1. The current political scene in many countries is populated by polarised groups with sharply contrasting loyalties and beliefs implying that there are fundamental schisms between opposing groups....

In this thesis, I defend John Rawls’s assertion that political liberalism does not use the concept of truth. I respond to objections from Joshua Cohen and David Estlund. I argue that Cohen fails to show that public reason needs a minimalist conception of truth, since individuals with a range of conceptions of moral truth can meet the requirements of public reason. I dispute Estlund’s argument that the liberal principle of legitimacy is merely insular. Estlund assumes that the claim that the (...) liberal principle of legitimacy is reasonable is no different than the claim that the principle is acceptable to reasonable persons. I argue that this assumption is incorrect, and that therefore the liberal principle of legitimacy is justifiable on the grounds that it is reasonable. I argue that political liberals need not worry that doing without the concept of truth will undermine the semantic coherence or objectivity of political liberalism. (shrink)

This book distinguishes 'citizen art' from within the field of social and activist art practices and examines how it performs new modes of citizenship.

This article suggests a sensitising definition of political friendship with the view of using the concept in empirical research. I begin by identifying three tendencies in the recent literature on political friendship: (1) the tendency to ignore historical developments that rendered modern friendship an intimate relationship; (2) the construction of modern friendship as hermetically sealed in the private sphere; and (3) the conceptual conflation of relationship types. Consequently, friendship is emptied of substantive relational content, while political ‘friendship’ is promoted from (...) metaphor to denotative concept. I critique that approach by drawing on Maria Márkus’s account of friendship, which emphasises its historically contingent, ambiguous position between the private and the public spheres whence friendship offers vital utopian potentials in respect of public life: friendship instantiates mutual self-determination and gives experiential substance to ‘decency’. Combining Márkus’s with a differentiating approach to friendship that takes its lead from Siegfried Kracauer, I go on to propose a preliminary redefinition of political friendship as a personal relationship, as well as the substitution of political friendship by democratic solidarity with ‘decency’ its guiding orientation. (shrink)

The epistemic attitudes of scientists, such as epistemic tolerance and authoritarianism, play important roles in the discourse about rivaling theories. Epistemic tolerance stands for the mental attitude of an epistemic agent, e.g., a scientist, who is open to opposing views, while epistemic authoritarianism represents the tendency to uncritically accept views of authorities. Another relevant epistemic factor when it comes to the epistemic decisions of scientists is the skepticism towards the scientific method. However, the question is whether these epistemic attitudes are (...) influenced by their sociopolitical counterparts, such as the researcher’s degree of conservatism. To empirically investigate the interplay between epistemic and sociopolitical attitudes of scientists, we conducted a survey with researchers (N = 655) across different disciplines. We propose scales for measuring epistemic tolerance and epistemic authoritarianism, as well as a scale for detecting the participants' readiness to question the scientific method. Furthermore, we investigate the relationship between epistemic tolerance and epistemic authoritarianism on the one hand, and career stage and sociopolitical views on the other hand. Interestingly, our study found only small correlations between the participants' degree of conservatism and their epistemic attitudes. This suggests that political views, against common argumentation, actually do not play an important role in one’s scientific decisions. Moreover, social scientists scored higher on the epistemic tolerance and lower on the epistemic authoritarianism scale than natural scientists. Finally, the results indicate that natural scientists question the scientific method less than social scientists. (shrink)

Since its inception, the field of political ecology has served as a critical hub for inclusive and transformative environmental inquiry. Doing Political Ecology offers a distinctive entry point into this ever-growing field and argues that our scholarly "foundations", today more than ever, comprise a cross-cutting latticework of research approaches and concepts. This volume brings together 28 leading scholars from a range of backgrounds and geographies, with contributions organized into 18 analytical lenses that highlight different approaches to critical environmental research (...) and "ways of seeing" nature-society interactions. The book's contributors engage the breadth and depth of the field, recognizing a variety of roots and genealogies, and give ample voice to these rich and complementary lineages. This inclusive presentation of the field allows diverse theoretical and empirical approaches to intermingle in novel ways. Readers will emerge with a wide-ranging understanding of political ecology and will attain a diverse toolkit for evaluating human-environment interactions. Each chapter astutely grounds key methodological, theoretical, topical, and conceptual approaches that animate a range of influential, cutting-edge, and complementary approaches for "doing" political ecology. (shrink)

This study aims to determine whether political connections and foreign investments influence the level of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) disclosure among listed firms. To empirically explore these relationships, we utilized a novel dataset of 111 listed manufacturing firms on the HOSE stock exchange in Vietnam, covering the period from 2015 to 2022. Content analysis was conducted to assess the levels of ESG disclosure, while ordered logit and random effect estimators, along with several robustness checks, were applied to quantify the (...) impacts of political connections and foreign investments. Our findings reveal that foreign connections are positively correlated with higher levels of ESG disclosure, whereas politically connected firms are associated with negative impacts and lower levels of ESG disclosure compared to those with foreign connections. These results address the research questions effectively and contribute to the literature by offering an updated view of current ESG practices in Vietnam, an emerging economy with evolving ESG norms. The findings provide both theoretical and practical contributions to the understanding of ESG disclosure, with important implications for policy-makers and business leaders. (shrink)

