John Harris; A Paradox of Multicultural Societies, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Volume 16, Issue 2, 30 May 2006, Pages 223–233, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.

At the intersection of modern cultural and political history, security studies and debates about freedom of expression and international human-rights law, this article aims to contribute to a better understanding of political cartooning and its implications in multicultural societies of Europe, which have shifted in a geographical, cultural, normative, communicational, political and many other respects through the last two centuries. Through comparison of the Serbian cartoons from late nineteenth-century Croatia and the recent Danish cartoons of the Prophet Mohammad, the (...) article reveals that both modern and postmodern European cartoons have been centred around equally discriminatory narratives: a 'clash of civilizations' and 'racialization of religion'. Since open racial stereotyping in cartoons became illegal in the postmodern international regulations, traditional discriminatory practices of cartooning have shifted towards subtle, 'liquid' racism. This decodes some of the twelve Danish cartoons as ambiguous strategies of racialization of Muslim immigrants in Europe but also as hate speech which is illegal in the European Union, and member states of the Council of Europe. The author concludes that the most current European and international regulations of hate speech, whether concerning offline media or online media, actually protect free speech. While a truly clear-cut regulation of liquid racism might remain problematic in Europe due to the lack of a universally accepted definition of hate speech, neither strict legal regulations nor different definitions of hate speech could diminish the role of political cartooning as a viable free speech platform in the multicultural landscape of Europe. Ultimately, what diminishes its viability is the enduring lack of diversity in the creation of visual satire, which could and should reflect the multicultural reality of communities, politics and societies in Europe. (shrink)

Multiculturalism, namely the coexistence of different cultural traditions within the framework of a single socio-political structure, is one of the most salient characteristics of western democratic societies. This situation is due mainly to two factors. On the one hand, we find a plurality of historical communities within the State that have different cultural roots, and each one of them defends the right to have its cultural identity recognised. On the other hand, there is a growing exodus of people from less (...) developed countries into western ones. In this paper I analyse from a philosophical point of view the multicultural situation that has its origin in immigration, paying attention to a public debate on this topic that has been held in Spain recently. I also analyse some conditions that must be taken into account by educators if they want to promote an adequate integration of immigrants into society, being respectful both of their cultural identity and the rights of the society of destination. (shrink)

: The multicultural composition of the United States can pose problems for physicians and patients who come from diverse backgrounds. Although respect for cultural diversity mandates tolerance of the beliefs and practices of others, in some situations excessive tolerance can produce harm to patients. Careful analysis is needed to determine which values are culturally relative and which rest on an underlying universal ethical principle. A conception of justice as equality challenges the notion that it is always necessary to respect (...) all of the beliefs and practices of every cultural group. (shrink)

This article critically re-examines the application of the principle of patient autonomy within bioethics. In complex societies such as those found in North America and Europe health care professionals are increasingly confronted by patients from diverse ethnic, cultural, and religious backgrounds. This affects the relationship between clinicians and patients to the extent that patients' deliberations upon the proposed courses of treatment can, in various ways and to varying extents, be influenced by their ethnic, cultural, and religious commitments. The principle of (...) patient autonomy is the main normative constraint imposed upon medical treatment. Bioethicists typically appeal to the principle of patient autonomy as a means for generally attempting to resolve conflict between patients and clinicians. In recent years a number of bioethicists have responded to the condition of multiculturalism by arguing that the autonomy principle provides the basis for a common moral discourse capable of regulating the relationship between clinicians and patients in those situations where patients' beliefs and commitments do or may contradict the ethos of biomedicine. This article challenges that claim. I argue that the precise manner in which the autonomy principle is philosophically formulated within such accounts prohibits bioethicists' deployment of autonomy as a core ideal for a common moral discourse within multicultural societies. The formulation of autonomy underlying such accounts cannot be extended to simply assimilate individuals' most fundamental religious and cultural commitments and affiliations per se. I challenge the assumption that respecting prospective patients' fundamental religious and cultural commitments is necessarily always compatible with respecting their autonomy. I argue that the character of some peoples' relationship with their cultural or religious community acts to significantly constrain the possibilities for acting autonomously. The implication is clear. The autonomy principle may be presently invalidly applied in certain circumstances because the conditions for the exercise of autonomy have not been fully or even adequately satisfied. This is a controversial claim. The precise terms of my argument, while addressing the specific application of the autonomy principle within bioethics, will resonate beyond this sphere and raises questions for attempts to establish a common moral discourse upon the ideal of personal autonomy within multicultural societies generally. (shrink)

