Results for 'Occupy Movement'

981 found
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  1.  34
    The 2011 Occupy Movements: Rancière and the Crisis of Democracy.Isabell Lorey - 2014 - Theory, Culture and Society 31 (7-8):43-65.
    The Occupy movements in 2011 – this essay focuses mainly on Spain and the United States – have been more than moments of grassroots or direct democracy: they have been collective political practices testing forms of non-representationist democracy in the Europe of representative democracy to an unusually great extent. The precarious subjects of post-Fordism rejected political representation, and at the same time they struggled for a ‘real’ democracy. This oxymoron between representation and democracy structures the political philosophy of Jacques (...)
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  2.  34
    Creativity and humour in occupy movements: Intellectual Disobedience in Turkey and Beyond.Altug Yalcintas (ed.) - 2015 - London: Palgrave.
    This volume offers scholarly perspectives on the creative and humorous nature of the protests at Gezi Park in Turkey, 2013. The contributors argue that these protests inspired musicians, film-makers, social scientists and other creative individuals, out of a concern for the aesthetics of the protests, rather than seizure of political power.
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  3.  10
    Could the Occupy movement Become the Realization of Democratic Experimentalism’s Aspiration for Pragmatic Politics?Michael C. Dorf - 2012 - Contemporary Pragmatism 9 (2):263-271.
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  4.  51
    R achel C arson's Toxic Discourse: Conjectures on Counterpublics, Stakeholders and the “Occupy Movement”.Mark N. Wexler - 2013 - Business and Society Review 118 (2):171-192.
    This article draws attention to the origins, forms, and implications of “toxic discourse” as a genre central to the understanding of the public sphere in business in society.RachelCarson'sSilentSpringis used as a pivotal cultural document establishing “toxic discourse” as an ongoing form of moral narrative rooted in the rationality of counterpublics. Toxic discourse is framed within a center/periphery model in which toxic discourse gains salience in periods of economic dislocation and uncertainty. In these periods, toxic discourse draws together those on the (...)
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  5.  63
    Islands of Stability: Engaging Emergence from Cellular Automata to the Occupy Movement.Andrew Pickering - 2014 - Zeitschrift für Medien- Und Kulturforschung 5 (1):121-134.
    Instead of considering »being with« in terms of non-problematic, machine-like places, where reliable entities assemble in stable relationships, STS conjures up a world where the achievement of chancy stabilisations and synchronisations is local.We have to analyse how and where a certain regularity and predictability in the intersection of scientists and their instruments, say, or of human individuals and groups, is produced.The paper reviews models of emergence drawn from the history of cybernetics—the canonical »black box,« homeostats, and cellular automata—to enrich our (...)
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  6.  28
    They don't represent us? Synecdochal representation and the politics of occupy movements.Mathijs van de Sande - 2020 - Constellations 27 (3):397-411.
  7. Are We the 99%? The Occupy Movement, Feminism, and Intersectionality.[author unknown] - 2021
  8.  21
    They don't represent us? Synecdochal representation and the politics of occupy movements.Mathijs Sande - 2020 - Constellations 27 (3):397-411.
  9.  34
    Book Review: Are We the 99%? The Occupy Movement, Feminism, and Intersectionality by Heather McKee Hurwitz. [REVIEW]Eileen M. Otis - 2021 - Gender and Society 35 (6):1003-1005.
  10.  11
    Religion and the Occupy Wall Street movement.Bryan S. Turner, John Torpey & Emily B. Campbell - 2015 - Critical Research on Religion 3 (2):127-147.
    The Occupy Wall Street movement of 2011 and its corollaries, Occupy Sandy and Occupy Debt, have been largely understood as secular movements. In spite of this, religious actors not only participated, but in some cases played an integral role within the movement, lending material support, organizing expertise, and public statements of support. We rely on interviews with faith leaders in New York and Oakland, and engage in an analysis of print and online media to explore (...)