This study extends regulatory capture theory to investigate how and to what extent a firm’s political and nonpolitical ties jointly influence corporate regulatory participation. In the context of regulatory standards setting, although firms with political ties are better able to promote firm standards into industry regulations, it remains unclear whether the coexistence of firms’ nonpolitical ties (i.e., university ties and interlocked firms in our study) is more or less likely to reduce the effect of political ties. Although corporate leaders with (...) political and nonpolitical ties may provide complementary resources, they may follow different mechanisms to drive firm actions. We, thus, argue that nonpolitical ties likely reduce the effect of political ties on regulatory standards setting. Using a sample of public manufacturing firms in China, we find evidence that supports our predictions. Our study contributes to the regulatory capture literature by redirecting attention to the dynamics of political versus nonpolitical ties. (shrink)

From the National Revolution to the Victory of Evo Morales. A Review of a Half Century of Struggles in Popular Bolivia (1952-2007) The « Bolivian democratic and cultural revolution », often presented as a symbol of the leftward turn of Latin America, and which is led by Evo Morales, is without doubt part of the country’s nationalist and anti-oligarchic tradition, fruit of the revolution of 1952. The current revolutionary phase cannot however be entirely reduced to this tradition, insofar as it (...) illustrates the profound upheavals which the popular movement has undergone since the 1980s, during a period marked by the brutality of neo-liberal reforms and by the emergence of the “native American peasant” as the exemplary agent of “Insurgent Bolivia”. Bolstered by the support of a rural and plebeian base, the Morales “revolution” differs from previous revolutionary experiences by way of the resolutely anti-imperialist nature of its politics. The current nationalist cycle thus takes on an innovative, unprecedented perspective of social emancipation. (shrink)

Noch am Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts orientieren sich Politiktheorie, Politikanalyse und Politische Ethik überwiegend an Gesellschafts- und Politikmodellen, die in den Denktraditionen von Newton und Descartes verhaftet sind. Dies hat unter anderem zur Folge, dass politisches Handeln linear konzipiert, politische Prozesse ohne lebendige Menschen gedacht, der politische Raum außerhalb natürlicher Kreisläufe verortet wird. Das dualistisch-mechanistische Weltbild löst sich jedoch seit Jahren zugunsten einer ganzheitlicheren Weltsicht auf. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden in der Studie Politiktheorie, Politikanalyse und Politische Ethik im Lichte der (...) Befunde von Quantenphysik, Neuro- und Evolutionsbiologie in einem nichtdualen Ansatz neu justiert. (shrink)

This paper aims to explore the frameworks shaping the interplay between truth, power, and the subject-core themes in Michel Foucault's philosophy-while focusing on the perspectives outlined in his later lectures. Revisiting the concept of parrhesia, etymologically understood as the practice of “saying everything,” the article examines how this notion traverses the fields of aleturgy (the production of truth), governmentality (governing others), and subjectivity (self-governance). It also addresses the crisis of democracy, investigating its claims to be the ideal space for the (...) exercise of frank speech. Finally, it highlights the transition of parrhesia from a political practice to an ethical dimension, essential to the construction of an individual éthos grounded in the practices of Care of the self (epimeleîsthai). To this end, the methodology adopted is bibliographic and analytical-descriptive in nature, with the aim of examining the primary sources from Foucault's lectures and the concepts he developed. (shrink)

The idea that the Leviathan frontispiece offers a visual summary of the contents of the work is widespread. However, the analysis of the frontispiece often under-explores Leviathan's text or leaves certain iconographic elements aside. In discussions of the Scholastics ‘Dilemma’ emblem, for instance, the image is commonly reduced to a representation of ‘logic’ or ‘scholasticism’, leaving aside the intricate interrelationship between the objects present in the image and their connection with the content of the book. This paper argues that this (...) image helps understanding Hobbes’ critique of Scholastic doctrines and their political effects in Leviathan. For Hobbes, these supposedly pure philosophical concepts either in logic (trident of the ‘Syllogism’) or metaphysics (‘Real/Intentional’ bident) hide a central part of Scholastic thought: a ‘seditious’ political conception claiming that the Pope has an indirect right to temporal power in affairs concerning spiritual matters theory (‘Spiritual/Temporal’ and ‘Direct/Indirect’ bidents). The Scholastic model made the common people believe that the Pope would have at least as much authority as the Sovereign. When faced with the choice between obeying either the Pope or their Civil Sovereign the subjects would find themselves in a dangerous ‘Dilemma’. (shrink)

Separation of powers is one of the ideas with profound theoretical and practical significance, especially in the field of political science. The birth of the theory of separation of powers marked the transition from the barbaric use of power in authoritarian societies to the exercise of civilized power in democratic societies. Therefore, separation of powers is considered an objective necessity in democratic states, a condition to ensure the promotion of liberal values, and a criterion for assessing the existence and development (...) of the Rule of Law where people's sovereignty plays a paramount role. On the way to perfecting political thinking, the theory of separation of powers has developed into a complete system in the main philosophy of John Locke. Within the scope of the article, the author focuses on analyzing Locke's ideology of separation of powers in terms of the nature of separation of powers, the basis and some principles of power division, and the roles of the different parts of government power and the relationship between them. (shrink)