This article addresses girls' dress, which has become controversial, especially in contemporary multicultural Europe. Using the Dutch public debate about the headscarf, belly shirts, visible G-strings, and other forms of ‘porno-chic’, the authors show that these seemingly separate debates are held together by the regulation of female sexuality. Through their analysis of the headscarves and porno-chic debate, the authors argue that women's sexuality and girls' bodies in particular have become the metonymic location for many a contemporary social dilemma: of (...) the multicultural society when it concerns the scarf, of feminism and public morality when it concerns porno-chic. They conclude that despite the widely different appearance of girls wearing headscarves or porno-chic, both groups of girls are submitted to the meta-narratives of dominant discourse: the state, school, public opinion, parents and other social institutions ‘resignify’ their everyday practices as inappropriate, and reprieve them from the power to define their own actions. (shrink)

What does it mean to be a citizen in a multicultural society? And what role must patriotism play in defining our relationship with our country and fellow citizens? In The Virtuous Citizen Tim Soutphommasane answers these questions with a critical defence of liberal nationalism. Considering a range of contemporary political debates from Europe, North America and Australia, over issues including multiculturalism, national history, civic education and immigration, Soutphommasane argues that a love of country should be valued alongside tolerance, (...) mutual respect and public reasonableness as a civic virtue. A liberal form of patriotism, grounded in national identity, is, if anything, essential for political stability in a diverse society. This book is required reading not only for political theorists and philosophers but also for researchers and professionals in political science, sociology, history and public policy. (shrink)

Social justice is a contested concept. For example, some on the left argue for equality of outcomes, those on the right for equality of opportunities, and there are differing emphases on the roles of state, market and individual in achieving a socially just society. These differences in emphasis are critical when it comes to examining the impact that public policy has on minority ethnic groups. Social justice should not be culture-blind any more than it can be gender-blind yet the (...) overwhelming burden of evidence from the UK shows that public policy, despite the political rhetoric of fifty years of governments since large-scale immigration started, has failed to deliver social justice to Britain’s minorities. In terms of outcomes, in respect for and recognition of diversity and difference, in their treatment, and in the failure of governments to offer an effective voice to minorities, the latter continue to be marginalised in British social, economic and political life. This is not an argument for abandoning the project of multiculturalism, however, but for ensuring that it is framed within the values of social justice. (shrink)

Rationale: Patients with advanced dementia experience multifaceted vulnerabilities because of their diminished capacities for decision making. The dominant versions of person-centred care (PCC) emphasise patient preferences and autonomy, which often undermines a recognition of their distinct unfulfilled needs. Determining whether an individual autonomy conception of personhood applies to patients with advanced dementia is morally problematic from various theoretical perspectives and leads to the one-approach-fits-all problem when caring for this patient population. -/- Aims and Objectives: The availability of patients' advanced directives (...) varies depending on their cultural backgrounds. The goal of the study is to argue that PCC, with a focus on relational autonomy, should be the first step for caring for patients with advanced dementia. -/- Method: The study engages in a critical exploration of inclusivity and diversity in ethical thinking within a framework of PCC and uses philosophical argumentation to assess the viability of a relational autonomy conception of PCC. -/- Results and Conclusion: By taking relationality seriously, especially in caring for patients with advanced dementia in a multicultural society, and by considering the moral nexus of unmet needs through the perspective of PCC, we can resolve the problem of one-approach-fits-all in dementia care. (shrink)

