Cet article présente et commente de courts extraits traduits de l’autobiographie de Jane Edna Hunter (1882-1971) intitulée A Nickel and A Prayer, publiée en 1940. Il analyse le témoignage de cette infirmière devenue travailleuse sociale, en se concentrant tout particulièrement sur son expérience en tant que migrante à Cleveland au début des années 1900. Cet article examine la manière dont Hunter a vécu le fait de quitter son Sud natal et de s’installer dans un grand centre urbain du Nord au (...) moment de la Grande Migration noire américaine. Il met également en lumière la manière dont l’expérience de la migration a bouleversé la vie de cette jeune femme, la poussant, dès 1911, à s’investir dans le travail associatif et caritatif en faveur des jeunes migrantes africaines-américaines. (shrink)

Launched in 2007, the American Medical Students Association PharmFree Scorecard is an annual ranking of conflict of interest policies at American medical centres; it focuses on COIs that may occur when medical education seems likely to be influenced by university-industry relationships, especially those with the pharmaceutical and medical device industries. The PharmFree Scorecard has proven influential in stimulating changes in policy regarding the management of COI at American medical institutions, thus it provides a useful jumping off point for reflection on (...) how and why medical education institutions in other countries – and for our purposes, Canada – should pay more attention to the appropriate identification and management of COI. The PharmFree Scorecard methodology examines a diversity of factors and interests that could influence medical education; as such, it is an interesting approach to analysing the COI policies of medical schools. To test its utility or applicability outside the US, we decided to apply the PharmFree Scorecard to the COI policies of the 16 Canadian universities hosting medical schools. Overall, Canadian institutions rank very poorly, especially in ensuring that education and training tools are provided to staff, students and faculty members to enable the identification and management of COI. However, differences between the US and Canadian medical education contexts, e.g., with regards to the governance and funding of universities, limit to some extent the direct applicability of the AMSA ranking. Canadian medical schools – and their host universities – nonetheless have much to learn from insights provided by the AMSA PharmFree Scorecard ranking, although they can and should go further in developing their own COI policies and procedures. (shrink)

Research on research ethics—regarding both the governance and practice of the ethical review of human subjects research—has a tumultuous history in North America and Europe. Much of the academic literature focuses on issues to do with regulating the conduct and quality of ethics review of research protocols by ethics committees (research ethics boards (REBs) in Canada and institutional review boards (IRBs) in the United States). In addition, some of the literature attends to issues particular to the review of qualitative research, (...) and still other literature addresses the challenges posed by and the need for research on REBs/IRBs. It is this third group of literature within which our article is situated. (shrink)

Célestin Freinet a été arrêté le 20 mars 1940 comme militant communiste, sur ordre du Préfet des Alpes-Maritimes, et interné dans divers camps du sud de la France jusqu'au mois d'octobre 1941. C'est à " former en l'enfant l'homme de demain ", un enfant plus instruit, plus responsable, plus heureux, que s'est attaché cet infatigable promoteur d'une pédagogie nouvelle coopérative. On retrouvera dans ces lettres l'essentiel de la réflexion éducative contenant en germe ses deux ouvrages majeurs, " l'éducation du travail (...) " et " Essai de psychologie sensible ", écrits lorsque Freinet est assigné à résidence en 1941. Mais le témoignage de cet esprit pénétrant et engagé est également remarquable pour sa valeur historique : son regard éclaire sous un jour encore assez peu connu, la misère morale et matérielle des internés, leurs souffrances et leur détresse, leur puissance à résister aussi. Ce volume épistolaire intéressera à la fois tous les curieux de l'œuvre de Freinet, tous ceux que l'éducation nouvelle et la rénovation de l'enseignement préoccupent, et ceux que ne laisse pas indifférents cette période dramatique de notre Histoire racontée au jour le jour, et à laquelle Elise Freinet apporte un écho attentif et émouvant. (shrink)

Widespread preservation of fossilized biomolecules in many fossil animals has recently been reported in six studies, based on Raman microspectroscopy. Here, we show that the putative Raman signatures of organic compounds in these fossils are actually instrumental artefacts resulting from intense background luminescence. Raman spectroscopy is based on the detection of photons scattered inelastically by matter upon its interaction with a laser beam. For many natural materials, this interaction also generates a luminescence signal that is often orders of magnitude more (...) intense than the light produced by Raman scattering. Such luminescence, coupled with the transmission properties of the spectrometer, induced quasi‐periodic ripples in the measured spectra that have been incorrectly interpreted as Raman signatures of organic molecules. Although several analytical strategies have been developed to overcome this common issue, Raman microspectroscopy as used in the studies questioned here cannot be used to identify fossil biomolecules. (shrink)