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  11.  10
    Ideological dissonances among Chinese-language newspapers in Hong Kong: A corpus-based analysis of reports on the Occupy Central Movement.William Dezheng Feng - 2017 - Discourse and Communication 11 (6):549-566.
    The Occupy Central Movement was the biggest protest in Hong Kong in decades and caused an unprecedented division of opinion in society. Reports about the event in local Chinese media were remarkably different in stance and attitude. To understand the ideological dissonances and their linguistic construction, this article analyzes a corpus of 120 reports on the Occupy Central Movement from four major Chinese newspapers in Hong Kong, namely, Apple Daily, Ming Pao, Oriental Daily News and Ta (...)
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  12.  11
    Occupy Time: Technoculture, Immediacy, and Resistance After Occupy Wall Street.Jason Michael Adams - 2013 - Palgrave-Macmillan.
    1. Introduction: Kairopolitics: The Politics of Realtime -- 2. Thought-Time: Immediacy and Live Theory -- 3. Control-Time: Immediacy and Constant Capitalism -- 4. Conclusion: Defense-Time: Immediacy and Realtime Resistance.
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  13.  38
    The Occupied Toolbox.Andrew Oberg - 2013 - International Journal of Applied Philosophy 27 (1):15-25.
    In the present paper the issue of using violence in protests to garner political gain is considered against the background of the Occupy movement and the varied responses to it. Although some may now feel, and certainly many did while the movement was at its peak, that the Occupy protestors should alter their tactics and embrace violence as an efficacious means to sought ends, it is argued here that such a move would be counterproductive and delegitimizing. (...)
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  14.  11
    Occupy: In Theory and Practice.David Bates, Matthew Ogilvie & Emma Pole - 2016 - Critical Discourse Studies 13 (3):341-355.
    ABSTRACTThis paper situates the discourse of the Occupy movement within the context of radical political philosophy. Our analysis takes place on two levels. First, we conduct an empirical analysis of the ‘official’ publications of Occupy Wall Street and Occupy London. Operationalising core concepts from the framing perspective within social movement theory, we provide a descriptive-comparative analysis of the ‘collective action frames’ of OWS and OL. Second, we consider the extent to which radical political philosophy speaks (...)
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  15.  40
    Social Movements in Global Politics.David West - 2013 - Polity.
    In the face of impending global crises and stubborn conflicts, a conventional view of politics risks leaving us confused and fatalistic, feeling powerless because we are unaware of all that can be achieved by political means. By contrast, a variety of recent social movements, ranging from those of women, gays and lesbians and anti-racists, to environmentalists, the Occupy movement and the Arab Spring, demonstrate the enormous potential of political action beyond the institutional sphere of politics. At the same (...)
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  16. Occupy Liberalism!Charles W. Mills - 2012 - Radical Philosophy Review 15 (2):305-323.
    The “Occupy Wall Street!” movement has stimulated a long listing of other candidates for radical “occupation.” In this paper, I suggest the occupation of liberalism itself. I argue for a constructive engagement of radicals with liberalism in order to retrieve it for a radical egalitarian agenda. My premise is that the foundational values of liberalism have a radical potential that has not historically been realized, given the way the dominant varieties of liberalism have developed. Ten reasons standardly given (...)
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  17.  18
    Mapping the protest. Static, dynamic, and spatial qualities of Occupy and Indignados movements protests in Spain and the United States of America in 2011-2012.Emilia Jeziorowska - 2022 - Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Philosophica. Ethica-Aesthetica-Practica 41:51-63.
    This article examines the topic of protest mapping during the rise of Occupy Wall Street in the United States in 2011–2012. It focuses on various practices of protest mapping, including a con­sideration of how space (public, urban, or of the protest camp) is represented in the visual sources discussed. It also addresses the qualitative difference between protest mapping and other mapping practices, as well as the categorization of protest mapping terms. Using the method of source analysis and online research, (...)