This important collection of essays offers a sustained philosophical examination of fundamental questions raised by multicultural education in primary and secondary schools. The essays focus on both theory and policy. They discuss the relation between culture and identity, the role of reason in bridging cultural divisions, and the civic implications of multi-culturalism in the teaching of history and literature. Several of the essays examine aspects of multicultural policies in California and New York, as well as the curriculum guidelines (...) promulgated by the National Council for Social Studies. Although much has been published on the subject of multi-culturalism, including the cultural war on American campuses, there is very little available on the impact of multicultural policies for primary and secondary education. So this is a volume that will be welcomed by all those interested in multicultural education: philosophers and historians of education, sociologists, professional educators and policy-makers. (shrink)

In answering the question, “Which moral identity has to be developed in a multicultural society?” we draw a distinction between public and non-public identities of persons. On our view, a liberal democracy is characterized by a specific conception of these two central components of moral identity. In section 2, we concentrate on the public identity, while, in section 3, the nonpublic identity is the centre of interest. In explaining these main components of moral identity, we will appeal to (...) those aspects of identity as set out by Rorty & Wong which are constitutive of moral identity. (shrink)

Should significant enhancement of human capacities using genetic technologies become possible, each generation will have an unprecedented power over the next. I argue that it is implausible to leave decisions about the genetic traits of children entirely up to individuals and that communities will sometimes be justified in intervening to protect the interests of children against their parents. While a number of influential authors have suggested that the primary interest that the community should aim to protect is the child’s right (...) to “an open future”, when we examine closely what we desire for our children, it is clear that sometimes we have good reasons to try to restrict their opportunities to pursue dangerous, corrupting, or meaningless projects. Rather than maximise the openness of their future, then, we should strive to ensure that children have access to sufficient opportunities to make available a reasonable range of valuable life-choices. Importantly, both the assessment of what counts as a reasonable range and our judgements about which forms of life are valuable must inevitably make reference to substantive notions about the nature of human flourishing. A more appropriate formulation, then, of what should be protected by law and/or regulation, is the child’s right to a “decent future”, understood as a future which promises a reasonable range of opportunities to lead a life of human flourishing. I then proceed to highlight the challenge posed by the task of settling upon an idea of what counts as a decent future, for multicultural societies wherein ideas about the standards against which we should evaluate human flourishing are likely to be highly contested. (shrink)

Starting from the problem of tolerance in a multicultural society, the author undermines the limits of a classical‐liberal foundation (negative tolerance) and suggests the need for a new meaning: a positive concern of tolerance implying appreciation of a variety of social cultures and value traditions. On an ethical level, positive tolerance can be grounded in the Discourse Theory, developing the classical Kantian deontological ethics in a transcendental‐pragmatic and in a transcendental‐hermeneutic sense. In this way, discourse ethics can answer (...) two questions posed by tolerance in a multicultural society: the duty to support all in the pursuit of their ideals and realize positive tolerance as well as its restrictions. (shrink)

This paper aims to explore challenges of the Aristotelian friendship (philia) in multicultural society and in the specific industrial and organizational contexts. Data was collected from forty-eight participant interviews with managers and employees of four mining companies in Indonesia with twelve informants from each company, both management and employees. The paper found that the virtue of friendship within the mining companies has several drawbacks when an imbalance of power exists between managers and employees. This paper suggests that to (...) understand virtue of friendship in a multi-ethnic and multicultural context, it is essential to ground the conceptual framework in both Aristotle’s views and specific cultural sensitivities, as only then can the full story be grasped. Thus, this paper contributes to bring insights into an under-explored, complex and, at times, paradoxical context, explaining that Aristotelian virtue ethics encounters cultural aspects and a specific context of human relationships which make challenges for business organizations to be virtuous. More importantly, this paper also paves the path towards further discussions and studies on virtue ethics to set a conceptual framework in both virtue ethics and specific cultural sensitivities for business ethics. Practically, this paper provides a valuable insight for business organizations especially business leaders, human resources (HR) and corporate social responsibility (CSR) practitioners, as it offers practice on how to avoid moral lapses in their day-to-day working relationships inside the organization as well as their relationships with the community. (shrink)

