On educational philosophy in Puranas, Hindu mythological classics.

(1995). A Feminist Sociologist Responds to Daniel's 'Exclusion and Emphasis Reframed as a Matter of Ethics' Ethics & Behavior: Vol. 5, No. 4, pp. 369-371.

Comparative study of philosophy of soul and God in Indic and Western philosophy.

Punk Pedagogies: Music, Culture and Learning brings together a collection of international authors to explore the possibilities, practices and implications that emerge from the union of punk and pedagogy. The punk ethos--a notoriously evasive and multifaceted beast--offers unique applications in music education and beyond, and this volume presents a breadth of interdisciplinary perspectives to challenge current thinking on how, why and where the subculture influences teaching and learning. As (punk) educators and artists, contributing authors grapple with punk's historicity, its pervasiveness, (...) its (dis)functionality and its messiness, making Punk Pedagogies relevant and motivating to both instructors and students with proven pedagogical practices. (shrink)

It is a fun romp through many topics, including food. The book has a whole chapter on how to find a good restaurant, what to order, where in a city you can find the best food, and many related questions. I like to think that if you find the dining guide useful you will enjoy this book as well.

In the week that China's vice-president, Xi Jinping, was reported reaffirming the official status of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as a “ruling” rather than a “revolutionary” party,1 I found myself in the Red Classics (Hongse jingdian)2 restaurant in the suburbs of Beijing. Entering through a star-shaped doorway flanked by green-uniformed “soldiers,” customers are faced by a riot of propaganda iconography: revolutionary slogans and posters adorn its walls, facsimile People's Daily headlines cover the ceiling, and in the corner a bright (...) red tractor is bursting through. The year is 1968: our waiters are cap-wearing “workers,” and at the far end…. (shrink)

The Geological Society of London was the first learned society to be devoted solely to geology, and its members were responsible for much of the spectacular progress of the science in the nineteenth century. Its distinctive character as a centre of geological discussion and research was established within the first five years from its foundation in 1807. During this period its activities were directed, and its policies largely shaped, by its President, George Bellas Greenough, on whose unpublished papers this account (...) is chiefly based.The Society began as a small scientific dining club in London, but it developed rapidly into a learned society with a nation-wide membership. It became so independent in outlook and so active in research that it was felt to threaten the esteem of the Royal Society; and little more than a year after its foundation it clashed with the Royal Society so violently that its continued existence was for a time uncertain.Its development into a large independent society was the outcome of its ‘Baconian’ view of the importance of collecting geological facts as a surer basis for geological theories. For this purpose it initiated an ambitious scheme for co-operative research, which would unite the efforts of ‘philosophers’ with those of ‘practical men’. Only personal reasons seem to have kept the most prominent of the practical men—William Smith—from co-operating with the Society. (shrink)

In the Summer of 1994 I had the opportunity to participate in Northwestern University's ethnographic field school. I decided to begin a project on the Navajo approach to dreams. For the Navajo (Diné1), the recounting of dreams is taken very seriously. The interviews of the three reports I collected reflect that their beliefs surrounding dreams are personal and they do not speak about them readily. Indeed, within a three month period I was fortunate to collect these interviews. Likewise, this report (...) is preliminary and anticipates further study. What follows are the highlights of these interviews with three Diné women. In short, a summary of these interviews supports much of the previous research to date. Likewise, this report addresses the value of dreams, the distinctions between good and bad dreams, the role of the diagnostician in dream interpretation (the Navajo appear to have specialists for different types of dream interpretation), and some possible areas of future research. Keywords: Dine, Navajo, dreams, women. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Dining Posture in Ancient Rome: Bodies, Values, and StatusJeremy RossiterMatthew B. Roller. Dining Posture in Ancient Rome: Bodies, Values, and Status. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006. xvi + 219 pp. 8 color plates. 18 black-and-white figs. Cloth, $39.50.As the author of this volume is quick to point out, a book-length study focusing solely on how the Romans sat, or reclined, at table might not seem like the most (...) compelling reading, even for a specialist reader. Could something so abstruse really warrant such an extensive study? Clearly the author thinks so, and to support his view he starts with some bold claims of what the book promises to accomplish. One of the key aims of the book is to redefine our understanding of Roman dining practices; to challenge the orthodox views presented in the "handbooks" (by which the author seems to mean principally the second edition of Marquardt and Mau's Das Privatleben der Römer, Leipzig 1886) and to replace them with a more measured interpretation of the evidence, not just of the few familiar texts that are often cited in the handbooks but rather of the full range of texts, images, and other source material that contribute in one way or another to what we know about Roman dining. Why do this? Because, Roller argues, the orthodox view is wrong. It depends on too little information, it pays too little attention to the evidence of images, and it fails to see the important link between dining custom and social values. These are bold assertions, the credibility of which can only be judged by comparing the orthodox view of Roman dining practices with the "new" picture of Roman dining given by Roller and by evaluating the methodology he uses to reach his conclusions.What then is the orthodox view of Roman dining posture? Roller summarizes it as follows (4–5): free adult males reclined, free adult women sat (during the Republic) but later reclined (during the Empire), free children sat, and slaves stood. Fast forward to the end of the book (177) and we find a rather different assessment: "persons of any age, sex or status might actually assume, or be represented as assuming, various positions under different circumstances." What Roller does here is to deconstruct the simplistic assertions of the handbooks and replace them with a more nuanced interpretation of the evidence. However, his conclusions, although different from the standard view, are not an entirely radical departure. As he admits, "normal" dining practices can be detected: "certain postures attach persistently to certain categories of person" (178). Free adult males are "normally" represented as reclining, free adult women and children are "commonly" shown either sitting or reclining, and slaves "normally" stand. But the point Roller makes is that these dining postures are not rigid; they are not rules. Indeed there are so many exceptions to the norms, both in the texts and in the images, that one has to question the veracity of these so-called "normal" patterns of behavior. The more important question, as Roller is at pains to emphasize, is to determine the ideology that underlies the texts and images. Why do the sources show what they show? What is their intended message?One of the recurring arguments of this book is that reclining as a dining posture in Roman times always marked social privilege. It was a sign of otium. It [End Page 596] singled the diner out as a member of the elite, as someone with wealth, leisure, and access to "the good life." References in literature and art to reclining diners provide reinforcement of this privileged status. Elite males set the standard for everyone else. Those who did not belong to this class, particularly the subelites, the people just below the upper crust of Roman society, could express their aspirations to elite status by depicting themselves as reclining at dinner, regardless of whether they actually did so in practice.A large part of this book is devoted to the question of women at table. It is here that the evidence is the most convoluted; equally it is here that Roller offers some challenging new insights. He argues... (shrink)

