Resumen: El presente trabajo se centra en el análisis del Anteproyecto de reforma de la legislación civil española en materia de capacidad jurídica de las personas con discapacidad publicado recientemente por el Gobierno español. Su objetivo consiste en determinar la adecuación de las principales modificaciones planteadas en este anteproyecto a las exigencias del artículo 12 de la Convención Internacional sobre los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad tal y como han sido interpretadas por su Comité en la Observación (...) General Nº1 Abstract: This paper focuses on the analysis of the prelimimary Draf Law of reform of the Spanish civil legislation on legal capacity of persons with disabilities, published by the Spanish Government on September 26th 2018. Its aim is to determine the conformity of the main modifications proposed in this preliminary Draft to the requirements of article 12 of the Conventionon the Rights of Persons with Disabilitiesas interpreted by its Committee in the General Comment Nº 1. (shrink)

The objective of our research is to examine the diverse methods of judicial interpretation, taking off from that established in Article 4 of the Venezuelan Civil Code. We attempt to explain what and how to interpret using the exegetic method of interpretation through an exhaustive analysis of the article, in agreement with Article 22 of the Penal Process Organic Code. Emphasis is placed on the classical methods of legal interpretation: grammatical, logical-systematic, and historical-comparative, among others.

Una teoría realmente realista del derecho –cuya posibilidad se examina en este trabajo– debería tener las siguientes características. Al mismo tiempo, debería ser más general que las teorías corrientes, es decir, valer tanto para el common law cuanto para el civil law; en consecuencia, debería invertir las relaciones, comúnmente instituidas por las teorías positivistas, entre legislación y adjudicación. Tanto en la historiografía cuanto en la comparación jurídica, de las cuales la teoría del derecho es una extensión a un (...) nivel de abstracción más alto, el momento central del proceso legal es la adjudicación, mientras que la legislación puede ser concebida como una de las tantas tentativas, y quizás ni siquiera la más lograda, de limitar y controlar a aquella. Un ejemplo de la capacidad explicativa de la teoría realmente realista es la llamada crisis de las fuentes: la legislación instituye a los jueces, pero son estos, en última instancia, los que fijan la jerarquía de las fuentes y la propia posición jerárquica de la legislación. (shrink)

El concepto jurídico de persona se encuentra ampliamente naturalizado como sinónimo de sujeto de derechos y obligaciones, a la par que remite a un antiguo elemento teatral. La carga simbólica de este concepto ha provocado que el campo semántico variara notablemente a lo largo de la historia y que, en la actualidad, existan controversias en torno a su sentido y significado. En este marco, el objetivo de este trabajo es presentar cómo la hermenéutica analógica puede realizar útiles aportes en el (...) desentrañamiento del sentido del término “persona”, pero, sobre todo, resaltar el vínculo entre controvertibilidad y analogía que se manifiesta en su interpretación. (shrink)

En el planteamiento de Kant, el estado civil de derecho debe regirse exclusivamente por los mandatos de una legislación jurídica. La facultad de coaccionar (indisociable del derecho) no puede estar mezclada con nada ético. Sin embargo, en el presente artículo se trata de defender que, desde el propio planteamiento de Kant, la política en general (y, por lo tanto, también el desarrollo legislativo ordinario de cualquier sistema de derecho) resultan imposibles si no se supone cierta virtud cívica.

La primera de las virtudes sociales es la justicia. Una ley o institución que no se ajuste a la misma, debe ser reformada o abolida. En el siglo XVI, en la archidiócesis de Lima se emitió abundante legislación canónica que concernía de manera particular al indígena. Puesto que las leyes de la Iglesia ejercían un influjo directo sobre la vida del ciudadano tanto o más que las civiles, en este artículo se analizarán los cánones de los tres primeros Sínodos (...) diocesanos limenses que guardan relación con las “fiestas de guardar”, para comprobar su incidencia en la mayor o menor justicia que pudo impregnar el mundo laboral. Para alcanzar tal fin, nos hemos servido de los principios de justicia propuestos por John Rawls. Ellos nos ayudarán a descubrir si las constituciones sinodales emitidas fomentaron leyes e instituciones que mejoraron la vida de trabajo de los indios. (shrink)