The works of Sade portray the corrupt and libertine practices at the time of Louis XV's despotic regime, invariably referring to the boudoir as a privileged place for the transformation of mind and body as well as for philosophical production. The actuality of Sade's thought lies in the fact that he reveals - as do modem trends - the narcissic constitution of subjectivity that, in its social-political aspect, leads to political conformism. This article aims at presenting Sade's thought as a (...) radical critique of social relationships, which lead to the rupture of Rousseau's social contract. His relentless doctrine becomes negative philosophy in that it supplies the foundations for the critique of instrumental reason. A pessimist regarding the course of social totality, Sade's theory points to human 'animality' as a possible means of transcending the artificiality of social relationships.As obras de Sade procuram retratar as práticas corruptas e libertinas presentes no regime despótico de Luís XV, apontando invariavelmente a "alcova" como lugar privilegiado de transformação do corpo e da mente e, ao mesmo tempo, de produção filosófica. A atualidade do pensamento de Sade revela-se no fato de colocar como tendencia da modernidade, a constituição narcísica da subjetividade que, em sua variante político-social, aparece sob a forma do conformismo político. Este artigo pretende apresentar o pensamento de Sade como urna crítica aos liames sociais, o que conduz à ruptura da idéia de pacto social formulada por Rousseau. A doutrina sem compaixão de Sade torna-se filosofia negativa na medida em que fornece os fundamentos da crítica à razão instrumental. Sendo pessimista quanto aos rumos do existente, a teoria sadiana aponta a "animalidade" humana como possibilidade de transcendencia da artificialidade dos laços sociais. (shrink)

This article analyses research that has explored the potential of a focus on indeterminate bodies for decision making, policy and politics. Drawing on different ways of conceptualising indeterminacy in scientific and policy domains it describes the Loweswater Care Project, a participatory ‘knowledge collective’ that attempted to avoid converting the complexities of vital cyanobacterial bodies into a purely social or managerial set of questions around water quality. Through a commitment to opening out the nature of ‘things’, participants in this collective (...) honed new questions and avenues of inquiry around cyanobacteria and its relations. The Loweswater Care Project was a kind of ‘open’ in Haraway’s sense, where questions and demands are put to bodies, and to the apparatus that allows us to sense them, in ways that do not shy away from the probabilistic character of entities and their relations. The implications of generating indeterminacies in this setting are explored for environmental decision making, policy and politics. (shrink)

The resolution of the UN was adopted on 10 December in 1948(A/RES/217). The research’ route of the article analyses the historical conditions where the UDHR was drafted. And intends to analyse and to debate if the political speech that crossed the cold war and emerged again, in the context of geostrategy conflicts, respects the substance of the original document. This research pathway determines and debate five fundamental questions: The connection between the articles of UDHR agreement and labour rights, economic democracy, (...) and, on the other hand, political liberty, the right of nations to decide from themselves and the imperative of universal peace. If the articles of UDHR are compatible or not with the political nature and evolution of liberal democracies and socialist regimes. If propaganda of the Cold War and the geopolitical confrontation, they subvert and distort the principles of the original UN Human Rights or defend those principles. If people around the world really know and are conscientious of UDHR principles and articles, or those propaganda created a phenomenon of global alienation. At last, what means a new generation of human rights. That methodology will be supported by the case study of the United States of America and People Republic of China. Keywords: origen and historical context of UDRH, J. P. Humphrey, P.C. Chang, Eleanor Roosevelt, UDHR, preamble and 30 articles, China and UDHR, clean, healthy, sustainable environment as human righ. (shrink)

For more than two thousand years, the writings of the Confucian philosopher Mengzi have been a source of guidance and inspiration for those set on doing something to improve the state of the world. In Doing What You Really Want, Franklin Perkins presents a coherent, systematic, and accessible explanation of Mengzi's philosophy. He covers everything from the place of human beings in nature, to human psychology and philosophy of emotions, to the various ways in which we can deliberately (...) change and cultivate ourselves. Mengzi was concerned not just with theory but also effective action. Perkins thus includes a collection of practical advice and a Confucian analysis of politics oriented toward how individuals can make a difference in the world. These topics are integrated around Mengzi's philosophy as a way of life dedicated to changing the world, providing an alternative approach for understanding the contemporary relevance of Confucianism. Mengzi offers theoretical and practical resources valuable for anyone concerned with integrating efforts to improve the world with personal fulfillment and a sense of belonging. Rather than giving an overview, this is a focused work of philosophy that delves deeply into the most relevant themes of Mengzi's thought. The core philosophical system is drawn from Mengzi, but the book regularly incorporates other Confucian materials, making this volume a useful introduction to Confucian thought. (shrink)

This paper attempts to respond to a certain set of criticism, especially the ones inspired by Nietzsche, over the work of Plato. According to those nietzscheans there is a hierarchy between metaphysics and politics at work in Plato's thought, the latter being enslaved by the first. The presumption here is that even if one cannot reject those criticism by affirming the contrary – that in Plato's thought, in all its expressions, is indeed metaphysics and all other branches of philosophy (...) that are at the service of politics – to make a statement presuming this metaphysical trapping of Plato's politics would be at least problematic once one understands the place philosophy has in the city imagined by Plato. (shrink)