: Undoubtedly, in the formation of history, relations between religious structures and political powers, which are shaped within certain principles, have an important place. The course of these relations determines the strength and domain of both sides. This form of relationship, in some cases, evolves in favor of political power, and sometimes manifests itself as a political direction of religious interests. It is possible to see politics as a direction of religion or to use it in the direction of its (...) own interests in the politics that the Soviet Union has implemented since the Second World War. As a matter of fact, the Soviet Union, which has embraced the ideology of official atheism and struggled against religious beliefs, did not stop using religion/church for conjuration in its own interests. In this context, The Soviet leader Stalin has almost reconstructed the Russian Orthodox Church, which he had been trying to destroy since the early years of the Second World War. Even, Moscow has made serious attempts to make Patriarchate the pioneer of the Orthodox world. In this article, we aim to emphasize Stalin’s church politics and reasons. We will also stress the reasons behind the Council of the Orthodox Churches, which Stalin sought to achieve through the Moscow Patriarchate in 1947. Finally, we will touch on the policy of the Fener Greek Patriarch against these developments. Summary: Throughout history, politics of states have been under the influence of religion. Likewise, religions have directed political authority in the direction of their own interests. Sometimes a religion takes the state under its influence; sometimes under a state takes a religion under the influence and they try to use the other one in the interests of itself. Concepts that define religion-state relations have emerged under the influence of experiences experienced over time. Secularism is at the head of the concepts that determine religion-state relations today. What secularism is and how it is practiced is much debated in the scientific circles. Despite all these struggles, however, no binding definition has been reached for all political issues. Certainly, the subjective structure of states plays an important role in regulating religion-state relations. The political ideology adopted by this political structure and the world view varies. Sometimes political structures with official atheist ideology can break the principle of secularism. While these ideologies are ungodly in their nature, they benefit from political interests. As an example, it is possible to show the Soviet Union with an atheist ideology. Because the Soviet regime used religion in the direction of political interests between 1943-1948. The Russian Orthodox Church, which was very active and competent during the reign of Tsarist Russia, lost its power with the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. The Soviet regime has made the Russian Orthodox Church an illegal institution. The struggle against the church by the regime continued until the Second World War. With the Second World War, Stalin's church politics changed. There is no doubt that this political change has become more than one reason. The first is that the state has entered into a war. Stalin did not want to continue the struggle with religion while the war was going on. Another reason for pushing Stalin for a policy change towards the Church is the anti-Soviet propaganda carried out by the Germans. As a matter of fact, the Germans defined themselves as the savior of the Russian people. It was also alleged that Germany was waging a war against the Soviets in order to free Russian people from communism. Even brochures were taken from the airplanes in this frame. The Germans aimed to break the resistance of the Russian people with this method. Stalin acted to ward off this propaganda of the Germans. Stalin therefore had to keep an eye on church politics and stopped the oppression against the church. In this framework, opportunities were provided for the Russian Orthodox Church. For example, have been approved to organize rites in churches. The priests are encouraged to strengthen hand the people. Also closed churches have been reopened by Stalin. In this way the German propaganda has been wasted. The Second World War ended with the victory of the Soviet Union. Stalin, however, continued to use the church after the war was over. So why did Stalin continue to support the church as an atheist? What were the reasons for pushing Stalin into this policy? Stalin's post-war church policy has multiple causes. The most important of these is spreading the Soviet influence over the entire Balkans and Middle East geography through the Russian Orthodox Church. Undoubtedly this is related to the long-term policies of the Soviets. Because the war has changed all the balances in the world. This has given new opportunities to the Soviets. At the beginning of these, the Orthodox world comes to the Soviet influence. It seems that the steps towards this have been started to be started from 1945. In this context, the Russian Orthodox Church found important activities. For example, the Moscow Patriarch has established relations with other Orthodox Churches. Jerusalem, Athens, Cyprus, Antakya churches were visited. In the end, an attempt was made to collect the Orthodox Council. The struggle of the Western and Eastern bloc emerged after the Second World War divided the Orthodox world into two camps. In this process, the Greek, Cyprus and Jerusalem Orthodox churches under the leadership of the Fener Patriarchate were under American influence. The Serbian, Bulgarian and Antiochian Orthodox Churches under the leadership of the Moscow Patriarchate were under Soviet influence. For these reasons, the Soviet regime, which has been fighting for the Church since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, has given up its position. It is understood from this historical fact that a regime adopting irreligion as an official ideology uses religion in its own interests as needed. This indicates that secularism is relative. This study will try to show how the Soviet Union uses the Russian Orthodox Church in its own interests despite the atheism ideology. (shrink)

With people’s concerns about the environment growing, the demand for organic food has increased. However, few studies have focused on organic dining intention. Therefore, this study examined generativity, which is defined as the direction and care for the growth of future generations through self-expanding forms, and its influence on attitude toward organic food, environment concern and dining intention. The moderating effect of age was also examined. A total of 418 responses were collected through a face-to-face survey from Shanghai respondents. PLS-SEM (...) was utilized to verify the model and test the relationships among the constructs. The results show that generativity directly influences environmental concerns, attitudes toward organic food and dining intentions. Furthermore, environmental concerns and attitudes toward organic food are mediating variables for generativity to affect dining intentions. The older the age group, the more likely it is for generativity to have a positive influence on attitude toward organic food and environmental concerns. Theoretical and practical implications are also discussed in this study. (shrink)

Discussions of dining in Roman literature often focus on moralising discourses of the satirists in the imperial period. This article seeks to extend the discussion in four areas: (1) a broader temporal frame, which runs from Cato the Elder to Athenaeus; (2) a wider cultural frame, which sets Greek commentaries of Rome alongside Rome's attitudes towards the Greeks; (3) a cultural range beyond Rome's elite, to the majority of the population; (4) a more ambitious literary frame, which presents Galen's discussion (...) of food as texts of cultural richness rather than treatises reserved for medical historians. (shrink)

A new recommendation has appeared in the Ethnic Dining Guide of Washingtoon, capital of the Unconscious States of Amurrica, put out by Tailor Coward III, Director of the Mercantilist Center and Professor of Shriekonomics at George Madison University, which is scattered across several municipalities in the northern Vagina suburbs of Washingtoon. Tailor’s father was from the clothier branch of the famous English playwright’s family, but had to flee to Amurrica when his stitch in time saved only eight. After marrying a (...) nice girl from Old Teashirt, they moved to Hoople, Southern North Dakota, where Tailor would become the regional chess champion at age 6, only to be defeated some years later by the 4-year old I.M.A. Bach, great-great-great-greatgreat-great-great grandson of P.D.Q. Bach, who had studied obscure gambits with Bobby Fischer’s dog. (shrink)