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  18.  25
    Occupying Paulista: Housing activism, the new right and the politics of public space during the Brazilian crisis.Victor Albert - 2021 - Thesis Eleven 164 (1):37-53.
    Brazilian society has frequently been described as polarized during the country’s recent political and economic crisis. In 2018, a wave of opposition to the centre-left Workers’ Party culminated in the election of Jair Bolsonaro, a right-wing populist who portrays the political left as a malevolent force in Brazilian society. In this paper I explore this polarization through drawing on ethnographic research with the Homeless Workers’ Movement (Movimento de Trablhadores Sem-Teto, MTST), a large urban social movement that develops settlements (...)
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  19.  17
    Occupy Wall Street.Bjarke Skærlund Risager - 2016 - Slagmark - Tidsskrift for Idéhistorie 73:193-214.
    This article traces the various forms and roles of intellectuals and intellectualism in the Occupy Wall Street protest camp in Zuccotti Park in New York in 2011 while simultaneously serving as an introduction to the movement. It shows how the movement was formed by a range of intellectual ideas, both in terms of the political questions it posed and the tactics it employed. It also shows how Occupy affected the intellectual and political climate insofar as it (...)
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  20.  32
    Occupy Religion: Theology of the Multitude and Interreligious Dialogue.Joerg Rieger - 2014 - Buddhist-Christian Studies 34:167-172.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Occupy Religion:Theology of the Multitude and Interreligious DialogueJoerg RiegerOne of the big questions for the present is how to bring the different liberation movements together. The different liberation theologies, as is well known, have addressed various forms of oppression along the lines of gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, class, and other factors. What is it that brings us together without erasing our differences? This question has important implications for (...)
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  21. What does it mean to occupy?Tim Gilman & Matt Statler - 2012 - Continent 2 (1):36-39.
    Place mouse over image continent. 2.1 (2012): 36–39. From an ethical and political perspective, people and property can hardly be separated. Indeed, the modern political subject – that is, the individual, the person, the self, the autonomous actor, the rational self-interest maximizer, etc. – has taken shape in and through the elaboration, institutionalization, and enactment of that which rightfully belongs to it. This thread can be traced back perhaps most directly to Locke’s notion that the origin of the political state (...)
     
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  22.  27
    Occupy Wall Street as a Curriculum of Space.Sandra J. Schmidt & Chris Babits - 2014 - Journal of Social Studies Research 38 (2):79-89.
    Although Occupy Wall Street may no longer appear in news headlines, the international movement provides a rich curriculum on space and protest that are worthy of contemplation in social studies classrooms and research. This paper looks historically at how location and free speech became linked and informed one another during the 20th century in the US. It then looks critically at three sites of Occupy in the US that reflect the contested public representations of occupation. The investigation (...)
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  23.  62
    Occupy Consciousness: Reading the 1960s and Occupy Wall Street with Herbert Marcuse.Peter Marcuse - 2013 - Radical Philosophy Review 16 (2):481-489.
    Herbert Marcuse was concerned with many of the same issues that confront the Occupy Wall Street movement today. Change the militant “students” in the 1960s to the militant “occupiers” today, and his views on their philosophical bases and strategies for change remain similar. Militant protest is reacting to an aggressive, profit-driven system, reducing its subservient population to consumption-fixated one-dimensionality. The ideology-motivated militants cannot by themselves change things all at once, yet the ideological/psychological elements can lead the material bases (...)
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  24.  11
    The great refusal: Herbert Marcuse and contemporary social movements.Andrew T. Lamas (ed.) - 2017 - Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
    Herbert Marcuse examined the subjective and material conditions of radical social change and developed the "Great Refusal," a radical concept of "the protest against that which is." The editors and contributors to the exciting new volume The Great Refusal provide an analysis of contemporary social movements around the world with particular reference to Marcuse's revolutionary concept. The book also engages-and puts Marcuse in critical dialogue with-major theorists including Slavoj Žižek and Michel Foucault, among others. The chapters in this book analyze (...)