In the eyes of many, liberalism requires the aggressive secularization of social institutions, especially public media and public schools. The unfortunate result is that many Americans have become alienated from the liberal tradition because they believe it threatens their most sacred forms of life. This was not always the case: in American history, the relation between liberalism and religion has often been one of mutual respect and support. In Liberal Politics and Public Faith: Beyond Separation , Kevin Vallier attempts (...) to reestablish mutual respect by developing a liberal political theory that avoids the standard liberal hostility to religious voices in public life. He claims that the dominant form of academic liberalism, public reason liberalism, is far friendlier to religious influences in public life than either its proponents or detractors suppose. The best interpretation of public reason, convergence liberalism, rejects the much-derided "privatization" of religious belief, instead viewing religious contributions to politics as a resource for liberal political institutions. Many books reject privatization, Liberal Politics and Public Faith: Beyond Separation is unique in doing so on liberal grounds. (shrink)

Taking the perspective of knowledge representation, we introduce a simple logic of agency where the agents’ actions are described by their precondition and effects and whose semantics is based on the concept of attempt. We give its syntax, semantics, and axiomatics and discuss the relation with other proposals, in particular Belnap and Horty’s ‘branching time and agent choice’ semantics (BT+AC) and Czelakowski’s relational semantics.

Ziel dieser Untersuchung ist, Ursachen und Faktoren zu ermitteln, die in der Entstehung und Verstärkung von Bildungsungleichheit im iranischen Bildungssystem wirksam sind. Diese Forschung wurde gemäß einem qualitativen Paradigma unter Verwendung der Methode der “Grounded Theory” durchgeführt. Die Daten wurden von einer Fokusgruppe, bestehend aus 20 Teilnehmern, mithilfe der Methode des Tiefeninterviews erhoben. Die Teilnehmer wurden nach dem Prinzip der maximalen Streuung und unter Berücksichtigung des Sättigungspunkts durch eine gezielte Auswahl ausgewählt. Für die Datenanalyse wurde der interpretativ-absorptive Ansatz verwendet. Die (...) Ergebnisse der qualitativen Analyse zeigten, dass einerseits die Bildungsungleichheit im iranischen Bildungssystem von den sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Ungleichheiten in der Gesellschaft beeinflusst wird, und andererseits das Bildungssystem des Landes und die Struktur, die es regiert, Faktore für die Verstärkung und Ausweitung der Ungleichheiten sind. Nach den Forschungsergebnissen kann mit Sicherheit gesagt werden, dass in der gegenwärtigen Struktur des Bildungswesens der Hauptrahmen des Bildungssystems des Landes, einschließlich der Prinzipien, Ziele, Inhalte, Methoden, Erzieher, und Lernenden, jeweils auf eine bestimmte Art und Weise eine spezifische Rolle bei der Bildungsungleichheit und Ungerechtigkeit in der Gesellschaft spielen. (shrink)