Hume’s response to his very personal encounter with skepticism is well known: “I dine, I play a game of back-gammon, I converse, and am merry with my friends; and when after three or four hour’s amusement, I wou’d return to these speculations, they appear so cold, and strain’d, and ridiculous, that I cannot find it in my heart to enter into them any farther”.1 As many commentators have noted, this “response” to skepticism is deeply unsatisfying. For example, Brian Ribeiro writes, (...) “Having dinner and watching some TV no more ‘cures’ or ‘solves’ the skeptical problem than the drugs given to those with herpes ‘cure’ their... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Hume's Classification of the Passions and Its Precursors James Fieser Hume's theory ofthe passions appears in book 2 ofhis Treatise (1739), and, in shorter form, in his "Dissertation on the Passions" originally from Four Dissertations (1757).1 When the "Dissertation" first appeared, two reviews criticized Hume's theory for being unoriginal. The first appearing review, which was in the Literary Magazine, says of the "Dissertation" that "we do not perceive any (...) thing new. This we should notmentionifwe were not talking ofan authorfond ofnovelty."2 The Critical Review opens its account noting similarly that "in our opinion [the "Dissertation"] contains nothing new or entertaining on the occasion." After presenting excerpts, the reviewer concludes: "This whole dissertation, to say the truth, appears to us very trite and superficial; and unworthy of so eminent a writer. But no authors are always equal to themselves."3 Hume, by contrast, believed that his account of the indirect passions, which dominates both book 2 and the "Dissertation," was unique.4 William Rose, in his review of the "Dissertation" in the Monthly Review, agrees with Hume, noting that "[h]is theory depends entirely on the double relations of sentiments and ideas, and the mutual assistance which these relations lend to each other. What he says upon the subject, is extremely ingenious, and deserves the philosophical reader's attentive perusal."5 Few today would dispute the uniqueness ofHume's account ofthe indirect passions. Why, though, did two reviewers consider Hume's theory unoriginal? Part of the answer rests in the degree to which Hume's general classification of the passions follows traditional classifications. By understanding how Hume was in line with tradition, his uniqueness may be better appreciated. I will first sketch the traditional classifications of the passions. Second, I will draw comparisons between aspects of Hume's classification and other Enlightenment accounts. Finally, I will criticize the interpretations of Hume's classification offered by Kemp Smith, Ardal, and Loeb, and suggestwhatIbelieve is the most textually soundclassification. In each of these sections, my focus is on taxonomy. However, since many divisions of the passions derive from the psychological mechanisms which produce various passions, some account will be given of these operations. Volume XVIII Number 1 JAMES FIESER Traditional Classifications ofthe Passions The passions have been traditionally understood as disturbances ofthe mind or soul, the key ones beinglove, hate,joy, grief, hope, fear, desire, and aversion.6At therisk ofover-simplification, afairlyunified account ofthe passions can be found beginning with Plato and lasting until the mid-nineteenth century. One feature of this tradition is that the passions fall into positive and negative classes. This is first noted by Aristotle who argues that the passions are "feelings that are accompanied by pleasure or pain."7 Following Aristotle, most accounts divide the passions in reference to good or bad objects and experiences. Good experiences, such as dining, are pleasing, whereas bad experiences, such as illness, are displeasing. Consequently, passions such as joy and griefare mirror images according to the good (pleasing) or bad (displeasing) nature of the experience. A second feature of most theories is that there is a small foundational class of passions which gives rise to others through variation. The most popular foundational set includes four:joy, sorrow, hope, and fear. Although the earliest reference to these four is by Plato (Laches 191C), Zeno of Citium and the Stoics are attributed with developing a theory of the passions based on these. The fullest surviving account ofthe Stoic theory is given by Cicero in his Tusculan Disputations.8 In Cicero's discussion, the four most primitive passions are joy (laetitia), grief (aegritudo), desire (cupiditas or libido), and fear (metus). Joy and desire are the result of good circumstances, whereas grief and fear are the result of evil. Further, joy and griefresult when a circumstance or object is actually present, in contrast to desire and fear which arise when one anticipates a future circumstance. The division is as follows: Present Anticipated Good Object joy desire Evil Object grief fear In Roman and medieval philosophy, the Stoic division of the passions was widely endorsed by writers such as Virgil, Augustine, and Boethius.9With Thomas Aquinas, though, an alternative classification arose. Thomasrecognized... (shrink)

Eating is a fundamental part of human life and is, more than anything, a social activity. A new field, known as Computational Commensality has been created to computationally address various social aspects of food and eating. This paper illustrates a study on remote dining we conducted online in May 2021. To better understand this phenomenon, known as Digital Commensality, we recorded 11 pairs of friends sharing a meal online through a videoconferencing app. In the videos, participants consume a plate of (...) pasta while chatting with a friend or a family member. After the remote dinner, participants were asked to fill in the Digital Commensality questionnaire, a validated questionnaire assessing the effects of remote commensal experiences, and provide their opinions on the shortcomings of currently available technologies. Besides presenting the study, the paper introduces the first Digital Commensality Data-set, containing videos, facial landmarks, quantitative and qualitative responses. After surveying multimodal data-sets and corpora that we could exploit to understand commensal behavior, we comment on the feasibility of using remote meals as a source to build data-sets to investigate commensal behavior. Finally, we explore possible future research directions emerging from our results. (shrink)

Readers have struggled to interpret an image from the end of Juvenal's fifth satire, a poem which focusses upon the poor hospitality shown to a dinner guest, Trebius, at the hands of his host, Virro. After repeatedly juxtaposing the luxurious food served to Virro with the scant fare served to Trebius, Juvenal describes the final course of thecena. He again contrasts the host's hyper-abundance with his guest's mere scraps (5.149–55):Virro sibi et reliquis Virronibus illa iubebitpoma dari, quorum solo pascaris odore,qualia (...) perpetuus Phaeacum autumnus habebat,credere quae possis subrepta sororibus Afris:tu scabie frueris mali, quod in aggere roditqui tegitur parma et galea, metuensque flagellidiscit ab hirsuta iaculum torquere capella.Virro will demand that he and the rest of his entourage receive these apples—though you'll dine on their smell alone—like those the endless autumn of the Phaeacians used to yield, which you could believe stolen away from the African sisters: you will enjoy the scab of an apple, which, on the Embankment, is gnawed by someone who is protected by a buckler and helm and who, fearing a whipping, learns to hurl a javelin from atop a shaggy goat.While the core contrast between the quality of each type of fare is clear, the concludingqui-clause is less intelligible. Who could this entity be? On line 153, the scholiast comments:quale simia manducat. Whilequalecould refer to the object being eaten (scabie mali quod) rather than to thequi-antecedent, it is clear in any case that the ancient reader felt that 5.153–5 evoked the image of an ape. Recent commentaries on Juvenal's fifth satire reflect a scholarly consensus: J.D. Duff, Edward Courtney, Susanna Braund and Biagio Santorelli all follow the scholiast's suggestion and believe that the passage describes a trained ape, as do recent readers of the poem. (shrink)

Varro's De lingua Latina is a treasure trove of information. Of the originally twenty-five books, six have come down to us more or less complete. Among these, Books 5–7 give us many hundreds of etymologies, and Books 8–10 discuss the question whether Latin morphology is regular or not. What Varro rarely comments on is sociolinguistic variation. The sociolinguistic comments in Varro's work can almost be counted on one hand. For instance, in 5.162 Varro remarks that cenaculum, from cena ‘dinner’, means (...) ‘attic’ in Roman Latin, but that the original meaning was, as one might expect, ‘dining-room’, a meaning preserved in the non-Roman dialects of Latium, Falerii and Corduba in Spain; the meaning also lives on in religious uses in Lanuvium. In 7.96, Varro tells us that some words are pronounced with -ae- by some, but with -ē- by others. We know that non-Roman varieties of Latin monophthongized -ae- earlier than the Roman dialect did. Varro mentions pairs like scaena / scēna ‘stage’, a loan from Greek σκηνή, which shows that -ae- is hypercorrect here. Interestingly, only in one such pair is the variant with -ē- ascribed to country people, in the name Maesius / Mēsius, and this is indeed the only pair where the diphthong -ae- is original rather than the result of hypercorrection. (shrink)

Hz. Peygamber’den nakledilen rivayetler dine ait hükümleri bildirmekle beraber toplumsal ve kültürel bağları da etkilemiştir. Rivayetlerin tedvini ile birlikte ortaya çıkan hadis edebiyatı dinin bütün konularını kapsayan eserlerin yanında belirli konuları veya özellikleri barındıran metinler etrafında gelişmiştir. Bu eserlerden kırk hadisler, zayıf hükmü verilen bir rivayette geçen Hz. Peygamber’in şefaatine ulaşma ve fakih olarak diriltilme düşüncesiyle yaygınlık kazanmıştır. Özellikle Abdurrahman Câmî’nin etkisiyle kırk hadisler tam veya kısmî iktibasla ya da tercüme yoluyla nazma çekilerek Osmanlı döneminde manzum kırk hadis geleneği oluşmuştur. (...) Bu makalede zikri geçen ve zayıf kabul edilen "men hafıza" rivayeti hadis ilminin kriterlerine göre incelenmiş tespit edilen 13 sahabiden 41 farklı tariki değerlendirilmiştir. Ayrıca rivayette yer alan idrac ve lafız farklılıkları ile muhaddislerin bu rivayetle ilgili görüşleri dile getirilmiştir. Rivayetin muhtevasına dair yapılan tahlillerin yanı sıra Osmanlı şairleri özelinde rivayetin kırk hadis geleneğine etkisi ortaya konmuştur. (shrink)