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  25.  17
    Movement and the Ordering of Freedom: On Liberal Governances of Mobility.Hagar Kotef - 2015 - Duke University Press.
    We live within political systems that increasingly seek to control movement, organized around both the desire and ability to determine who is permitted to enter what sorts of spaces, from gated communities to nation-states. In _Movement and the Ordering of Freedom_, Hagar Kotef examines the roles of mobility and immobility in the history of political thought and the structuring of political spaces. Ranging from the writings of Locke, Hobbes, and Mill to the sophisticated technologies of control that circumscribe the (...)
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  26.  12
    Advances in social movement theory since the global financial crisis.Raphael Schlembach & Eugene Nulman - 2018 - European Journal of Social Theory 21 (3):376-390.
    The social movement literature in Western Europe and North America has oriented much of its theoretical work towards micro-, meso-, and macro-level examinations of its subject of study but has rarely integrated these levels of analysis. This review article broadly documents the leading theoretical perspectives on social movements, while highlighting the contributions made in recent years with regard to the wave of protests across the globe – typified by the Occupy Movement and the ‘Arab Spring’ – and (...)
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  27.  52
    Understanding the Legitimacy of Movement.Tiffany E. Montoya - 2021 - Essays in Philosophy 22 (1):10-27.
    While Spain was conquering new lands in the Americas, foreigners arrived into their own—the Gitanos. Spain imposed a double-standard whereby their crossing into new, occupied, territory was legitimate, but the entry of others into Spanish territory was not. I compare and contrast these historically parallel movements of people using Deleuze and Guattari’s taxonomy of movement. I conclude that the double-standard of movement was due to differences of power between these two groups, understood in terms of material conditions, a (...)
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  28.  12
    Critical theory and contemporary social movements: Conceptualizing resistance in the neoliberal age.Charles Masquelier - 2013 - European Journal of Social Theory 16 (4):395-412.
    The advent of an unregulated and financial form of capitalism, combined with a sharp rise in income inequalities and economic insecurity since the 1970s, appears to pose, at first glance, a significant challenge for the relevance of the works of first-generation critical theorists, which are often confined to an historically specific ‘artistic’ critique of the bureaucratic stage of capitalist development. Through an analysis of the various concerns and demands expressed by members of the alter-globalization and Occupy movements, the article (...)
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  29.  9
    Strangers at the Gates: Movements and States in Contentious Politics.Sidney Tarrow - 2012 - Cambridge University Press.
    This book contains the products of work carried out over four decades of research in Italy, France and the United States, and in the intellectual territory between social movements, comparative politics, and historical sociology. Using a variety of methods ranging from statistical analysis to historical case studies to linguistic analysis, the book centers on historical catalogs of protest events and cycles of collective action. Sidney Tarrow places social movements in the broader arena of contentious politics, in relation to states, political (...)
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  30.  59
    Preface to “Occupy: Three Inquiries in Disobedience”.W. J. T. Mitchell - 2012 - Critical Inquiry 39 (1):1-7.
    If journalism is the first draft of history, these three essays might be described as a stab at a second draft. It is an attempt by three scholars from different disciplines, with sharply contrasting methodologies, to provide an account of the protest movements of 2011, from the Arab Spring to Occupy Wall Street. We deploy the perspectives of ethnography, political thought, and iconology in an effort to produce a multidimensional picture of this momentous year of revolutions, uprisings, mass demonstrations, (...)
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  31.  31
    (1 other version)Listening to students about the Umbrella Movement of Hong Kong.James Partaken - 2017 - Educational Philosophy and Theory:1-11.