La dimensión jurídica de la bioética, denominada bioderecho, ocupa un lugar importante en los debates sobre este tema. Para que sean reconocidas, las distintas legislaciones francesas sobre bioética requieren una autoridad política competente: la autoridad civil, cuyo vértice es la Constitución francesa (CF), como acto jurídico y ley fundamental que establece la organización y el funcionamiento del Estado. Sin embargo, en el ámbito en el que tocamos a la persona humana, a los valores y a los principios fundamentales, la (...) autoridad religiosa, como la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia (DSI), tiene un papel que desempeñar. Es la referencia de valores a través de la cual la conciencia humana puede ejercerse libremente en las realidades políticas, sociales y económicas. Así pues, ¿cuáles son los posibles temas comunes entre la CF y la DSI y qué puede aportar la bioética personalista para conciliar ambas vertientes? (shrink)

La 4e de couverture indique : "Dans cet ouvrage de référence consacré à une analyse approfondie du thème du consentement aux soins dans la pratique médicale, M.-F. Civil porte son regard de médecin et de philosophe sur les comportements de bon nombre de praticiens à l'heure actuelle plus ou moins soumis à la « mathématisation » de la médecine. Loin de se contenter d'un état des lieux complet de la question, il nous conduit pas à pas sur les chemins (...) d'une « éthique existentielle » tout à fait singulière, renvoyant à des situations pratiques de soins où délibérer avant d'agir et réfléchir à l'action déjà prise permet aux patients d'exprimer le sens donné à leur vécu dans le cadre de leur projet de vie immédiate ou future. Son approche très phénoménologique, aux côtés notamment de Heidegger et Husserl, ouvre la porte à un vaste chantier de réflexion pour tous ceux qui envisagent de se pencher sur la manière concrète d'être-au-monde en médecine comme souci pour soi et pour les autres. Ainsi ce livre interpelle les étudiants, les chercheurs, les professionnels de santé, mais également tous ceux qui ont été, ou seront, tôt ou tard, confrontés au problème du consentement.". (shrink)

Writing in 1978, on the eve of Thatcherism’s political triumph, the cultural theorist Stuart Hall (Hall et al., 2013, p. 193) claimed Britain was experiencing a ‘crisis of hegemony’; a political, e...

In this book Sharon Krause argues that moral and political deliberation must incorporate passions, even as she insists on the value of impartiality.

En este artículo se analizan las relaciones del conocimiento científico con las sociedades en las que se produce. Tras repasar sus diversas funciones en tipos distintos de sociedades, la discusión se centra en los fines de la ciencia en las sociedades democráticas pluralistas. Frente al cada vez mayor rol instrumental de la ciencia, por el que ha recibido los nombres de «ciencia postacadémica» o «tecnociencia», se defienden los roles no instrumentales tradicionales de la investigación académica clásica. Se argumenta que sólo (...) si la ciencia académica mantiene su autonomía y su integridad frente a intereses políticos o empresariales podrá ser de utilidad al público al ofrecerle conocimiento imparcial y fidedigno frente a los sesgos producidos por la naturaleza propia de la ciencia postacadémica. (shrink)

The media hoop-la about Edward Snowden has obscured a less flashy yet more vital – and philosophically relevant – part of the story, namely the moral and political seriousness with which he acted to make the hitherto covert scope and scale of NSA surveillance public knowledge. Here I argue that we should interpret Snowden’s actions as meeting most of the demanding tests outlined in sophisticated political thinking about civil disobedience. Like Thoreau, Gandhi, King and countless other (forgotten) grass-roots activists, (...) Snowden has in fact articulated a powerful defense of why he was morally obligated to engage in politically motivated law-breaking. He has also undertaken impressive efforts to explain how his actions are distinguishable from ordinary criminality, and why they need not culminate in reckless lawlessness. In fact, his example can perhaps help us advance liberal and democratic ideas about civil disobedience. First, it highlights sound reasons why, pace the orthodox view, the acceptance of punishment by those engaging in civil disobedience should not be seen as a precondition of its legitimacy. Second, Snowden reminds us that ours is an era in which intensified globalization processes directly shape every feature of political existence. Defenders of civil disobedience need to update their reflections accordingly. (shrink)

As one of the early Enlightenment philosophers in England, John Locke sought to bring reason and critical intelligence to the discussion of the origins of civil society. Endeavoring to reconstruct the nature and purpose of government, a social contract theory is proposed. The Second Treatise sets forth a detailed discussion of how civil society came to be and the nature of its inception. Locke's discussion of tacit consent, separation of powers, and the right of citizens to revolt against (...) repressive governments, has made The Second Treatise one of the most influential essays in the history of political philosophy. (shrink)