In diesem Fazit & Ausblick werden nun die in der Einleitung formulierten Themenfelder, in denen wir auch die Anschlüsse an Arbeiten und Forschungsgebiete der Historischen Anthropologie gegeben sahen, wieder aufgegriffen. Dies geschieht entlang von Aspekten, die durch die responses aufgeworfen wurden, und die wir hinsichtlich unserer Forschung zu Arenen transkultureller Bildung weiterdenken. Ein wichtiger Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf den Transmissionseffekten, die sich im Forschungsprozess, auch unter Einbezug der responses, zwischen den Forschungsfeldern – den Arenen Theater und Schule – ergeben haben. (...) Daran anschließend formulieren wir die Implikationen, die sich daraus für die Weiterentwicklung unserer Methoden ergeben haben, sowie einen Ausblick, der sich den Möglichkeiten der Erweiterung der Forschung zu kultureller Bildung unter Einbezug postkolonialer und transkultueller Analyseperspektiven widmet. Wir haben in den drei Method Labs„Method Mixing: Methoden der Praxis in postmigrantischen Kontaktzonen“ (November 2017); „Towards new methodologies in transcultural education: Performativity of the digital, Material Feminism and transcultural analysis” (Juni 2018) und “Arenas of transcultural Education: artistic research, art based methods, New Materialism and Sensory Ethnography“ (Januar 2019). Praktiker*innen und Wissenschaftler*innen, die aus unterschiedlichen Disziplinen und Forschungsschwerpunkten kommen und in verschiedenen europäischen Universitäten und Institutionen forschen und arbeitenSound Studies, Historische und pädagogische Anthropologie; Allgemeine Erziehungswissenschaft, Anglistik und Postcolonial Studies, Global Childhood & Youth Studies, International Childhood Studies, Grundschulpädagogik, Theaterpädagogik und Dramaturgie sowie Lehrerbildung, künstlerische Forschung und kulturelle Bildung., eine Auswahl des über drei Jahre im Feld erhobenen Materials, das Method Mixing der beiden Arenen Schule und Theater, sowie unsere diffraktionellen Analysen, die entstandenen Interferenzen, und das sich daraus entwickelnde Method Mixing des Projekts vorgestellt. Nach intensiven, über zwei Tage andauernden Diskussionen über das unseren Gästen der Method Labs vorgestellte Material haben wir diese um eine Verschriftlichung ihrer responses gebeten. Die Wahl des Themas sowie des Umfangs und der Form wurden dabei freigestellt. Herausgekommen sind sehr unterschiedliche, und, wie wir finden, im Kern ebenfalls diffraktionell operierende Antworten, die in den vorangegangen Kapiteln vorgestellt wurden. (shrink)

Reasonable individuals often share a rationale for a decision but, in other cases, they make the same decision based on disparate and often incompatible rationales. The social contract tradition has been divided between these two methods of solving the problem of social cooperation: must social cooperation occur in terms of common reasoning, or can individuals with different doctrines simply converge on shared institutions for their own reasons? For Hobbes, it is rational for all persons, regardless of their theological beliefs, to (...) consent to the sovereign's power. But for Locke, only Protestants with a shared theology could be party to the social contract. Rousseau thought that private reasons are not part of the general will, and in Kant's hypothetical contract, pure noumena reach common principles for the social order through the same reasoning process. In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls agreed with Rousseau and Kant: selecting the principles of justice requires modeling parties to the original position as having identical reasons. But in Political Liberalism, Rawls embraced the idea of an overlapping consensus, which accords distinct reasons justificatory force. (shrink)

Can agents rationally inquire into things that they know? On my view, the answer is yes. Call this view the Compatibility Thesis. One challenge to this thesis is to explain why assertions like “I know that p, but I’m wondering whether p” sound odd, if not Moore-Paradoxical. In response to this challenge, I argue that we can reject one or both premises that give rise to it. First, we can deny that inquiry requires interrogative attitudes. Second, we can deny the (...) ignorance norm, on which agents are not permitted to both know and have interrogative attitudes, such as wondering. I argue that there are compelling reasons to deny the former and reasons to question the latter. Both options pave the way for further work on further inquiry. (shrink)

Americans today don't trust each other and their institutions as much as they once did, fueling destructive ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. In Trust in a Polarized Age, political philosopher Kevin Vallier argues that to build social trust and reduce polarization, we must strengthen liberal democratic institutions--high-quality governance, procedural fairness, markets, social welfare programs, freedom of association, and democracy. These institutions not only create trust, they do so justly, by recognizing and respecting our basic rights.

Journal of Political Philosophy, EarlyView.

Americans today are far less likely to trust their institutions, and each other, than in decades past. This collapse in social and political trust arguably fuels our increasingly ferocious ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. Many believe that our previously high levels of trust and bipartisanship were a pleasant anomaly and that we now live under the historic norm. Seen this way, politics itself is nothing more than a power struggle between groups with irreconcilable aims: contemporary American politics is war because (...) political life as such is war. -/- Must Politics Be War? argues that our shared liberal democratic institutions have the unique capacity to sustain social and political trust between diverse persons. In succinct, convincing prose, Kevin Vallier argues that constitutional rights and democratic governance prevent any one ideology or faith from dominating all others, thereby protecting each person's freedom to live according to her values and principles. Illiberal arrangements, where one group's ideology or faith reigns, turn those who disagree into unwilling subversives, persons with little reason to trust their regime or to be trustworthy in obeying it. Liberal arrangements, in contrast, incentivize trust and trustworthiness because they allow people with diverse and divergent ends to act with conviction. Those with opposing viewpoints become trustworthy because they can obey the rules of their society without acting against their ideals. Therefore, as Vallier illuminates, a liberal society is one at moral peace with a politics that is not war. (shrink)