    This article gives voice to student activists who participated in the 2014 Hong Kong pro-democracy Occupy movement, also known as the Umbrella Movement. It provides an alternative perspective from which to view those events. We want to examine how the activism impacted students’ understanding of their involvement and identity. We argue that it is necessary to interpret the experiences and voices of the leaders of the movement in light of other Asian student movements. We start by (...)
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  32.  32
    (1 other version)A chronology of Hong Kong’s umbrella movement: January 2013–December 2014.Carmen Tong - 2017 - Educational Philosophy and Theory:1-6.
    The Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong is a 79 days political protest and occupy campaigns in major areas in the city. This chronology lists the key events prior to and during the movement.
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  33.  16
    Resistance, Repression And Gender Politics In Occupied Palestine And Jordan.Frances S. Hasso - 2005 - Syracuse University Press.
    This book focuses on the central party apparatus of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the Democratic Front branches established in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Jordan in the 1970s, and the most influential and innovative of the DF women's organizations: the Palestinian Federation of Women's Action Committees in the occupied territories. Until now, no study of a Palestinian political organization has so thoroughly engaged with internal gender histories. In addition, no other work attempts to systematically compare branches (...)
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  34. From Indignation to Norms Against Violence in Occupy Geneva: A Case Study for the Problem of the Emergence of Norms.Frédéric Minner - 2015 - Social Science Information 54 (4):497-524.
    Why and how do norms emerge? Which norms emerge and why these ones in particular? Such questions belong to the ‘problem of the emergence of norms’, which consists of an inquiry into the production of norms in social collectives. I address this question through the ethnographic study of the emergence of ‘norms against violence’ in the political collective Occupy Geneva. I do this, first, empirically, with the analysis of my field observations; and, second, theoretically, by discussing my findings. In (...)
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  35.  15
    The Gezi Park Protests as a Pluralistic “Anti-Violent” Movement.seçkİn sertdemİr özdemİr - 2015 - The Pluralist 10 (3):247-260.
    a new era of public protest began in 1999 with the Seattle World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations, and continued through the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests and the 2013 Gezi Park insurrection in Istanbul. This new era of demonstrations differed from movements that had come before in the understanding of politics employed by the protesters, reconstructing popular imaginations about the future, bringing about a reconsideration of politics, its domain, and time itself. This article investigates the Occupy Gezi (...) that began in Gezi Park and led to the occupation of Istanbul’s Taksim Square. I examine the events through Hannah Arendt’s analysis of the Hungarian Revolution. Arendt’s five criteria for evaluating the status of the Hungarian Revolution as a “true event” help shed light on the politics of Occupy Gezi (Arendt, “Totalitarian Imperialism” 5). In spite of the two movements’ similarly unprecedented, spontaneous, non-ideological, and un-hierarchical characters, the Gezi Park protests differed from the Hungarian Revolution in important ways. This is particularly true of the reaction of the protesters to the violence to which they were exposed. In refusing to react in kind to the state’s violence, the Gezi Park protesters created a new public domain for confronting the state. It is possible to consider this movement to have been an anti-violent rather than a non- or counter-violent resistance. Important political conclusions follow from this distinction. (shrink)
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  36.  24
    The Rhythms of Resistance: Dewey, Deleuze, and the Experience of Occupy Wall Street.Jason Kosnoski - 2019 - Contemporary Pragmatism 16 (2-3):168-200.
    This paper will explore how John Dewey’s and Gilles Deleuze’s mutual emphasis upon affect and rhythm can illuminate under-appreciated political consequences of Occupy Wall Street. It suggests what I call the sensed “rhythms of resistance” that are produced when activists move through the micro-geography of the encampment and play an important role in the collective becoming and critical dereification many highlight as resulting from their participation in the movement. My argument not only complexifies contemporary interpretations of these two (...)