Ongoing political, military and social violence gives the impression that liberal ideas of freedom, democracy and multicultural society do not serve as a barrier to the shedding of blood. This paper shows that recognizing the way powerful interests color our conceptions of truth and value and need not automatically result in a purge of all existing social-political categories. Consequently, the paper addresses many of the ambiguities that a critique of ideology and values tends to evoke, paying special attention (...) to the prevailing explanations of world power, violence and world peace in our contemporary reality, especially in the fields of sociology and ideology. The significance of several factors in the American Weltanschauung that have a major impact on life today have been examined. (shrink)

In response to a growing perception that America's youth lack the necessary values to grow and develop into adulthood in a socially healthy manner, character education has emerged as a rapidly growing proactive approach that serves to develop good character among young people. The authors examine several of the virtues thought to underlie good character from Character Counts!, a popular character education program, and emphasize the cultural complexities involved when promoting character education in a pluralistic society. 2012 APA, all (...) rights reserved). (shrink)

Susan Mendus; Toleration and Recognition: education in a multicultural society, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Volume 29, Issue 2, 30 May 2006, Pages 191–2.

ABSTRACT Martin Hollis, in Market Equality and Social Freedom [1], used the Dewsbury case to illustrate the tension between individual freedom and the public good. Like others engaged in the public debate on multicultural education in general, and Dewsbury in particular, Hollis avoided the main issue: “What should be the curriculum in a school attended by pupils from different cultural backgrounds?’’Rational debate in this highly controversial area requires an analysis of two fundamental concepts—multicultural education and respect. The former (...) can take three forms, each corresponding with a distinctive curriculum model. One—the Equality option—is inimical to parental rights as guaranteed under the European Convention, but it attracts support because of a widespread failure to recognise that one can respect someone's right to hold and propagate a particular faith (or opinion) without necessarily respecting that faith (or opinion). It is shown that this failure has come about through very lax usage of ‘respect’. It is argued that by respecting persons whatever their values the potential conflict between liberty and equality can be resolved in a free society. (shrink)

Controlling Natality - the ratio of births to the general population - is one of the best means a state has to control its demographic composition. However, the fact that the state has certain interests with regard to the size and composition of its population does not necessarily give it the right to set and pursue natality policies, because such policies can potentially infringe on various human rights such as the rights of women and the rights of minorities. Using a (...) feminist perspective I first argue that even if it is illegitimate for states to try to influence people's choice as to the number of their children in order to achieve demographic change, the state may, and should, enact natality policies aimed at promoting women's right to equality, regardless of whether their end result is to achieve a demographic change. Next I examine whether states are allowed to pursue natality policies that are aimed at decreasing natality rates in specific cultural groups, whose cultural precepts are oppressive to women and dictate very high natality rates. Using the ultra orthodox Jewish community in Israel as a test case, I present and reject three objections to the state's right to pursue such natality policies: the objection from free choice, the objection from free association, and the objection from culture. Rejecting these objections I conclude that not only is the state allowed, but it is indeed obligated, to pursue natality policies that aim to alleviate the oppression of women by decreasing inordinately high birth rates in illiberal communities. However, when choosing the measures for the implementation of such policies the state must take care to choose only measures that respect human rights. (shrink)

This paper deals with the principle of tolerance in our contemporary society in the attempt to highlight limits and paradoxes in the various aspects of minority issues. From this point of view, the first part of the paper discusses Kymlicka’s contribution to multiculturalism with regard to national minorities and immigrant communities, while the second part confronts his Theory of Minority Rights with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony and circle of humanity. Therefore, this paper aims at shifting the discourse over (...) tolerance-related minority issues from a top-down approach toward an analysis of how tolerance is allowed to be performed. Thus, Gramsci’s philosophy of praxis is employed to disentangle moral and cultural set of values and norms within which both principle of tolerance and performativity of toleration are established and, in parallel, to reflect on reasons why others are not allowed to be performed. (shrink)