In most discussions of civil disobedience, certain characteristics are offered as essential to an act of justifiable civil disobedience, or sometimes to any act of civil disobedience. Among these one of the most frequently mentioned is nonviolence. Some thinkers, like Bedau and Wasserstrom, require an act to be nonviolent before they will even count it as an act of civil disobedience; the very concept for them includes the notion of nonviolence. Others, like Stuart Brown, Rex Martin (...) and Michael Bayles, admit the possibility of a violent act of civil disobedience; but hold that, though nonviolent civil disobedience is justifiable, violent civil disobedience is not justifiable. (shrink)

The devastating impact of the national opioid epidemic has given rise to hundreds of lawsuits. This article details the extremely broad range of legal claims, compares the opioid cases to other public health litigation efforts, including tobacco, and describes the special mechanism — a multidistrict litigation — through which more than 700 opioid-related cases have been consolidated thus far, with settlement almost certain to follow.

An argument that anyone can pursue political agency and resistance through photography, even those with flawed or nonexistent citizenship.

Introduction to Leviathan.--The moral life in the writings of Thomas Hobbes.--Dr. Leo Strauss on Hobbes.--Leviathan: a myth.

The purpose of this paper is not to define civil disobedience, but to identify a paradigm case of civil disobedience and the features exemplified in it. After noting the benefits of this methodological approach, the paper proceeds with an examination of two key, interconnected features: conscientiousness and communication. First, a link is made between the conscientious aspect of civil disobedience and moral consistency; a civil disobedient demonstrates a conscientious commitment to certain values through her willingness to (...) condemn, and to dissociate herself from, governmental decisions that violate those values. A parallel is then drawn between the communicative aspect of civil disobedience and the communicative aspect of lawful punishment by the state. Both practices are associated with an aim to demonstrate protest against certain types of conduct and an aim to bring about a change in that conduct. In paradigm situations, a civil disobedient aims to lead policymakers not only to reform existing law, but also to internalise her objections so as to produce a lasting change in the law. Having such aims places some constraints upon the modes of communication that she reasonably may use to achieve these aims. This paper concludes by considering three controversial modes of communication -- coercion, publicity and violence. (shrink)

Traditionally, acts of civil disobedience are understood as a mechanism by which citizens may express dissatisfaction with a law of their country. That expression will typically be morally motivated, non-violent and aimed at changing their government’s policy, practice or law. Building on existing work, in this paper we explore the limits of one well-received definition of civil disobedience by considering the challenging case of the actions of animal activists at sea. Drawing on original interviews with advocates associated with (...) Sea Shepherd, Greenpeace and Humane Society International we find that even if animal activists are morally motivated and civil, the transnational nature of their activity makes it difficult to assess their intention to bring about a change in law or public policy. This means that a civil disobedience defence may not be available to activists operating across international borders. This raises important questions about the usefulness of the civil disobedience concept within the context of a globalised world. We conclude that while the actions of some anti-whaling activists may not meet definitions of civil disobedience as conventionally understood, this says more about the narrow way in which that concept has been traditionally defined, than it does about the type of activity some anti-whaling activists have undertaken in the Southern Ocean. Finally, we argue that activists wishing to make a stand against whaling may have no choice but to act as global citizens because policy change within a single nation-state is unlikely to lead to the cessation of this inherently transnational activity. (shrink)

Kant distinguishes between ‘active’ and ‘passive’ citizens and holds that only the former are civilly self-sufficient and possess rights of political participation. Such rights are important, since for Kant state institutions are a necessary condition for individual freedom. Thus, only active citizens are entitled to contribute to a necessary condition for the freedom of each. I argue that Kant attributes civil self-sufficiency to those who are not under the authority of any private individual for their survival. This reading is (...) more textually grounded than the dominant reading, which understands civil self-sufficiency in terms of economic relations alone. I further argue that Kant was interested in relations of authority because he was concerned to eliminate certain forms of corruption. This indicates that Kant’s contested distinction between active and passive citizens was a response to a key problem of any account of public lawgiving. (shrink)

Three claims are defended. (1) There is a conception of moral autonomy in Confucian ethics that to a degree can support toleration and freedom. However, (2) Confucian moral autonomy is different from personal autonomy, and the latter gives a stronger justification for civil and personal liberties than does the former. (3) The contemporary appeal of Confucianism would be strengthened by including personal autonomy, and this need not be seen as forsaking Confucian ethics but rather as an internal revision in (...) response to new social circumstances. From this inclusion emerges a new theory of liberties that recognizes the value of personal autonomy and the importance of the ethical good that liberties instrumentally serve to promote. (shrink)