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  37.  59
    The Gezi Park Protests as a Pluralistic "Anti-Violent" Movement.özdem İr - 2015 - The Pluralist 10 (3):247-260.
    a new era of public protest began in 1999 with the Seattle World Trade Organization demonstrations, and continued through the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests and the 2013 Gezi Park insurrection in Istanbul. This new era of demonstrations differed from movements that had come before in the understanding of politics employed by the protesters, reconstructing popular imaginations about the future, bringing about a reconsideration of politics, its domain, and time itself.This article investigates the Occupy Gezi movement that (...)
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  38. Democracy and the Square: Recognizing the Democratic Value of the Recent Public Sphere Movements.Fuat Gursozlu - 2015 - Essays in Philosophy 16 (1):26-42.
    The paper considers the democratic value of the recent public sphere movements—from Occupy Wall Street to Taksim Gezi Park, from Tahrir Square to Sofia. It argues that the mainstream models of democracy fail to grasp the significance of these movements and the emergent political forms within these movements due to their narrow account of politics and democracy. To fully grasp the democratic value of recent public sphere movements, we should approach them from an agonistic perspective. Once democratic politics is (...)
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  39.  39
    Culturology Is Not a Science, But an Intellectual Movement.E. A. Orlova - 2003 - Russian Studies in Philosophy 41 (4):75-78.
    I would like to stress Vadim Mikhailovich's [Mezhuev's] position and clarify our conversation about culturology. It is constantly repeated that culturology is a science. It is my profound conviction that culturology is not a science. Culturology is a distinctive phenomenon of Russian culture and represents a certain intellectual movement. If one briefly surveys the history of its emergence, its philosophical origin becomes obvious. This intellectual movement consists of three levels, if one takes into account the "-logy" ending. First, (...)
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  40.  68
    Habermas and the mutations of the public sphere.Douglas Kellner - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (1):10-27.
    In this article, I argue that concern with the public sphere and the necessary conditions for a genuine democracy can be seen as a central theme of Jurgen Habermas's work that deserves respect and critical scrutiny in the contemporary moment, when throughout the world liberal democracies are in crisis. My study intends to point to the continuing importance of Habermas' problematic of the public sphere and its relevance for debates over democratic politics and social and cultural life in the present (...)
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  41.  16
    Introduction: Toward a New Genealogy of the Phenomenological Movement.Íngrid Vendrell Ferran - 2023 - In Else Voigtländer: Self, Emotion, and Sociality. Springer, Women in the History of Philosophy and Sciences. pp. 1-21.
    This introduction offers an overview of Else Voigtländer´s (1882-1946) life and thought and places her work within the early phenomenological tradition. It is argued that she should be regarded as a fully-fledged member of the Munich Circle. Voigtländer developed central concepts and themes that occupied other phenomenologists of that time and, though working outside the academy, with her writing she helped to forge a particular view of self-consciousness, affectivity, and the social self. the perception and reception of her philosophical work (...)
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  42. The City as the (Anti)Structure: Fearscapes, social movement, and protest square.Asma Mehan - 2020 - Lo Squaderno 1 (57):53-56.
    The fear of the other is the main focus of this paper, which analyse Tehran protest squares as inside-out spaces where the state attempts to maintain some form of control, and where the public attempts to occupy it. The fear of ‘others’ can lead to exclusion from the public space of those who are seen as threatening. This process of ‘otherness’ renders fear as an arena of conflict and highlights the political utility of fear by particular groups and individuals.
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  43. Cultures of Violence: Visual Arts and Political Violence.Ruth Kinna & Gillian Whiteley (eds.) - 2020 - London: Routledge.
    This book chapter applies ‘The Decline and Fall of the Spectacle-Commodity Economy’ – the Situationist account of the Watts Rebellion (Los Angeles, 1965) – to the August riots (England, 2011) and the global Occupy movement that followed. It draws two conclusions: that both May ‘68 and Occupy were formed by the political violence that preceded them; and that, although the Situationist essay makes problematic claims about race, its assessment of the Spectacle-Commodity Economy remains valuable. In fact, if (...)