Political ideologies devoted either to the elimination or exclusion of religion from, or to its imposition on, the public sphere, and which are prepared in either case to capture State Power to achieve their vision for Society, must inexorably deny to citizens fundamental human rights and civil liberties – in a globalizing world where sustainable societies must become more culturally heterogeneous and where the continuing rise of religion is inevitable, so argues the author in this article. What is needed (...) is a polity that privileges tenets of democratic pluralism, human rights and multiculturalism over and above secularism or any of its various oppositional frameworks. The author posits that a Secular State is incapable of guaranteeing fundamental human rights to its citizens within a democratic framework. Secularism never triumphed as the ideology of state without important civil liberties being abjured. At the same time, any State applying Shari'ah as public law, must not only deny to non-Muslims fundamental human rights, but will also eventually deny Muslims their self-determination at both personal and collective levels and will in due course cease to be a State. The author calls for a re-thinking of human rights in order to make them more acceptable universally across diverse cultures. (shrink)

Solidarity between the citizens of a country is both good and desirable, and public educational institutions are the clear site of education for such civil solidarity and its natural place is in Civics lessons. Nevertheless, this paper argues that it is impossible to educate for solidarity for all citizens in a liberal-democratic state when civic classes teach basic civil laws that exclude groups or minorities and expel them from the general civil population. Therefore, we can ask: What are the modes (...) of action that are open to Civics teachers and other educators who are caught in this trap when trying to educate for solidarity? As a reply to this question and by borrowing ideas from Michel Foucault’s thought, this paper equips teachers with some guidelines for pedagogical resistance to the excluding wave, that enable strengthening an inclusive civil solidarity, and demonstrates the applicability of these guidelines in the Israeli reality. (shrink)

We are in the midst of one of the most dramatic technological revolutions in history that is changing everything from the ways that we work, to the ways that we communicate with each other, to how we spend our leisure time. The technological revolution centers on information technology, is often interpreted as the beginnings of a knowledge society, and therefore ascribes education a central role in every aspect of life. This Great Transformation poses tremendous challenges to education to rethink (...) its basic tenets, to deploy the new technologies in creative and productive ways, and to restructure schooling in the light of the metamorphosis we are now undergoing. (shrink)

2011년도 교과부의 도덕과 교육과정 개정에서 국가․사회적 요구 사항들 가운데 다문화 관련 반영 사항은 다음과 같다. 즉, 다문화 사회와 글로벌 시대에 필요한 국가 정체성 확립과 우리 사회의 공통적인 도덕적 가치 기반의 공고화이다. 이는 다양성과 세계화 속에서 우리 국가․사회를 유지할 수 있는 기반이 정체성과 도덕적 가치에 있다는 인식이라고 할 수 있다. 그러나 이런 인식이 다문화 사회에 맞는 윤리교육의 바람직한 방향이 될 수 있는 지에 대해서 문제가 있을 수 있다. 가령, 국가 정체성을 너무 강조할 경우, 이는 오히려 다양성을 배척하면서, 다문화 구성원들을 억압할 수 (...) 있는 강력한 무기가 될 수 있다. 이럴 경우, 한국 다문화 사회에서 윤리교육은 배타적인 국가 정체성만을 강조하는 국가 이념 교육의 무기로 변질될 가능성이 매우 크다. 그러므로 앞으로 한국 다문화 사회에서 윤리교육의 근본 과제는 2011개정 도덕과 교육의 국가․사회적 요구 사항들인 국가 정체성과 사회의 공통된 도덕 기반 확립과 다문화교육의 성별, 계층, 민족, 인종, 문화 등의 배경과는 상관없는 자존감, 평등과 정의 등의 가치들이 서로 연결될 수 있는 가능성을 발견하는데 있다고 할 수 있다. 이를 위해 정서와 도덕적 기질의 유사성 개념에 주목한다. 우리가 정서들을 갖고 있다는 것은 개별적인 느낌이 아니라 감성을 통한 사회적 의미에서 윤리적 주체임을 보여준다. 이는 우리가 어떤 도덕 가치의 기반을 마련할 것인지의 토대가 된다. 동시에 우리가 이러한 가치를 인식하고 행할 수 있다는 도덕적 기질의 유사성을 갖고 있다. 이 정서들을 갖는 것, 그리고 도덕적 기질의 유사성에서 윤리적이고 문화적 정체성을 확인하는 것이 한국 다문화 사회의 윤리문화를 형성하고 바람직하게 지속시킬 수 있는 중요한 과제이다. 무엇보다 한국 다문화 사회의 구성원들은 도덕적 기질의 유사성을 토대로 한국인임을 확인하고, 이를 토대로 도덕적 정서들을 갖게 되는 윤리적 주체들이 되어야 한다. (shrink)