Much more than their machinic reality, current iterations of AI rely on imagined divisions of human and non-human properties and skills that have genealogical ties to colonization. For this reason, research efforts have recently been made to historicize these imaginaries, connecting them to colonial ideals that delegate black and brown colonized people into the realm of the non-human. Atanasoski and Vora (Surrogate humanity. Race, robots and the politics of technological futures, Duke, Durham and London, 2019) have called this a (...) “surrogate humanity”, where narratives of autonomous technologies function to disappear precisely the formerly colonized peoples that are enveloped in its production process. At the same time, the gendered and racialized roots of this maternal figure represents an opportunity to uncover and critique the invisibilization of embodied resources necessary to produce AI, precarious bodies labouring to produce algorithmic infrastructures in a manner that can be considered in a genealogy of carework and reproduction. These genealogies complicate the detachment suggested by the surrogate figure and go beyond it to proclaim a more generative function of the relationship between the black maternal figure and AI. The article analyses Tabita Rezaire’s multi-media artwork Sugar Walls Teardom to think through decolonial and queer renderings of the black female bodies upon which technological imaginaries rest, to extend beyond AI surrogacy and towards notions of kinship, care and world-making by producing an AI aesthetics that is relational, embodied, and celebratory of other ways of liveness. (shrink)

One of the purposes of intercultural philosophical comparisons is to examine cultural parallels, which helps in understanding existential problems. However, the number of works that have considered the sense of duty and the universe of virtues through an intercontinental comparative approach is limited. The objective of this article is to explore the sense of duty and the conception of virtue in and from the works of the Roman philosopher Marcus Tullius Cicero (106 - 43 BC) and the Japanese swordmaster Miyamoto (...) Musashi (1584 - 1645), taking as main works On Duties, by the former, and “Gorin No Sho” and “Dokkôdô”, by the latter. In both, we find convergent theoretical-normative elements regarding the virtuous conduct of the agent, whether he is understood as a citizen, that is, in the social and political context, or whether he is conceived as an individual who grows old on the battlefield. Among the common elements of both positions, the criticism of hedonism, the praise of rationality and the mastery of instincts stand out. However, the authors diverge on the topic related to happiness. (shrink)

Rawls's view that the right is prior to the good has been criticized by various scholars from divergent points of view. Some contend that Rawls's teleological/deontological distinction based on the priority of the right is misleading while others claim that no plausible ethical theory can determine what is right prior to the good. There is no consensus on how to interpret the priority of right to the good; nor is there an agreement on the criteria of teleological/deontological distinction. In this (...) article, I argue that the critics' interpretations of the principle of the priority of right to the good as well as their conceptions of the teleological/deontological distinction have serious shortcomings to the extent that they ignore rich theoretical resources we find in Kant's moral and political philosophy. Kant's conception of human dignity and his division of the doctrine of virtue and the doctrine of right supply powerful arguments to clarify and sustain the idea of the priority of right to the good and the teleological/deontological division. (shrink)

The present paper examines the possibility of political action in Hannah Arendt’s philosophical framework under the circumstance of oppression. I first analyze Arendt’s concepts of self-display and self-presentation in The Life of the Mind as they map onto her division of the human condition into social and political spheres. While society as a realm of self-display provides an outlet for natural human differences, politics is a space for our self-presentation, that is, our chosen way of appearing to others as (...) their equals via action. Since action is the most important—and consequently broad— category in Arendt, I zoom in on what constitutes specifically political action and argue that the character of political action in Arendt is helpful in our thinking about present-day social and political justice movements. However, I point out that two aspects of Arendt’s system complicate the idea of political action as an instrument that should be accessible to everyone. I title these problems as the “denial of self-display” and “denial of self-presentation.” I argue that to overcome these limitations of Arendt’s framework, we must first recognize that for oppressed groups, navigating both the social and political obstacles involves sacrifices and risks that already constitute political action. Second, we need to understand that our “given” self-displaying identities can become instruments of political action in the Arendtian sense under the circumstances of oppression and discrimination, as embracing them is to embrace the spontaneity and uncertainty of political action. (shrink)

A abstração da presença – a sublimação do corpo e a desconsideração dos sentidos – é, como diria Hans Gumbrecht, um dos efeitos da metafísica, pela qual realiza-se a “perda do mundo”, a radical descorporalização exigida pela razão moderna. Alimentada pelas concepções filosóficas da Modernidade, esta tendência foi constantemente enfatizada pelas teorias educacionais até hoje influentes nos meios pedagógicos, além de sedimentada pelas limitações próprias ao modelo escolar amplamente instituído. A crítica e a superação desse modo de ser configura-se hoje (...) como urgência eminentemente política de enfrentamento das múltiplas ameaças que pesam hoje sobre a sociedade brasileira, e particularmente sobre todos os grupos que fazem corpo contra a intolerância, contra o racismo, enfim contra o que Achille Mbembé denominou necropolítica. Mas, estaria a filosofia da educação preparada para enfrentar tal urgência? Palavras-chave: corpo-mundo; cosmopolitismo; filosofia da educação; decolonialidade; formação humana. Recovering the body-world Abstract: The abstraction of the presence – the sublimation of the body and the disregard of the senses – is, as Hans Gumbrecht would say, one of the effects of metaphysics, by which takes place the "loss of the world", the radical decorpocorporality required by modern reason. Fueled by the philosophical conceptions of Modernity, this tendency was constantly emphasized by the educational theories that are still influential in the pedagogical environments, being sedimented by the inherent limitations of the widely established school model. The criticism and the overcoming of this way of being is configured today as an eminently political urgency to confront the multiple threats to Brazilian society, and particularly to all groups that make body against intolerance, against racism, and finally against Achille Mbembé called “necropolitics”. But is the philosophy of education prepared to meet such an urgency? Key-words: body-world; cosmopolitanism; philosophy of education; decoloniality; human paideia. Récupérer le corps-monde Résumé : L’abstraction de la présence – la sublimation du corps et le mépris des sens – est, comme le dirait Hans Gumbrecht, l'un des effets de la métaphysique, par lequel s’opère la “ perte du monde “, la désincarnation radicale qu’exige la raison moderne. Nourrie par les conceptions philosophiques de la Modernité, cette tendance a été constamment mise en avant par des théories pédagogiques qui font encore autorité dans les milieux pédagogiques, en plus d’être sédimentée par les limites inhérentes au modèle scolaire largement établi. La critique et le dépassement de ce mode d’être se fait aujourd’hui une urgence éminemment politique, car il s’agit de faire face aux multiples menaces qui pèsent aujourd’hui sur la société brésilienne et singulièrement sur tous les groupes qui font corps contre l'intolérance, contre le racisme, bref, contre ce qu’Achille Mbembé appelle la nécropolitique. Mais la philosophie de l’éducation serait-elle en mesure d’étayer la réponse à une telle urgence? Mots-clés: corps-monde; cosmopolitisme; philosophie de l’éducation; décolonisation; formation humaine. Data de registro: 14/03/2022 Data de aceite: 20/07/2022. (shrink)