The starting point of this conversation with philosopher Mathieu Triclot is the issue of the causal contribution of video game playing in school shootings. Triclot explains the limitations of current psychological approaches regarding video game violence. He further develops on the peculiar features of the video game medium and how they relate to the problem of violence. Triclot eventually shows that, although players may relate to virtual violence in very different ways, violence in video games is not merely a (...) subjective phenomenon. He highlights that some “regimes of experience,” which got stable in the video game culture, cultivate a toxic relation to violence. (shrink)

Toleration is perhaps the core commitment of liberalism, but this seemingly simple feature of liberal societies creates tension for liberal perfectionists, who are committed to justifying religious toleration primarily in terms of the goods and flourishing it promotes. Perfectionists, so it seems, should recommend restricting harmful religious practices when feasible. If such restrictions would promote liberal perfectionist values like autonomy, it is unclear how the perfectionist can object. A contemporary liberal perfectionist, Steven Wall, has advanced defense of religious toleration that (...) grounds perfectionist toleration in an innovative account of reasons of respect. He thus defends perfectionist toleration on two grounds: (i) the appropriate manner of responding to perfectionist goods like autonomy and membership is to respect the religious choices of others; (ii) citizens can acquire reasons to respect the religious choices of others through internalizing a value-promoting moral and political code. I argue that both defenses fail. The cornerstone of both arguments is the connection Wall draws between reasons to promote value and reasons to respect it. I claim that Wall’s conception of the relationship between promoting and respecting value is inadequate. I conclude that the failure of Wall’s defense of perfectionist toleration should motivate liberal perfectionists to develop more sophisticated accounts of normative reasons. The viability of a truly liberal perfectionism depends upon such developments. (shrink)

While there has been significant discussion in the health sciences and ethics literatures about problems associated with publication practices (e.g., ghost- and gift-authorship, conflicts of interest), there has been relatively little practical guidance developed to help researchers determine how they should fairly allocate credit for multi-authored publications. Fair allocation of credit requires that participating authors be acknowledged for their contribution and responsibilities, but it is not obvious what contributions should warrant authorship, nor who should be responsible for the quality and (...) content of the scientific research findings presented in a publication. In this paper, we review arguments presented in the ethics and health science literatures, and the policies or guidelines proposed by learned societies and journals, in order to explore the link between author contribution and responsibility in multi-author multidisciplinary health science publications. We then critically examine the various procedures used in the field to help researchers fairly allocate authorship. (shrink)

Contemporary political philosophers disagree about whether theories of justice should be utopian or realistic. Contributors to this volume largely deny that the choice between realism and idealism is binary. Their contributions represent a continuum between realism and idealism that best represents the contemporary state of the debate.

Gerald Gaus was one of the leading liberal theorists of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. He developed a pioneering defence of the liberal order based on its unique capacity to handle diversity and disagreement, and he presses the liberal tradition towards a principled openness to pluralism and diversity. This book brings together Gaus's most seminal and creative essays in a single volume for the first time. It also covers a broad span of his career, including essays published shortly (...) before his death, and topics including reasonable pluralism, moral rights, public reason, and the redistributive state. The volume makes accessible the work of one of the most important recent liberal theorists. Many readers will find it of value, especially those in political philosophy, political science, and economics. (shrink)

It is widely accepted that consent is a normative power. For instance, consent can make an impermissible act permissible. In the words of Heidi Hurd, it “turns a trespass into a dinner party... an invasion of privacy into an intimate moment.” In this chapter, I argue against the assumption that consent has such robust powers for moral transformation. In particular, I argue that there is a wide range of sex that harms or wrongs victims despite being consensual. Moreover, these cases (...) are not limited to those where con- sent is vitiated by background conditions. I start by calling this category of consensual sex Bad Sex. I then distinguish subspecies of this category, including psychological pressure, social coercion, and epistemically unsafe sex. I end by responding to an objection on which we should treat at least some subspecies of Bad Sex as rape. Though this alternative proposal is often motivated by ameliorative and strategic considerations, I argue that such considerations actually count against collapsing the categories of Bad Sex and rape. (shrink)