최근 들어 한국사회는 다문화사회로의 변동을 마치 당연한 듯이 받아들이고 있다. 그러나 여기에는 이상과 현실의 격차가 있다. 이 연구는 이러한 점에 착안하여 한국사회에서의 다문화 논의의 한계성과 그 유효성에 관하여 고찰하였다. 한계성으로는 첫째, 다문화사회로 규정할 수 있는 외국인 비중이 다문화사회라 불리는 서구 국가들과 비교해 볼 때 그렇게 많지 않다는 것이다. 둘째, 다문화에 대한 서구사회의 이론적 연구에 근거한 정책의 부재에 따라 다문화 논의에 한계가 있다는 것이다. 셋째, 결혼이주여성 중심의 다문화 논의가 전체 외국인들의 실체를 반영하는 듯 하는 착시를 유도한다는 점이다. 유효성으로는 지속적인 경제발전을 유지하기 (...) 위해서는 산업현장에서의 안정적인 노동력공급이 반드시 필요하며 이를 위한 지속적인 외국인력의 유입이 이루어 질 것이라는 점이다. 또한 결혼이주여성의 증가에 따른 다인종적 공존, 이에 더해 연(年)평균 외국인 관광객 천만명 시대를 맞아 다문화적 가치와 정책의 논의는 불가피 하다는 점이다. 오히려 이러한 측면에서 다문화성에 관한 담론의 확장은 계속되어야 할 당위성이 있다. (shrink)

Drawing on both theoretical debates and case studies from around the world, this book explores how the politics of reconciliation relates to various models of democratic citizenship.

Many political theorists argue that cross-cultural communication within multicultural democracies is not best served by a commitment to identity politics. In response, I argue that identity politics only interfere with democratic participation according to an erroneous interpretation of the relationship between identity and reasoning. I argue that recognizing the importance of identity to the intelligibility of reasons offered in the context of civic deliberation is the first step towards the kind of dialogue that democratic participation requires.

다문화주의는 다문화 공존의 이상을 추구하지만, 그것이 반드시 다문화 공존을 보장하는 것은 아니다. 그러한 점은 다문화주의가 처한 이론적 논쟁과 논리적 도전의 맥락에서 찾아볼 수 있다. 다문화주의는 일상에서 정치화되기 십상이며, 자유주의란 명분으로 동화주의에 빠지거나 사회통합을 위해 또다른 국민국가 형성에 동원될 가능성이 있다. 또한 다문화라는 이름으로 또다른 경계(境界)를 만들거나 사회적 연대를 침해할 수도 있다. 다문화주의는 사회적·경제적 불평등을 은폐하거나 개인성을 침해할 가능성도 없지 않다. 따라서 다문화주의가 규범적·당위적으로 수용되어서 다문화 공존의 교육적 원천으로 전제(前提)되어서는 안될 것이다. 그보다는 현대 사회에서 다문화주의가 갖는 이론적·논리적 복합성과 정치성의 함의를 먼저 (...) 검토할 필요가 있다. 그 다음에 그러한 내용을 기초로 해서 다문화 공존을 위한 시민성의 실체를 찾아보는 것이 적절하다. 이 글은 다문화 공존을 위한 시민성의 네 가지 요소로 다원적 문화의식, 자유주의적 공화주의의식, 열린 민족의식, 세계시민의식 등을 지적했다. 다문화적 시민의 이상형은 다양한 문화공존에 대한 의식을 가지고 있으며, 자유와 평등과 참여에 기초한 공적 심의와 법·제도를 통한 사회신뢰와 통합성을 중시하며, 자기가 속한 공동체에 정체성을 가지면서도 열린 민족의식을 바탕으로 세계시민으로서의 책임의 범주를 확장해 가는 사람이라고 할 수 있다. 현대 사회는 계속해서 다문화 사회가 될 것이다. 다문화적인 문제와 갈등도 더욱 늘어날 것이다. 새로운 사회통합을 위한 과제 역시 늘 제기될 것이다. 여기서 인식할 가장 기본적인 것은 앞으로도 계속될 다문화적 문제해결의 출발은 다양한 문화와 정체성을 포괄한 ‘새로운 정체성’에 있다는 점일 것이다. (shrink)