Resumo: O presente artigo tem por objetivo avaliar a presença da área Ensino de Filosofia nos cursos de licenciatura em Filosofia das universidades públicas federais. Para tanto, parte-se da seguinte indagação: A área Ensino de Filosofia existe nos cursos de licenciatura em Filosofia? A questão surge a partir de um problema detectado em outros estudos, a saber, o forte caráter bacharelesco existente nos cursos de licenciatura em Filosofia. Após consultar o Projeto Político-Pedagógico (PPP’s) destes cursos, constatou-se que, embora tímida, a (...) área Ensino de Filosofia é uma realidade em parte deles, enquanto em outros é quase inexistente. O diagnóstico e a reflexão realizados podem colaborar com a reformulação curricular ou o fortalecimento da formação inicial dos/as professores/as de Filosofia. Por ser um estudo que envolve elementos quantitativos e qualitativos, foram adotados procedimentos metodológicos apropriados para a realização da investigação, mesclando a análise de conteúdo com a tabulação de dados. Como fonte, além dos PPP’s e da legislação vigente, foram consultados referenciais teóricos que pudessem auxiliar na reflexão em torno do problema em questão. Palavras-chave: Ensino de Filosofia; licenciatura; universidade federal. The presence of Philosophy Teaching in Philosophy undergraduate courses in federal universities Abstract: This paper aims to evaluate the presence of Philosophy Teaching in Philosophy undergraduate courses of federal public universities. To this end, we start from the following question: Does Philosophy Teaching exist in the undergraduate courses in Philosophy? The question arises from a problem detected in other studies, such as the way the Philosophy undergraduate course focuses in reasearch aspects, rather than teaching methods. After consulting the Political-Pedagogical Project (PPPs) of these courses, it was found that, although timid, the Philosophy Teaching area is a reality in part of them, while in others it is almost non-existent. The diagnosis and reflection carried out can collaborate with the curricular reformulation or the strengthening of the initial training of Philosophy teachers. Because this is a study involving quantitative and qualitative elements, appropriate methodological procedures were adopted to carry out the investigation, combining content analysis with data tabulation. As sources, in addition to PPPs and current legislation, theoretical references were consulted that could assist in the reflection on the problem in question. Keywords: Philosophy Teaching; Bachelor's; Federal University. La presencia del área de Enseñanza de la Filosofía en los cursos de pedagogía en Filosofía de las universidades estatales Resumen: El presente artículo tiene por objetivo evaluar la presencia del área de Enseñanza de la Filosofía en los cursos de pedagogía en Filosofía de las universidades públicas estatales. Para eso, comenzamos con la siguiente indagación: ¿El área de Enseñanza de la Filosofía existe en los cursos de pedagogía en Filosofía? La cuestión surge a partir de un problema detectado en otros estudios, esto es, las marcadas características de una formación de licenciatura que presentan los cursos de pedagogía en Filosofía. Después de consultar el Proyecto Político-Pedagógico (PPP’s) de estos cursos, se confirmó que, aunque tímida, el área de Enseñanza de la Filosofía es una realidad en parte de ellos, mientras que en otros es casi inexistente. El diagnóstico y la reflexión realizados puedan colaborar con la reformulación curricular o el fortalecimiento de la formación inicial de los/las profesores/as de Filosofía. Por ser un estudio que contiene elementos cuantitativos y cualitativos, fueron adoptados procedimientos metodológicos apropiados para la realización de la investigación, uniendo el análisis de contenido con la tabulación de datos. Como fuente, además de los PPP’s y de la legislación vigente, fueron consultadas referencias teóricas que pudiesen contribuir en la reflexión en torno del problema en cuestión. Palabras clave: Enseñanza de la Filosofía; pedagogía; universidad estatal. Data de registro: 20/01/2023 Data de aceite: 24/01/2024. (shrink)

Tocqueville considers that authoritarian forms fo government can find support among citizen in “democratic times”. He argues that the erosin of social and political conditions is not the result of external oppressive action, but something that cuts across social and political relations. Maintaining formally, or in appearance, certais conditions of equality and freedom, wich are in line eith the interests of individuals, democracy itself can open space for the emergence of various forms of inequality and oppression. Based on the author, (...) we propose to discuss this phenomenon that tends to give rise to violating social and political forms emerging from within democracia itself. (shrink)