In A Pluralistic Universe, James argues that the world we experience is more than we can describe. Our theories are incomplete, open, and imperfect. Concepts function to try to shape, organize, and describe this open, flowing universe, while the universe continually escapes beyond our artificial boundaries. For James and myself, the universe is unfinished, a “primal stuff” or “pure experience.” However, James starts with parts and moves to wholes, and I want to start from wholes and move to parts and (...) back to wholes again. This is an issue between us I further consider, for while he describes himself as a radical empiricist, emphasizing the parts, my descriptions are in terms of w/holism. I use this opportunity to explore James’s contributions to my metaphor of “pure experience” as being like an infinite Ocean and the fishing nets we create represent our ontologies and epistemologies that help us catch up our experiences and give them meaning. I also make the case for why a better understanding of ontology matters for us as educators, using Maria Montessori’s curriculum and instruction design, Dinè Primary School, and Cajete’s theology of place and culturally based science as examples of relational fishing nets we could be using to teach our children. (shrink)

Who is it that can tell me who I am?The often-complex interplay between self and others characterizes educational undertakings. Considerations of how we gain knowledge involve, at least implicitly, an understanding of the relationship between self, others, and the material environment in which learning occurs. The Academy-Award-winning 1987 film Babette’s Feast, based on the 1950 short story by Isak Dine-sen, while not formally a story of education, presents through its protagonist a pedagogy that highlights learning through encounter as complementary and (...) integral to enhanced and mature knowledge. In this article, I engage closely with the film version of Babette’s Feast to elucidate its educational... (shrink)

Provides a guide for starting a "philosophy dinner club," a club that meets to discuss philosophy and cook food from each philosopher's home country.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:247 TWO PUZZLES IN MOSSNER'S LIFE OF DAVID HUME It is a tribute to the rare quality of Mossner's great Life of David Hume that in those few instances where he seems to have got something wrong, one feels an irresistible urge to put the record straight. The two puzzles that have perplexed me are: (1) Why was Adam Smith adamant in his refusal to take the responsibility for (...) publishing the Dialogues after Hume's death? ; and (2) why, despite his long-standing resolution not to answer his opponents directly, did Hume in October 1775 take the step of drawing up the short Advertisement, disavowing his Treatise of Human Nature, which was to be prefixed to the second volume of all future editions of Essays and Treatises? The clue to the first puzzle is to be found in Boswell 's Life of Johnson: On the 6th of March [1754] came out Lord Bolingbroke's works, published by Mr David Mallet. The wild and pernicious ravings, under the name of "Philosophy," which were thus ushered into the world, gave great offence to all well-principled men. Johnson, hearing of their tendency, which nobody disputed, was roused with a just indignation, and pronounced this memorable sentence upon the noble author and his editor. "Sir, he was a scoundrel and a coward; a scoundrel, for charging a blunderbuss against religion and morality; a coward, because he had not resolution to fire it off himself, but left half a crown to a beggarly Scotchman, to draw the trigger after his death!" The editors of the 1934 Oxford Edition note: "Adam Smith, perhaps had this saying in mind when, in 1776, he refused the request of the dying Hume to edit 248 after his death his Dialogues on Natural Religion. Hume wrote back:? think... your scruples groundless. Was Mallet any wise hurt by his publication of Lord Bolingbroke? He received an office afterwards from the present King and Lord Bute, the most prudish men in the world... '."4 I don't think that this letter of Hume's was an answer to a letter from Smith (who was a notoriously bad correspondent, see below). I think that, on his way back from London to his mother at Kirkcaldy, Smith had made up his mind to tell his beloved friend, to his face, that he was determined not to undertake this task. One must put oneself in Smith's position in 1776. He had (it is true) an annuity of £300 from the Bucci euch estates, and he had just spent ten years writing The Wealth of Nations. But he did not think this annuity sufficient for him to be justified in devoting the rest of his life to literary pursuits, despite the wealth of material which was already more or less complete, and has been posthumously published. He knew his masterpiece was not going to make him much money (single books did not do so in those days), but he hoped that it might put him in the way of a job or a royal pension -- as Beattie's Truth had secured a pension for him, three years earlier. Moreover, Smith had just spent three years in London, where Boswell had engineered that he be elected to the celebrated dining Club presided over by Johnson and Burke (where Smith was none too popular), and he knew well that if he were to bring out the Dialogues after Hume's death, the members of the Club would say (and feel) the same sort of things about Hume and him, as Johnson had said (and felt) about 249 Bolingbroke and Mallet. London society was a small world, and this sort of gossip would not advance his (Smith's) chance of getting a job, nor would it enhance Hume's reputation. He decided to dig in his toes, and was perfectly justified in doing so. So, of course, the modern editors of Boswell 's Johnson are right in their conjecture. But Mossner says that Smith was suffering under a bad conscience about this refusal, when he came to write his marvellous letter (which caused him so much trouble), and which was appended to the posthumous publication... (shrink)

It can be said that Westerners have always seen Muslims and Islam as an obstacle to their own existence. They constantly see themselves as superior and try to belittle those who are not like them. The prejudice created by this point of view has prevented them from seeing Islamic civilization. Although many scientists and thinkers have tried to evaluate this accumulation by being influenced by Islamic thought, governments and people have always viewed the issue as such an opposition. This hatred (...) increased even more when Muslims began to conquer the countries of Western (Christian) societies through conquests. The aim of the "Orientalism Research Centers", which was established with the support of the Vienna Church Council, was to make this struggle more systematic by recognizing the Easterners/Muslims instead of understanding them in all their aspects and through the weak sides they could find. Thus, Westerners wanted to place in the Muslim mind The notion they were superior in every field, that Muslims had always been reactionary and that they had to be corrected. In the modern era, the idea that religion is contrary to science and progress and is the source of all conflicts has prevailed in the West. For this reason, it is aimed to create a human and society free from religion and religious.. In the modern era, a secular society experiment was made, people could not be happy. When it comes to the post-modern period, people, whose spiritual and belief aspects were neglected, showed a tendency to turn to religion again with the longing for this. Western governments, politicians and global capitals have resorted to all kinds of remedies to prevent this tendency towards Islam. The construction of Islamophobia has been a concrete proof of this pursuit. The fact that the perpetrators of the September 11 events in the USA and the terrorist attacks in many other western states which is following them, consist of Muslims, has been the pillar of the construction of “Islamophobia” in the West. Capital appetites of global capitals and ancient hostilities have opened the door to direct intervention in Muslim countries with “Islamophobia”. Thanks to Islamophobia, this intervention has been accepted as legitimate in both Western and many Eastern societies. In this study, it is focused on how the “Islamophobia” built into a pragmatic tool is transformed. It has been emphasized that Islamophobia is a legitimate basis for the West to control the energy and oil resources of the Middle East, which has whetted the appetite of the USA. At this point, it has been seen that the West and the USA have achieved their goals to a large extent. However, it was emphasized that in the intervened societies, problems such as poverty, terrorist incidents, ethnic and sectarian divisions, and the masses being forced to migrate could not be solved in the recent past. In this study, an analysis has been made by dealing with a qualitative method, why Westerners behave like this and what they aim with it. (shrink)