이 글의 주제는 다문화 사회에서 생겨나는 집단문화의 갈등 중 특히 여성 관련 쟁점에 관해 살펴보는 것이다. 상이한 문화의 이해는 ‘관점의 가역성.

본 논문의 목적은 다문화사회가 안고 있는 다양한 갈등을 해결하기 위한 방법으로 마틴 부버와 레비나스의 타자윤리를 살펴보는 것이다. 먼저 다문화사회가 안고 있는 갈등을 해결하기 위한 방법으로 우리 사회의 다문화교육을 비판적으로 살펴보려고 한다. 한국사회에서는 이제까지 해외이주자를 중심으로 다문화교육을 진행해왔지만 앞으로는 국내거주자들에게도 다문화교육을 실시해야 한다는 점을 강조하고자 한다. 다문화 사회가 지향해야 할 가치가 낯선 타자와의 공존과 소통이라면, 철학은 그러한 공존과 소통을 가능하게 하는 조건을 찾아서 밝혀야 한다. 다시 말해 다문화 사회를 살아가는 주체인 인간 자체에서 공존과 소통의 가능성을 발견해야 한다. 그리고 낯선 이방인과의 공존과 (...) 소통이라는 다문화 사회의 과제가 갖고 있는 토대적이고 철학적인 특성을 고려할 때, 인간을 ‘타자성’이라는 근원에서 이해하고 그것으로부터 소통의 패러다임을 찾아보려는 시도의 하나로서 레비나스를 살펴보고자 한다. 마틴 부버(Martin Buber)는 에서 인간이 자기 자신 이외의 것에 관심을 가질 수 있는 두 가지 기본적 태도를 ‘나-너’(I-Thou)와 ‘나와 그것’(I-It)으로 불렀다. 각자는 타인을 ‘너’로서 혹은 ‘그것’으로 볼 수 있다. 나-너는 인격적-대화적 관계이며, 나-그것은 비인격적-비대화적 관계이다. 부버에 의하면 현대인은 ‘나와 너’의 대화적 관계가 아닌 ‘나와 그것’의 비대화적 관계에 매몰되어 대화적 관계를 상실한 시대에 살고 있다. 우리도 다문화인들의 인권을 존중하고 차별하지 않아야 공존과 상생의 길을 열어갈 수 있을 것이다. 레비나스는 타자의 얼굴을 강조한다. 우리는 자신의 세계에서 삶을 즐겁게 향유할 때 아무 예고없이 타인이 헐벗은 얼굴을 불쑥 내밀며 자신의 궁핍과 곤궁을 호소한다. 궁핍 속에 있는 인간은 그의 궁핍을 통해 우리에게 호소한다. 이러한 호소는 하나의 명령으로 우리에게 주어진다. 그러한 호소에 대해 나는 무관심할 수 있고, 거부할 수 있다. 하지만 이것은 불의를 자행하는 것이다. 레비나스가 말하는 얼굴은 동정을 유발하는 것이 아니라 내가 정의로워야 한다는 것을 요구한다. 인간은 서로의 얼굴들을 마주보는 것에서 본래의 인간이 될 수 있으며 궁극적인 성찰을 실현할 수 있다. 논자는 레비나스가 말하는 타자의 얼굴이 소외된 사람을 공감적으로 이해할 수 있는 통로라고 생각하며, 타자윤리가 다문화 사회의 공존과 소통의 철학적 근거가 될 수 있다고 주장한다. 논자는 다문화사회가 우리사회에 새로운 기회가 될 수 있다는 관점을 가지고 다문화교육을 진행할 필요가 있다고 생각한다. 또한 다문화 교육은 해외 이주자들 중심의 교육과 국내거주자 중심의 교육을 병행해서 글로벌 역량을 강화하는 방향으로 진행되어야 한다고 생각된다. (shrink)