No profession has undergone as much scrutiny in the past several decades as that of medicine. Indeed, one might well argue that no profession has ever undergone so much change in so short a time. An essential part of this change has been the growing insistence that competent, adult patients have the right to decide about the course of their own medical treatment. However, the familiar and widely accepted principle of patient self-determination entails a corollary that has received little attention (...) in the growing literature on the ethics of physician-patient relations: if patients are to direct the course of their own medical treatment, then physicians are at least sometimes to be guided in their actions on behalf of patients by values that are not, and may even be incompatible with, their own values. Unless it is supposed that it would be best if physicians were simply to accommodate any and all patient requests, a possibility I consider and reject in this paper, there are bound to be numerous instances of legitimate moral conflict between the preferences of physicians and patients. In this paper, I examine the implications of this sort of moral conflict from the standpoint of the integrity of the physician. -/- Critical to a proper appreciation of the significance of this conflict is a distinction that the literature on biomedical ethics has largely failed to draw: that between medical paternalism and physician integrity. (shrink)

This article gives an affirmative answer to the recurrent question concerning the effective contribution brought by the study of the political thought of the ancient Greeks to the problems faced by modern democratic societies.Este artigo responde afirmativamente à questão, vez por outra retomada, da efetiva contribuição que o estudo do pensamento político dos antigos gregos pode trazer ao debate dos problemas com que se defrontam as modernas sociedades democráticas.

Built on the dialogue between the processes of institutionalization of childhood and educational practices, this article considers data from a research project that aimed to gather knowledge of the experience of childhood in early childhood education (ECE) settings. The empirical basis of our study is a collection of observational fieldnotes gathered in 21 public ECE institutions that serve the city of Rio de Janeiro. In order to understand children’s experience in these settings, our theoretical framework is supported by a reading (...) of Walter Benjamin's philosophy of childhood, by sources in the sociology and anthropology of childhood, and through an analysis of the political contexts that influence the practices of institutionalizing young children. The quote adopted in this text represents the results of a comparison between the speech and interactions of the children in the schools participating in the research and textual fragments from Benjamin’s “Obras Escolhidas I e II.” We drew on the concept of childhood experience present in the work of this philosopher in order to explore how children experience their childhood within the context of the school environment. When thinking about childhood through the lens of children’s experience, we draw on the legacy attributed by Benjamin to Kant's work on the concept of experience itself. Here, the latter is understood, not just as an event, but as something that unites/brings us together through the intersection of generation, history, and narrative. Regardless of the format of children's institutionalization–that is, whether they attend daycare centers, exclusive early ECE settings, schools or elementary schools that have preschool classes–based on our reading the fieldnotes we conclude that the experience of childhood takes place in the context of relationships with others, with objects, with culture, with society and with nature. Our research showed that, like the child as characterized in the work of Benjamin, the children of our day care centers and schools are attracted by what he calls “debris”and what the latter present to them as possibilities for action. They do not directly reproduce the world of adults; rather, they establish a new relationship with what the world offers them, which is not exactly coherent with that world. What children produce in their interactions is the result of a refined process in which collective and individual experience intersect, with culture as a meeting point. (shrink)

The main objective of this work is to understand the daily practices of user management in post-reformist devices in the Brazilian mental health field. Through Foucault's genealogical work on government practices, understood as forms of conducting the behavior of others, it is possible to open a possible field for the study of the practices of psi knowledge, considering them as forms of management that act by through the free and natural acts of individuals. More specifically, our goal is to examine (...) day-to-day practices on some reformist devices such as CAPS through user files. Basically, two driving models have been found in the new devices: 1) Cases with frank intervention of production of commitments and agreements with users, seeking the entry of this to varied activities and political leadership ; 2) Cases with little response from the user, in which the forms of conduction are implemented by policies of inclusion of family members and close reference characters in the management of the patient's life. (shrink)

The relationship between the state and the people has been of the utmost concern to the ruling class ever since society appeared between the class and the state. This study focuses on Aristotle and Han Fei Zi‟s ideological analyses of the relationship between the state and the people. The author aims to emphasize that the state and the people are the two fundamental forces of political life. The relationship between them is a constant and intimate relationship that creates the appearance (...) and stability of a political regime. The study contributes to the literature by pointing out the similarities and differences between the thoughts of two law rulers typical of the West and the East. The study results show that, due to the differences between Western and Eastern cultures, historical and social conditions, and cognitive ability, the thoughts of Aristotle and Han Fei on this issue have similarities and differences. (shrink)