In his monumental work Das Gastmahl des Platon (1869) the artist Anselm Feuerbach depicted the scene in Plato’s Symposium in which a drunken Alcibiades, accompanied by a band of revelers, enters the dining chamber of the house of the poet Agathon. We have reason to attribute three aims to the artist: (1) to recreate a famous scene from ancient Greek literature, making extensive use of recent archaeological discoveries in southern Italy; (2) through the depiction of a senate and dignified Agathon, (...) to convey a sense of the nobility of the ancient Greeks; and (3) to express in visual terms the contrast of reason with desire. As he set out to accomplish these objectives Feuerbach displayed considerable indifference to the details in Plato’s depiction. Thus, what Das Gastmahl offers us is less Plato’s symposium and more Feuerbach’s symposium, a visually striking but in several respects unfaithful recreation of the Platonic original. -/- . (shrink)

İslam'daki manevi hayatın ve ahlaki değerlerin ismi olan tasavvuf, İslam düşünce tarihinde önemli bir yere sahiptir. Yerel ve evrensel birçok unsuru içinde barındıran bu akım, dinin maneviyat boyutunu ön olanda tutar. İslam toplumu, ruhi ve manevi değerlerin birçoğunu tasavvufa ve onun kurumsal ifadesi olan tarikatlara borçlu olduğu görülmektedir. Tasavvufun en önemli özelliklerinde birisi, bireyin gündelik hayatının akışına müdahil olmasıdır. Dinin bireyin dünyasına nüfuzu anlamına gelen dindarlık ise bireyin günlük dünyasının duygusal yönlerinde Sufizmin etkisiyle güçlü değişiklikler meydana getirmektedir. Bununla beraber tasavvuf, (...) bireysel dinginliğin yanı sıra toplumsal alanda kendini gerçekleştiren bir maneviyat hareketi olma özelliği taşır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, kendini dindar olarak tanımlayan öğrencilerin dine tasavvufa, tarikatlara ve rabıta olgusuna bakışını sosyolojik olarak analiz etmektir. Bundan dolayı, kendini dindar olarak tanımlayan bireylerin tasavvuf, tarikat ve rabıta olgularına yaklaşımlarına odaklanılmıştır. Bu çalışmanın temel tezi hem tasavvufun bireyin hayatını değiştirdiği hem de bazı olumsuzluklarına rağmen dindar öğrencilerin tasavvufa olumlu yaklaştıklarıdır. Tasavvuf, bireyin dünyasında dinin derinleşmesine katkı sunmaktadır. Nitel verilere dayanarak yapılan, Tekirdağ Namık Kemal Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi’nde okuyan ve kendini dindar olarak tanımlayan öğrencilerle gerçekleştirilen mülakat verilerinin analizine dayanan bu makale, tasavvufun gündelik hayat içindeki varlığını tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır. İki ana bölümden oluşan bu makalenin ilk bölümünde toplumsal bir aktör olarak tasavvuf ile beraber gündelik hayatın sosyolojisine, ikinci bölümde de Tekirdağ Namık Kemal Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi dördüncü sınıfta okuyan dindar öğrencilerle yapılan mülakat verilerine odaklanılmıştır. Sonuç bölümünde ise tasavvuf, tarikat, rabıta ile beraber tasavvufi yaşamın gündelik hayata etkisi değerlendirilmiştir. Sonuç olarak yerel ve evrensel unsurları içinde barındıran tasavvuf, hem dinin etkisini artırarak bireyin dindarlaşmasına hem de ahlaklı bir toplumun oluşmasına katkı sunmaktadır. Tasavvuf kökenli dini grupların bazı ritüellerine karşı çıkmakla beraber tasavvuf olgusuna olumlu yaklaşan öğrencilere göre tasavvufun bireyin gündelik hayatında sağlamış olduğu temel katkı, dinin pratik ve ritüel boyutunu da içeren ahlak alanındadır. Bundan dolayı tasavvuf, ahlaki eylemler üzerinden toplumsal ve bireysel hayata etki etmekte ve bireyin eylem dünyasını biçimlendirmektedir. Bu bağlamda öğrencilerin nazarında tasavvuf merkezli dini grupların etkili ve meşru olmalarının sebebi, ahlakın merkezde olduğu bir dinselliği görünür kılmalarıdır. Bunun yanı sıra hem eğitim-öğretim sistemi hem de İlahiyat fakültelerindeki eğitim, sadece öğretimi esas aldığı ve pratiği dışarıda bıraktığı için eleştirilmektedir. Bu bağlamda bilgi ile eylemi harmanlayan yeni bir eğitim anlayışına olan ihtiyacın varlığı ortaya çıkmıştır. (shrink)