Current approaches in bioethics largely overlook the multicultural social environment within which most contemporary ethical issues unfold. For example, principlists argue that the common morality of society supports four basic ethical principles. These principles, and the common morality more generally, are supposed to be a matter of shared common sense. Defenders of case-based approaches to moral reasoning similarly assume that moral reasoning proceeds on the basis of common moral intuitions. Both of these approaches fail to recognize the existence (...) of multiple cultural and religious traditions in contemporary multicultural societies. In multicultural settings, patients and their families bring many different cultural models of morality, health, illness, healing, and kinship to clinical encounters. Religious convictions and cultural norms play significant roles in the framing of moral issues. At present, mainstream bioethics fails to attend to the particular moral worlds of patients and their family members. A more anthropologically informed understanding of the ethical issues that emerge within health care facilities will need to better recognize the role of culture and religion in shaping modes of moral deliberation. (shrink)

Modern civic education in multicultural society faces two diametrically opposed challenges: universality and diversity. Those who emphasize universality argue that multicultural civic education should be based on universal values, goals, and concepts. However, those who emphasize diversity say that different concepts and ideals should be allowed and respected across cultures, genders, ethnicities, etc. Multicultural education aims to promote the coexistence of people from different cultural backgrounds within a nation. In this article, I seek a way between (...) these two extremes by arguing that civic education in a multicultural society should have philosophical inquiry and dialogue as its pedagogical basis. Providing a path to objective meaning while honoring different cultural contexts and situations. Educational efforts to achieve objectivity while respecting diversity can offer important contributions to building democratic societies that allow people who share diverse interests to interact freely. I justify this middle way by drawing upon Robert B. Brandom’s (1994, 2001) inferentialism, in which the objectivity of meaning is secured through a process of material inference that takes into account different cultural and social contexts. I conclude that the kind of dialogue Brandom has in mind is best realized through the community of philosophical inquiry, with its emphasis on reasonableness and self-correction. Ultimately, the community of philosophical inquiry is the pedagogy needed by multicultural citizenship education. (shrink)

In multicultural societies different communities live side by side with each other, respecting each other's identities and traditions to different degrees, sometimes living in harmony and sometimes in conflict. The phenomenon of multiculturalism requires us to re-examine many of the concepts used in political theory, for example 'citizenship', 'rights', 'toleration', 'democracy'. Most of all, multiculturalism demands a redefinition of educational ends and means. The writers in this volume employ their discussions of multiculturalism to reflect on the liberal democratic tradition (...) and in so doing allow us better to understand its scope as well as its limits. (shrink)

Fostering tolerance and inclusiveness in multicultural societies is increasingly vital, particularly in educational settings. Understanding the impact of parental involvement and school events on students’ attitudes toward these values is essential for promoting social cohesion and preparing future generations for an interconnected world. This study applies Bayesian Mindsponge Framework (BMF) analytics to a representative dataset of 2,069 primary, secondary, and high school students across Vietnam. It explores how parental discussions and participation in multicultural school events influence students’ attitudes (...) toward tolerance and inclusiveness. The findings indicate that parental discussions about collaboration with individuals holding diverse perspectives, as well as participation in multicultural events, are positively associated with students’ tolerant attitudes. Furthermore, parental discussions about cultures and histories of different countries, collaboration skills, and conflict resolution skills are positively linked to students’ inclusiveness. The study highlights that while multicultural school events provide valuable opportunities for students to engage with diverse cultures and broaden their perspectives, consistent parental involvement through meaningful discussions is likely critical for reinforcing inclusive values. A collaborative approach between schools and parents can more effectively nurture tolerance and inclusiveness among students. Future research could examine the long-term effects of these interactions and identify specific activities that most effectively foster inclusive attitudes. (shrink)