Science has lost its ethical imperatives as it moved away from a science of ought to a science of is. Subsequently, it might have answers for how we can address global challenges, such as climate change and poverty, but not why we should. This supposedly neutral stance leaves it to politics and religions (in the sense of non-scientific fields of social engagement) to fill in the values. The problem is that through this concession, science implicitly acknowledges that it is (...) not of universal relevance. Objective knowledge, as Karl Popper calls for, might be less easily attainable in the world of ideas and within the confines of scientific idealism. However, if ideas, values and meaning have equal claim to be drivers of change in the sense of causation, aspiring to identify objective knowledge about the world of ideas and of meaning is necessary. If the sciences and disciplines aim to give objectively valid reasons for our actions (and for how to address global challenges), we need to elevate the study of meaning beyond the cultural, disciplinary and ideational delineations. We need to come to a meta understanding of values and meaning equal to objective knowledge about the material world. But differently than in the material world this meta understanding needs to incorporate individual and subjective experiences as cornerstones of objectivity on a meta-level. We need a science of meaning; one that can scientifically answer Kant's third question of 'what may we hope for'."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to elaborate on the concept of prefiguration by outlining the necessity of its contribution to a progressive public philosophy for the 2020s. In the introduction, I explain how the object of critique for many social theorists has shifted over the course of the last decade from neoliberal globalization to capitalism understood as an encompassing form of life. In light of this, I enumerate the features that should define a progressive public philosophy: radical, emancipatory, and (...) decolonized. The introduction is followed by an overview of the academic debates emerging after the North Atlantic financial crisis of 2007–8. Among these, accelerationism fundamentally rejects the incorporation of prefigurative politics in any emancipatory political agenda. To better understand this position, I examine the origin and meaning of prefiguration and prefigurative practices in more detail in Section III. In it, I argue that prefigurative politics entails a holistic approach to social change that digs its roots in feminist and ecological thought and focuses on social reproduction and the preservation of life rather than solely economic production. Subsequently, I deploy the case of Occupy Wall Street to show that a growing number of contemporary social movements are implementing a dualistic strategy that simultaneously combines repertoires of action typical of protest movements with prefigurative practices focused on the embodiment of alternatives. This dualism, along with the limited success of Occupy Wall Street in concretizing its claims and goals, has led prefigurative politics to being labelled as incompatible with, if not even hindering, any emancipatory strategy. My argument instead is that prefigurative politics constitutes a fundamental and necessary component of any political strategy aimed at transcending contemporary capitalism since it conceives progressive social change in an ontologically and epistemologically different way with respect to political parties and protest movements. Taking this into consideration, I conclude that conventional politics and prefigurative politics can be seen as having the potential to mutually reinforce each other and that prefigurative politics should be acknowledged as a pivotal concept in establishing a progressive public philosophy for the 2020s. Only by doing so, will this philosophy be truly radical, emancipatory, and decolonial. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This paper will follow a path that intends to go beyond the bifurcating interpretations between ahistorical essentialism and historicist relativism with regard to the theoretical elaboration of “human nature” by the young Marx, analyzing it from the conception of the body as a dialectical unit between nature and history as it appears in his Manuscripts of 1844. Why does Marx focus on a theoretical elaboration of the production of human corporality while criticizing work under capital in these Manuscripts that (...) represent, in his trajectory, the beginning of his studies on political economy and the inauguration of his dialectical materialism? From an analysis of the notebooks that make up these Manuscripts, we will demonstrate that there is a theorization of the body that involves transhistorical aspects - the vital connection with the “inorganic body” that is the earth - and historical in the form of mediation of this relationship and that such theorizing has the methodological value of providing historical-materialist premises as a counterpoint to the ahistorical premises of political economy as well as the inversion of the Hegelian dialectic under the starting point of the “corporeal human”, enabling a point of view from which we can overcome a way of “pathological” mediation. (shrink)

Inspired by the Studies on authoritarian personality and based on contemporary research on authoritarianism in Brazil, we will analyze the construction of the idol aura surrounding former president Bolsonaro, which allowed the far right to be elected and remain in power until the last elections in 2022. We see his rise as mostly due to the digital violence that largely benefited his campaign and was directed against the block of left-wing candidates. So as to clarify this issue, we will revisit (...) the sociohistorical and psycho-political fundamentals of the antidemocratic and ethnocentric behaviors spurred by that leadership that became idolized. We will also outline an emancipatory, antiracist, culturally relevant and decolonial education, as a way to provide what Adorno regarded as being the antidote to the reemergence of a regressive barbarism. In the case of Brazil, barbarism refers to the remnants of the slave system implemented in the country for three and a half centuries, whose destructive potential was awakened under Bolsonaro’s government, given the latent antidemocratic and authoritarian tendencies in our society. (shrink)

Resumen Las concepciones de hombre y trabajo están íntimamente interconectadas dentro del pensamiento de Miguel de Unamuno. La persona, sin reducirse a ninguna forma de instrumentalización política y económica, no es un mero medio, sino un fin en sí misma. Unamuno no escamotea su lucha en contra del capitalismo y de la transformación de lo económico y de lo político en mero valor de cambio. No nos extraña, pues, que nuestro autor, no conformándose con los efectos del materialismo mercantilista, proponga (...) unas concepciones de política y de sociedad más humanas capaces de dignificar la vida de cada hombre concreto de carne y hueso. Es en este marco teórico-conceptual en el que Unamuno conceptualiza el trabajo como vocación y como forma de realización humana, desvinculándolo de la perspectiva mercantilista vigente en su época. El propósito del presente estudio es, pues, descubrir la íntima relación que une la concepción unamuniana de hombre con su concepción del trabajo como forma de formación y libertad humanas.The conceptions of man and work are intimately related in the thought of Miguel de Unamuno. The person, not reduced to any form of political or economic exploitation, is not a mere means but rather an end in itself. Unamuno does not shirk from his struggle against capitalism and the transformation of economics and politics to mere exchange value. It is not surprising therefore that our author, not content with the effects of mercantilist materialism, should propose a more human conception of politics and society capable of dignifying the life of each specific man of flesh and blood. Within this theoretical-conceptual frame, Unamuno conceptualizes work as vocation and as a form of human fulfilment, disassociating it from the mercantilist perspective that prevailed in his time. The purpose of the present study is thus to uncover the intimate relation that joins Unamuno’s conception of man with his conception of work as a form of human education and freedom. (shrink)