The verse hinc subitae mortes atque intestata senectus has long fuelled considerable debate and discussion among classical scholars. This hexameter occurs in the passage of the first satire that describes the aspect of the patron-client relationship where the rich patron, ignoring the plight of his poor and hungry clients, enjoys a sumptuous but deadly feast. After dining on delicacies such as boar and peacock, he bathes on a bloated stomach, causing him to die suddenly and apparently intestate, and causing those (...) angry at being deprived of their legacy to cheer at his funeral :quanta est gula quae sibi totosponit apros, animal propter conuiuia natum!poena tamen praesens, cum tu deponis amictusturgidus et crudum pauonem in balnea portas.hinc subitae mortes atque intestata senectus.it noua nec tristis per cunctas fabula cenas;ducitur iratis plaudendum funus amicis. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:104 Feminist Studies 44, no. 1. © 2018 by Feminist Studies, Inc. Estelle Carol The Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective: A Memoir In 1973, the Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective worked in an old run-down second-floor office on Belmont Avenue, which we shared with the main offices of the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union (CWLU).1 They call it New Town now, but in 1973, there wasn’t much new about it. We weren’t (...) the only artists in the building though; downstairs was a tattoo parlor. Still, it was better than having the studio located in my apartment on Newport Street, where there were silkscreen tables in the dining room and a bathroom that doubled as a darkroom. My bedroom door opened directly into the dining room and usually reeked of the foul chemicals we used to make the posters. Just one OSHA inspection would have shut us down forever, but it was not until later that we learned about the dangers of long-term exposure. On Newport Street, the apartment was right next to the Ravenswood Branch of the “L,” and it shook like the aftershock of a California earthquake each time a train passed. But we were in the midst of a women’s revolution, and our priorities were clear. 1. The Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective (WGC) was a “workgroup” of the CWLU from the very start. There were about 25 workgroups and other groups within the CWLU. CWLU outreach to recruit new members got a lot of new women into WGC. WGC, Women’s Liberation Rock Band, and Womankind Newspaper were the cultural arms of the CWLU. Cultural outreach to attract new CWLU members and new feminists to the movement in general was critical to the CWLU’s success. In Celebration of Amazons, 194. All posters designed and silkscreened collectively by the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union, www.cwluherstory.org. Courtesy of CWLU Herstory Project. All posters are on silkscreen. Turning Through Time, Workwoven, 195. Sisterhood Is Blooming, Springtime Will Never Be the Same, 190. Chicago Women’s Labor History, 194. International Women’s Day (reprinted from a Cuban poster). ABOVE Healthcare Is for People, Not for Profit, 195. OPPOSITE Abortion Is a Personal Decision, Not a Legal Debate, 190. ABOVE Healthcare Is for People, Not for Profit, 195. OPPOSITE Abortion Is a Personal Decision, Not a Legal Debate, 190. OPPOSITE Chicago Maternity Center, 192. ABOVE Lesbian Pride, 192. Mountain-Moving Day, 192. ABOVE Detail from Mountain-Moving Day, 192. OPPOSITE Women Unite, Take Back the Night, 199. Lipstick and Blood (reprinted from a Cuban design). Women Are Not Chicks, 191. Liberation School for Women, 192. Boycott Red Coach Lettuce, 192. Working Women Unite, 195. International Women’s Day, Many Waves But One Ocean, 192. Estelle Carol 121 If you look at Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective posters, you’ll rarely see a person’s name on them, because we decided early on that art had been done all wrong by men. It was based on egotism and the cult of the individual—the great-men-of-art syndrome. So we decided to throw all that out, and art now had to be a collective experience. So every poster that we created had to be done by committee. Every one. We had a system in which any one of the collective could get an idea or a phrase or an image and decide to do a poster. They would ask two or three other members to be their assistants and to help develop the idea. And then in little teams they would physically create the poster in silk screen. It had to be a collective process. There’s no way that one single woman could really do it because we were using very primitive reproduction methods, and we needed at least three people to run the silk screen. The silk screens were all hand printed. No machines. If a poster was more than one color, it had to be hand printed, one color at a time, so it was very, very labor intensive. And... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 67.4 (2006) 675-696 MuseSearchJournalsThis JournalContents[Access article in PDF]History of Religion Becomes Ethnology: Some Evidence from Peiresc's AfricaPeter N. Miller Bard Graduate CenterAbstractThe relationship between history of religion and ethnology on the one hand, and antiquarianism and them both, on the other, lie at the core of this essay. These lines of inquiry come together in the work of Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc (1580-1637), (...) the intellectually adventurous Provençal late humanist. Peiresc's correspondence with a renegade in Tunis, an adventurer in Ethiopia, and a missionary once based in Guinea provided him with remarkably direct information about the customs and practices—the moeurs—of contemporary sub-Saharan Africans. The content of these letters has not found its place in histories of anthropology or histories of antiquarianism.I.Bound up amidst Peiresc's copies of his letters to the Paduan antiquary Lorenzo Pignoria from the winter of 1615–16 is a text of four sides entitled, in large letters, "Delli Popoli della China" and continuing, in smaller ones, "written by P. Ioannes Pietro Maffei History of the Indies, Fr. Antonio di Saint Roman, in the History of the East Indies, Fr. Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza Augustino, in the books on China, and others." 1 The reading notes [End Page 675] that follow are interesting for one reason: though labelled "Delli Popoli della China" they are almost entirely about religion in China. At this stage of Peiresc's thinking at least, history of religion seems interchangeable with ethnography.In his letter to Pignoria of 4 January 1616, Peiresc acknowledges having time to page through ("di transcorrere un poco") Maffei, Gonzales, and Saint Roman where he found some information about figures they had discussed, and also about artificial grottoes used for domestic refrigeration, "which I did not note when I read it the first time." He asked if Pignoria wouldn't mind inquiring as to whether there was a more precise impression of a particular Chinese plaque or medallion—Pignoria had sent him one but Peiresc pronounced it "not as exact as I would like." 2Peiresc begins with the gods that were worshipped (these included deceased parents and friends, as well as the occasional living person) and auguries. This then leads to mention of the clothing and hair styles of those priests making offerings to the gods. Some of this information was derived from that octagonal medallion. Peiresc also noted down the presence of a vase, as if for libation, and other instruments for offerings.These authors, he continued, observed that the Chinese revered the God of Heaven above all the others. Peiresc recorded that Gonzalez mentioned that he was indicated by use of the first letter of the alphabet, that this character looked a bit like "AF," that it was called "Guant," that he was honored with a solemn festival every near year, at the new moon in March, with vocal and instrumental music during which his priests applied themselves for an entire day to a board groaning with meat, poultry, fish, and fruits (no wonder the earlier reference to the gluttony of the priests). For the greater veneration of the King he was called the "Son of Heaven."Mention of the King led to discussion of the monthly festivals in the provinces when priests bore a portrait of the King, on gold, through the streets with great reverence. But then, citing from Maffei, Peiresc proceeded to jot down observations made about Chinese seaside towns and the domestic interior. This, in turn, led to some observations about dining—and, therefore, feasting—practices.Finally, Peiresc returned to the aforementioned medallion, whose details now seemed to him to represent just such an honorific feast. But he was especially interested in the practice of indicating the name of God with a single Chinese character, or cipher. This reminded him, he wrote, that the [End Page 676] Basilidian gnostics, as recorded in Epiphanius, represented the god of heaven with the seven Greek vowels AEHIOUY. He... (shrink)

The sixteenth-century Chinese vernacular novel Jin Ping Mei 金瓶梅 was a groundbreaking work for its vivid presentation of the domestic life of women in an affluent merchant household, a topic seldom touched upon by previous works in the genre. The rich descriptions of food and dining in the novel have attracted various socio-historical studies. This paper offers a different critical approach and studies the rhetorical and narrative functions of food and dining scenes in the novel with a particular focus on (...) the female participants. Taking a dining party episode from chapter 23 of the novel as an example, the essay looks at how food and dining are used as a narratological device to reveal the female characters’ psychology and their interpersonal power dynamics. The essay argues that this use of food for revealing the female characters’ inner worlds is a narrative strategy for coping with the historical limitations of Chinese vernacular storytelling in describing female characters’ private lives and interior thoughts. Its successful implementation in Jin Ping Mei set an important precedent for a literary genre that had previously been dominated by a public and male-dominated mode of storytelling. (shrink)

Gazali'nin hayatını 1095 yılında geçirdiğini söylediği krize göre üç döneme ayırmamız mümkündür. Kriz öncesi dönem, kriz dönemi (1095) ve kriz sonrası dönem. Bu dönemlerde akla ve felsefeye bakışı değişmiştir dolayısıyla felsefî ilimlerden sayılan matematik ilmine bakışı da değişmiştir. Gazali kriz öncesi ve kriz dönemlerinde aklı eleştirmekle birlikte çok sistematik bir eleştiri yaptığı söylenemez. Gazali bu dönemde felsefe yorumlarında 'felsefi/bilimsel aklı" din açısından zararlı görmemektedir hatta zaman zaman olumlu yanlarından bahsetmektedir. Makasıdu’l Felasife ve Tehafütü’l Felasife ‘de akılla ilgili mevzulara değinmiş, bazı (...) felsefî ilimlerin dinle alakalı olmadığını, din açısından fayda veya zarar vermediğini ifade etmiş ama temelde felsefi aklın “sadece dini (metafizik) konulara” yetmeyeceği kanaatine varmıştır. Fakat bu dönemde o, felsefeyi 'dinileştirme' çabasının bir sonucu olarak akıl eleştirisiyle karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Aklın, felsefenin ve felsefî ilimlerin (mantık, astronomi, fizik… vb.) kökenini Kur’an’a dayandırmış ve filozofların bütün bu ilimlerin ‘tümellerini’ dinden öğrendiklerini iddia etmiştir. Böylece Gazali, akılla bir teoloji kurmanın mümkün olmadığını ispatlayarak yani dini ‘akla uygun hale getirme’ girişimlerinin önüne geçerek ‘aklı ve bütün aklî ilimleri dine uygun hale’ getirmek için vahye ve mistik tecrübeye dayalı yeni bir sistem kurmuştur. Dinî akıl, vahyi anlar ve uygular. Kriz sonrası dönemde bütün felsefî sistemleri dinî ve mistik/gnostik bir düşünce etrafında yorumlayan Gazali'de akıl tamamen dinileşmektedir. Avam ilimleri seviyesine indirdiği felsefî (tıp, astronomi, kimya, biyoloji, mantık, matematik vs.) ve dinî ilimleri (kelam, fıkıh ve tefsir) mistik bir zihniyetle yeniden ele alır. Felsefî ilimlerin esası dinîdir ve insanlar bu ilimleri peygamberlerden öğrenmiştir. Kelam ilmi, aklî bir ilim değil, dini bir ilimdir, kelamı kullanarak akli hükümler vermekten vazgeçip sadece dini ve uhrevi hükümler vermesi sağlanmalıdır. Fıkıh ilmi de aklî bir ilim değil dini bir ilimdir ve fıkıh alimleri sadece ahiretle ilgili hüküm verilmelidir. Bunlardan daha üstün olan ise havas ilimleridir. Havas ilmi Gazali'ye göre gnostik tasavvuf öğretisidir. Dünyevî akıl insanı yanılttığı ve ona güvenilmez olduğu için akıl yerine peygamberin vahyi gelmelidir ve ondan sonra vahye benzerliği dolayısıyla "velinin ilhamı" yer almalıdır. Bu ise ilk başta dini anlaması için gerekli olan ‘dinî akıl” ve daha sonra ruh, aşk ve nur yoluyla elde edilmektedir. (shrink)