Jonathan Quong’s book, Liberalism without Perfection, provides an innovative new defense of political liberalism based on an “internal conception” of the goal of public justification. Quong argues that public justification need merely be addressed to persons who affirm liberal political values, allowing people to be coerced without a public justification if they reject liberal values or their priority over comprehensive values. But, by extensively restricting members of the justificatory public to a highly idealized constituency of liberals, Quong’s political liberalism becomes (...) objectionably sectarian. Coercing citizens without a public justification if they hold non-liberal comprehensive views is no different from the sectarian perfectionist view that people can be coerced without a public justification if they hold false comprehensive views. Quong argues that some degree of sectarianism is unavoidable in formulating a conception of political liberalism. While this may be, I maintain that the internal conception is nonetheless excessively sectarian. To demonstrate this, I develop an attractive competitor conception, the convergence conception, which addresses public justification to a diverse, moderately idealized justificatory public. If convergence is a viable interpretation of political liberalism, I argue, then the internal conception is excessively sectarian. (shrink)

Thesis (Ph.D, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2009-08-31 12:18:30.156.

Kermani traces the history of mankind from the origins of society and language to the present, and un-mutes the silence that resulted from the moment man began to write his history instead of listening to history's story.

Is our ego but an illusion, a mere appearance produced by a reality that is foreign to us? Is it the main source of violence and injustice? Jacob Rogozinski calls into question these prejudices that dominate current philosophy, psychoanalysis, and the human sciences. Arguing that we must distinguish the true ego from the alienated and narcissistic construct, he calls for an end to egicide, or the destruction of the ego. _Ego and the Flesh_ offers a critique of the two masters (...) of egicide, Heidegger and Lacan, along with a rereading of Descartes, who was the first to discover the absolute truth of "I am." The book's main purpose, however, is to provide an entirely new theory of the self, _egoanalysis_, which reveals a divided ego-flesh. Constantly striving to attain unity, the ego-flesh is haunted by a _remainder_, whose role sheds light on various enigmas: the encounter with the other, the passage from hate to love, the death and the resurrection of the I. For ego-analysis is no mere theory: it opens the way to our deliverance. (shrink)

Public reason liberals typically defend an accessibility requirement for reasons offered in public political dialog. The accessibility requirement holds that public reasons must be amenable to criticism, evaluable by reasonable persons, and the like. Public reason liberals are therefore hostile to the public use of reasons that appear inaccessible, especially religious reasons. This hostility has provoked strong reactions from public reason liberalism's religion-friendly critics. But public reason liberals and their religion-friendly critics need not be at odds because the accessibility requirement (...) is implausible. In fact, the accessibility requirement is ambiguous between two interpretations, one of which is too stringent and the other too loose. Depending upon the interpretation, accessibility either restricts the use of too many secular reasons or permits appeal to a wide range of religious reasons. The accessibility requirement should therefore be rejected. (shrink)

Explains the concept and conceptions of public justification found in the philosophy and political theory literatures.

Our concern in this essay are the roles of religious conviction in what we call a “publicly justified polity” — one in which the laws conform to the Principle of Public Justification, according to which (in a sense that will become clearer) each citizen must have conclusive reason to accept each law as binding. According to “justificatory liberalism,”1 this public justification requirement follows from the core liberal commitment of respect for the freedom and equality of all citizens.2 To respect each (...) as free and equal requires that no one simply be forced to submit to the judgments of others as to what she must do. Laws must be justified to those subject to them — each must accept grounds that justify the law. As Kant indicated, if such a condition is achieved, each is both subject and legislator: each is subject to the law, yet each legislates the law, and so all our free and equal under the law.3 Now it would appear that if we are to justify laws to each and every person, the reasons for these laws must be “accessible to all.”4 Religious reasons, however, are not shared by everyone, and may be inaccessible to some: they would thereby seem inappropriate in public justification. On the face of it, justificatory liberals seem committed to expunging religious-based reasoning from political justification. Not surprisingly, this apparent commitment of justificatory liberalism is adamantly rejected by many citizens of faith who consider themselves liberals. These citizens embrace the traditional liberal freedoms and rights and, moreover, reject any suggestion that a legitimate polity might seek to establish a religion, much less a theocracy. Yet they.. (shrink)

Introduction: religion and politics as human universals -- Catholic integralism and the integralists -- History --Symmetry -- Transition -- Stability -- Justice -- Confucian and Islamic anti-liberalisms -- Epilogue: reconciliation.