This introductory chapter gives an overview of the debate on realism in political theory and sets out two themes that are particularly important for this debate: the role of practice in realist political theory and the nature and place of normativity in realist political theory. These two themes are not only among the most discussed topics in the debate on possibilities to do realist political theory. Answers to the question of what more applied forms of realist political theory might look (...) like will also depend significantly on how realists specify the role of practice in political theory and the meaning of realist normative argumentation. We outline some of the main positions in the field and highlight questions that have been insufficiently addressed. Finally, we give an overview of the arguments of the articles assembled in this collection and how they contribute to the ongoing debates on the two themes. (shrink)

Citizenship is the right to be a citizen of a social, political, or national community. Aristotle was the philosopher who has been talking about citizenship since ancient times. His thoughts are still historical lessons for the operation of states today. In this article, the author focuses on analyzing basic thoughts on Aristotle's citizenship; which are shown in essential points such as (i) Citizenship is clearly shown in the role of the State, (ii) Right to education, (iii) The right to participate (...) in political affairs, (iv) Citizenship is associated with civic obligations. Thereby, the article draws its historical lesson for the current building of law-governed State in Vietnam in the following aspects: (i) Building a solid-state apparatus with a coherent and unified legal system; (ii) All the State's policies must originate from the Vietnamese practice, ensure the people's mastery and protect the people's legitimate interests; (iii) Consolidating and strengthening the relationship between the State and the people. (shrink)

This article aims to examine the relevance of counter-information productions developed during the military dictatorship in Brazil by religious groups. The object is the journal Paz e Terra, by Editora Civilização Brasileira in the 1960s, as a unique initiative in the field of religious, ecumenical and political communication. In order to respond to the Research problem “what is the place of the journal Paz e Terra in the memory of religious media productions in Brazil?” the article refers its basis in (...) studies on “memory supports” and “sites of memory” are based. The articulation between the narrative of the memory of Paz e Terra and the description of the content of the ten published issues, which form the methodology of the research employed, was made based on the collection of the magazine, in documentary research, in statements of characters involved, collected during the research project for a Master’s Degree in Social Memory by the author, and in works about Editora Civilização Brasileira and its editor Ênio Silveira, about the Protestant leaders involved in the project and about the journal itself. This text seeks to contribute to the expansion of approaches to studies in media and religion in Brazil, broadening the focus of critical analysis centered on contemporary productions and applying the referential key of memory. (shrink)

In Responding to Global Poverty: Harm, Responsibility, and Agency, Christian Barry and Gerhard Øverland address the two types of argument that have dominated discussion of the responsibilities of the affluent to respond to global poverty. The second type of argument appeals to ‘contribution-based responsibilities’: the affluent have a duty to do something about the plight of the global poor because they have contributed to that plight. Barry and Øverland rightly recognize that to assess contribution-based responsibility for global poverty, we need (...) to understand what it is for an agent to contribute to harm rather than merely failing to prevent it. Barry and Øverland argue that we should replace the traditional bipartite distinction doing and allowing with a bipartite distinction between doing, allowing and enabling. I argue that their discussion represents a significant contribution to this debate. However, more detail on their key ideas of ‘relevant action’ and ‘complete causal process’ is needed. Moreover, in cases involving the removal of barriers, the non-need based claims of those involved matter. (shrink)

The purpose of this text is to analyze the debate between Berkeley’s Alciphron and Mandeville’s The fable of the bees and Letter to Dion, focusing on the questions indirectly raised by Berkeley to his opponent: Would there be a place for religion in Mandeville’s society or in his social, political and economic system? If so, what role would it play? Without religion, on what foundations would morality in social life be based? Key words: Berkeley, Mandeville, morality.

ABSTRACT Locke’s Letter on Tolerance has been a controversial issue since the seventeenth century: its defense of tolerance compromises restricting atheists and Catholics, which would attain religious freedom, one of the highest values of liberal theory. Taking this issue as its central, the purpose of this article is to think about this tension in Locke’s political thinking. In order to collaborate with this debate, the text is divided in two parts: in the first one, the various meanings of what Locke (...) understands by atheist will be presented in his different political texts; in the second, we will analyze the importance of religion in Lockean political thought. (shrink)

By looking at the politics of classification within machine learning systems, this article demonstrates why the automated interpretation of images is an inherently social and political project. We begin by asking what work images do in computer vision systems, and what is meant by the claim that computers can “recognize” an image? Next, we look at the method for introducing images into computer systems and look at how taxonomies order the foundational concepts that will determine how a system interprets (...) the world. Then we turn to the question of labeling: how humans tell computers which words will relate to a given image. What is at stake in the way AI systems use these labels to classify humans, including by race, gender, emotions, ability, sexuality, and personality? Finally, we turn to the purposes that computer vision is meant to serve in our society—the judgments, choices, and consequences of providing computers with these capacities. Methodologically, we call this an archeology of datasets: studying the material layers of training images and labels, cataloguing the principles and values by which taxonomies are constructed, and analyzing how these taxonomies create the parameters of intelligibility for an AI system. By doing this, we can critically engage with the underlying politics and values of a system, and analyze which normative patterns of life are assumed, supported, and reproduced. (shrink)