deserves a previously un-acknowledged consideration in the historical background of modern Chemistry. (shrink)

Probably no philosopher of antiquity has occasioned more daring speculations and the expression of graver doubts than Posidonius. On the one hand it has been argued that he was purely a man of science and hardly a Stoic philosopher at all. On the other hand he has been called the first and greatest Stoic mystic who under Oriental influence spurned the body as vile and earthly. Reinhardt has of late years resolutely maintained that the importance of Posidonius in (...) the history of thought lies in his having originated a completely new Vitalism, and that his conception of the world is one in which ‘Subjekt und Objekt, Geist und Wissen, Mensch und Gott, νος und ζω durch eine im Bewusstsein neu erwachte Kraft sich einen und durchdringen: durch die “Sympathie.”’ Among other German scholars Geffcken holds that Plotinus borrowed much from Posidonius, and Jaeger roundly declares that if Posidonius had but found a place for the Platonic Ideas, there would have been nothing left for Plotinus to find. Schmekel and Bréhier have both stated that modifying the Platonic Theory of Ideas Posidonius established an identification between the Ideas and the Spermatic Logoi of Stoicism. (shrink)

Galen's intellectual autobiography, On my own opinions, has challenged, and frustrated, potential editors for over a century. It is preserved in Greek excerpts, in a Latin translation made from the Arabic and with a spurious conclusion, and, for its last three chapters, in a passage of continuous Greek that circulated under the misleading title of On the substance of the natural faculties. Around 1340, the Italian translator Niccolo da Reggio made an extremely faithful Latin version from a Greek manuscript of (...) the last two chapters. Although by itself no one source offers a complete text of the treatise, together they apparently cover it in its entirety. The Latino-arabic version, called variously De sententiis, De sententiis medicorum, and De credulitate Galeni, is the most extensive, but, as a comparison with the surviving Greek shows, it frequently departs considerably from the wording, and even general meaning, of the Greek. Indeed, without the availability of many parallel passages elsewhere in the Galenic corpus, much of this Latin translation would remain unintelligible. (shrink)

The story of Atlantis, inspiration of more than 20,000 books, rests entirely on an elaborate Platonic myth , allegedly based on a private, oral tradition deriving from Solon. Solon himself is supposed to have heard the story in Egypt; a priest obligingly translated it for him from hieroglyphic inscriptions in a temple in Sais. It might be added that Plato is less concerned with Atlantis than with her rival and conqueror, the Athens of that antediluvian age 9600 B.C. That Plato (...) himself made the whole story up is indeed virtually demonstrable. This is not the place for such a demonstration , but it is at any rate possible to eliminate completely one of the crucial props on which belief has always leaned. (shrink)

The article analyses innovative ethno-geographical systems of the first century BC. During Hellenistic times, the science of geography made use of increasingly advanced mathematical and astronomical skills to ensure a scientific basis for the cartographical project; however, this geographical research apparently disregarded the natural and human environments. There is a paradigm change in the referred century. The Stoic Posidonius focuses on the concept of zones found in the early philosophers and finds a compromise between the ‘scientific’ and the ‘descriptive’ (...) geographies. Likewise, Vitruvius conveys a geographical system which associates climatic, somatic, and psychic features. (shrink)