This article adds philosopher Judith Butler to the list of thinkers whose work underpins the interest in ethics and/in film that began in earnest in the 2000s. Beginning with Precarious Life: Powers of Mourning and Violence, Butler has published several volumes that blend ethical thinking with moral theory and political philosophy, focusing on the concepts of precariousness and vulnerability. This article suggests that two films directed by Abderrahmane Sissako, Bamako and Timbuktu, as dramas of precariousness and vulnerability respectively, can inform (...) thinking about cinematic ethics: the staging of a trial of global institutions in Bamako dramatizes the possible universalization of an ethic of precarity, while in Timbuktu the condemnation to death of a Tuareg shepherd by Ansar Dine, the militant Islamist group that occupied parts of Mali in 2012, allows Sissako to give full rein to his talent for filming the vulnerability of both victims and oppressors. (shrink)

Konu din çalışmaları olunca objektiflik her zaman ana kriter olsa da içeriden/dışarıdan bireylerin bir dini ne kadar objektif olarak ele alabilecekleri ve konu olan dinin, o dine mensup içeridekilerin mi yoksa dışarıdakilerin mi en iyi şekilde çalışabileceği meselesi din incelemesinin başından günümüze kadar tartışmalı bir konu olagelmiştir. Bu konu, emik/etik anlatım, yakın/ uzak tecrübe ve düşünümsellik gibi üzerine düşünülmesi gereken olguları da beraberinde getirmektedir. Kim Knott, bu makalesinde bu kavramlar çerçevesinde tam katılımcı, katılımcı olarak gözlemci, gözlemci olarak katılımcı ve tam (...) gözlemci rollerini benimsemiş farklı araştırmacıların anlatılarını ele alarak içeriden ve dışarıdan sorununu incelemiştir. (shrink)

This paper examines literary and visual evidence for women's dining posture at Rome. I distinguish actual social practice from the ideology of representation, while recognizing their interdependence. Contrary to the view that "respectable" women dined seated until the Augustan era, I argue that a women (of any status) could always dine reclining alongside a man, and that this signifies a licit sexual connection. The sitting posture, seen mostly in sub-elite visual representations, introduces further complexities of practice and ideology. In general, (...) postures attributed to women function more as indicators of sexual mores than as direct representations of social practice. (shrink)

İtikadi mezhepler arasındaki en temel tartışma konularından birisi, insanın dine taalluk eden eylemleri söz konusu olduğunda, ilahi fiillerin gerçekleşmesine esas teşkil eden mananın nasıl tanımlanacağı problemidir. İnsan, dine uygun ameller işlediğinde Allah’ın da bunu destekleyecek fiiller yapması gerektiğine inanan Mu’tezile “zorunluluk” fikrine ulaşırken, gerekçe ne olursa olsun Allah’ın hiçbir şeye mecbur olmadığına inanan Eş’arîler “keyfilik” olarak anlaşılabilecek bir yaklaşımı benimsemişlerdir. Kanaatimizce itikadi mezheplerin, aynı inanç paradigması içinde olsalar bile belli bir konuda iki uç noktada konumlanmalarının temel sebebi arkasında siyasi, kültürel (...) ve sosyal faktörlerin olduğu mezhebi asabiyettir. Mezhebi asabiyetin doğal sonucu, Kur’an’ın mevzubahis konudaki hükümlerini bütünlük içinde ele almada gösterilen zafiyettir. Bu çalışmada, Mu’tezilîler ile Eş’arîlerin, insanın dine taalluk eden amelleriyle ilgili olarak gerçekleşen ilahi fiillere dair yaklaşımları hülasa bir şekilde ele alındıktan sonra, Kur’an’ın bu konudaki yaklaşımına yer verilecektir. Kur’an’ın bu husustaki yaklaşımını belirlemek üzere önerdiğimiz kavramsal çerçevenin, mezhebi refleksler sebebiyle göz ardı edilen bütüncüllüğün korunmasında işlevsel olduğunu düşünmekteyiz. (shrink)

Even though it’s based on a bad argument, there’s something to Strawson’s dictum. He might have likened ‘referring expression’ to phrases like ‘eating utensil’ and ‘dining room’: just as utensils don’t eat and dining rooms don’t dine, so, he might have argued, expressions don’t refer. Actually, that wasn’t his argument, though it does make you wonder. Rather, Strawson exploited the fact that almost any referring expression, whether an indexical, demonstrative, proper name, or definite description, can be used to refer to (...) different things in different contexts. This fact, he argued, is enough to show that what refers are speakers, not expressions. Here he didn’t take seriously the perfectly coherent view that an expression’s reference can vary with context. So, he concluded, what varies from context to context is not what a given expression refers to but what a speaker uses it to refer to. Strawson went on to suggest that there are several dimensions of difference between various sorts of referring expressions: degree of dependence on context, degree of “descriptive meaning,” and being governed by a general convention vs. an expressionspecific one. But despite these differences, he insisted that regardless of kind, referring expressions don’t themselves refer — speakers use them to refer. (shrink)

Dinsel değişim, din psikolojisinin kurulduğu dönemden itibaren güncelliğini koruyan konular arasında yer almaktadır. Tarihsel süreçten bugüne kadar olumlu veya olumsuz biçimde neredeyse tüm insanların muhtelif boyutlarda dinsel unsurlar ile temas ediyor oluşu, dinsel değişim konusunu akademik alanda önemli ve güncel tutan hususlardandır. Bu çalışma; inançlı olduğu hâlde dine karşı ilgisiz bir hayat sürdüren Yaşar Alptekin’in neden ve nasıl dindarlaştığı sorusuna cevap aramaktadır. Nitel araştırma tekniklerinden olan durum çalışması desenine bağlı olarak yürütülen bu araştırmada veriler doküman incelemesi ile elde edilmiştir. Bu (...) doğrultuda Yaşar Alptekin’in bizzat kendisinin kaleme aldığı kitaplar ve onunla çeşitli sosyal medya platformlarında yapılan röportajlar, birinci elden kaynaklar olarak kullanılmıştır. Bu anlamda mevcut çalışma, psikobiyografik araştırma geleneği içinde değerlendirilebilir. Toplanan bilgi ve malumatlar, betimsel analiz tekniği ile çözümlenmiştir. Alptekin’in özel yaşamı, siyasi görüşü ve sanatçı yönü gibi konular, çalışmanın kapsamı dışında tutulmuştur. Ayrıca bu çalışmada yer alan bilgi ve malumatlar, araştırmanın yapılmış olduğu tarihe kadarki dokümanlar ile sınırlıdır. Araştırmanın temel sorusuna cevap ararken dinsel değişimin aşamaları, güdüleri, motifleri, çeşitleri, gerçekleşme biçimi ve sonuçları hakkında din psikolojisi literatüründe yer alan kuramsal yaklaşımlardan destek alınmıştır. Bu bağlamda psikanalitik ve varoluşçu yaklaşımlarla birlikte sosyal kimlik kuramından da faydalanılmıştır. Bu noktada öncelikle Alptekin’in çocukluk, gençlik ve yetişkinlik döneminde yaşadığı önemli olaylar ve hayatını etkileyen hadiseler, dinsel değişimi harekete geçiren nedenler kapsamında analize çalışılmıştır. Alptekin’in değişim öncesi ve sonrası kişilik ve kimlik bakımından nasıl bir değişim yaşadığı, bunun kendisiyle ve sosyal çevresi ile ilişkilere nasıl yansıdığı sorusuna odaklanılmıştır. Ulaşılan bulgulara göre Alptekin’in dinsel değişim sürecini harekete geçiren nedenler; “çocukluk dönemini mutsuz geçirmesi”, bu anlamda “sevgisiz ve ilgisiz büyümesi”, “yetişkinlik döneminde yaşadığı anlamsızlık duygusu”, “samimiyet arayışı”, “içerisinde bulunduğu gelişim döneminin etkileri”, “zihinsel tatminsizlik”, “aile içi sorunlar” ve “değişime eşlik eden dinî tecrübeler” şeklinde sıralanabilir. Meydana gelmiş olan dinsel değişim sonucunda Yaşar Alptekin’in kimlik ve dünya görüşü başta olmak üzere giyim tarzından arkadaş çevresine, ilişkilerine yön veren temel belirleyicilerden insanlara bakışına kadar bireysel ve sosyal hayatında köklü değişimler yaşandığı izlenmektedir. Ancak onun, temel kişilik yapısında fark edilebilir bir değişime rastlanmamıştır. Mevcut kişiliği, değişim sonrası kimliği ile bütünleşmiştir. (shrink)

In Les Blank's documentary Werner Herzog Eats His Shoe , director Werner Herzog eats pieces of his own sturdy looking footwear in order to settle a bet that he made with the filmmaker Errol Morris. While dining on his shoe, which he has cooked in garlic and duck fat, Herzog responds to the question, “What is the value of films for society?” Initially, he answers the question with a question: “Whose society?” . It appears that he has finished responding and (...) is returning to the business of eating, but Herzog is hardly known for keeping his answers…. (shrink)

A theory of aesthetic value should explain what makes aesthetic value good. Current views about what makes aesthetic value good privilege the individual’s encounter with aesthetic value—listening to music, reading a novel, writing a poem, or viewing a painting. What makes aesthetic value good is its benefit to the individual appreciator. But engagement with aesthetic value is often a social, participatory matter: sharing and discussing aesthetic goods, imitating aesthetic agents, dancing, cooking, dining, or making music together. This article argues that (...) we should understand aesthetic value in a way that centers these social forms of aesthetic engagement. To this end, the article argues that there is a social practice of aesthetic valuing, characterized as a participatory practice governed by the value of aesthetic community, which engages us in the social development of our capacities for discretionary valuing and volitional openness. Current theories of aesthetic value have trouble capturing the character of the practice of aesthetic valuing, and this motivates a novel communitarian theory of aesthetic value: aesthetic value is what is worthy of engagement in the social practice of aesthetic valuing. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The Irreplaceable Cannot Be ReplacedEllen HarveyThe Irreplaceable Cannot Be Replaced, Ellen Harvey, 2008. Photographs: Jan Baracz.People in New Orleans were invited to submit images or descriptions of irreplaceable places, people, or things lost to Hurricane Katrina. Eleven submissions were chosen at random and the artist painted 16” x 20” oil paintings based on those submissions. All thirty texts that were submitted were framed and exhibited along with the paintings (...) at the Contemporary Arts Center/New Orleans as part of the exhibition Something from Nothing, curated by Dan Cameron. Texts without a painting were accompanied by a framed black panel. At the end of the exhibition, all of the paintings and the framed texts were given away to the participants.Ellen Harvey was born in the United Kingdom and lives and works in Brooklyn, NY. She has exhibited extensively in the US and internationally and was most recently included in the 2008 Whitney Biennial. Recent solo exhibitions include Private Collections at Locks Gallery, Philadelphia, The Museum of Failure at Luxe Gallery, New York, Beautiful/Ugly at Magnus Müller in Berlin, Bad Mirror at Galerie Gebruder Lehmann in Dresden, Mirror at the Pennsylvania Academy, and A Whitney for the Whitney at Philip Morris at the Whitney Museum at Altria. She took part in the Whitney Independent Study Program and the PS1 Studio Program. Recent awards include a Pennies from Heaven Grant, a Philadelphia Exhibitions Initiative Grant, a Rema Hort Mann Foundation Grant, a Palm Beach County Cultural Council Grant, and a New York Foundation for the Arts Fellowship. She has completed projects for both the New York and Chicago Transit Authorities, most recently including a mosaic for the new Metro-North Yankee Stadium Station. The New York Beautification Project was published by Gregory Miller in 2005, and Ellen Harvey: Mirror was published by the Pennsylvania Academy in 2006. Click for larger view View full resolutionI am 87 years old living in a trailer on our property in New Orleans.We had 5 ft of water, which remained in the house 6 weeks creating mold to the ceiling.We lost everything. When I read Chris Rose’s column (he’s my favorite columnist in the whole world) it brought to mind my mother’s two dining room chairs that had been around as long as I can remember. I had them restored in about 1976 by Senior Citizens in classes of the “Peoples Program” sponsored by the nuns on Mirabean Ave. The wood was polished and varnished with a light brown stain and the seats were re-caned. I was born in 1920 so the chairs could be 75 years old. Anyway I can imagine you will have many interesting subjects to choose from but I’m submitting mine hoping I’ll be one of the very fortunate ones selected.I am terrible at drawing but will give you as complete a description as I can.I loved those chairs and enjoyed them for extra seating on holidays and at parties and they were conversation pieces.Alice Delaney[End Page 2] Click for larger view View full resolutionThere are so many “washed away” treasures, that the memorialization of even just one will be everlastingly meaningful to the community.I am submitting photographs of porcelain dolls, which I had crafted prior to the disaster. The dolls shown were created from commercial molds and were ready to go to a “new home.” Needless to say these dolls were submerged under water for at least two weeks. I call them my “children of the flood” but have not had the courage to disassemble them. I was able to rescue some doll parts and am in the process of cleaning, sorting and sanitizing them for future assembly.If I am ever able to get back to my very rewarding hobby, which was helpful in supplementing my retirement income, I will have to replace my electronic kiln and most of my doll making supplies. Many of the molds that were destroyed are no longer available. However, I will keep the memories dear, I have been fortunate enough to replace my sewing machines and some of the fabric used for clothing and doll... (shrink)