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  44.  39
    Hilde Lindemann’s Counterstories: A Framework for Understanding the #MeToo Social Resistance Movement on Twitter.Henk Jasper van Gils-Schmidt - 2021 - Phenomenology and Mind 20:88-99.
    This paper proposes a framework for understanding and analysing online social resistance movements based on Hilde Lindemann’s concept of counterstories (Damaged Identities, Narrative Repair, 2003). This framework is based on the premise that we shape our identities in shared social spaces, and that such shared spaces are structured according to so-called ‘master narratives’. Master narratives define the ‘realm of possible identities’ that we can assume, and form the basis for either recognizing or denying recognition to various social groups in specific (...)
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  45.  43
    (1 other version)Out of thousands and thousands of thoughts: Wandering the streets of the Hong Kong umbrella movement.Katrien Jacobs - 2017 - Educational Philosophy and Theory:1-9.
    This essay discusses methods of pedagogy and educational philosophy stirred up by the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement/Occupy-Hong Kong Movement at the end of 2014. It situates these events as a way to envision a new type of public university. To this end, the essay proposes a model of ‘wandering scholarship,’ in which educators and activists walk through urban environments and use dialogic esthetics to reclaim them as ‘Commons.’ Wandering means a multisensory exploration and learning based on the (...)
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  46.  47
    Emerging ‘spatialities of discontent’ in Modern Tehran.Asma Mehan - 2020 - Iranian Cities. An Emerging Urban Agenda at a Time of Drastic Alterations.
    La recente esperienza dei movimenti “Occupy” e di altre proteste di strada evidenzia la domanda globale per una democrazia partecipativa che riconosca il conflitto sociale. L’emergere di un urbanismo insorgente a Tehran si è realizzato anche attraverso associazioni semantiche che dipendono dalla memoria storica presente nell’immaginazione collettiva. Durante la Rivoluzione Islamica del 1978-79, luoghi di Tehran quali Enqelab Street e Azadi Square hanno fornito le principali dimensioni spaziali della protesta rendendo possibile una sua appropriazione basata su nuove interpretazioni ideologiche. (...)
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  47. The Frankfurt School and the Social Conceptions of the Contemporary Petty-Bourgeois Left-Radical Movement.B. N. Bessonov - 1986 - Russian Studies in Philosophy 24 (4):3-46.
    The ideas and conceptions of the Frankfurt philosophical-sociological school, above all the "critical theory of society," the principles of "negative dialectics" and the "great refusal," the utopia of "pacified existence," occupy an important place in the contemporary ideological struggle between the world systems of socialism and capitalism, and comprise a significant ideological and theoretical arsenal of bourgeois ideology and revisionism. And this is not accidental. The "critical theory of society" formulated and argued for by T. Adorno, M. Horkheimer, H. (...)
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  48. Political theory in the square: Protest, representation and subjectification.Marina Prentoulis & Lasse Thomassen - 2013 - Contemporary Political Theory 12 (3):166-184.
    What, if anything, do the ‘square’ protests and ‘occupy’ movements of 2011 bring to contemporary democratic theory? And how can we, as political theorists, analyse their discourse and do justice to it? We address these questions through an analysis of the Greek and Spanish protest movements of the spring and summer of 2011, the so-called aganaktismenoi and indignados. We trace the centrality of the critique of representation and politics as usual as well as the ideas about horizontality and autonomy (...)
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  49.  19
    Singers, Cynics, Molecular Mice: The Political Aesthetics of Contemporary Activism.Gerald Raunig - 2014 - Theory, Culture and Society 31 (7-8):67-80.
    On the basis of certain tensions between Jacques Rancière’s aesthetics and his political philosophy, the article tries to trace new modes of subjectivation in contemporary activism and art. It explores how the actors of the overlapping terrains of aesthetic and political practices organize ‘different forms, different spaces of expression and distribution of ideas’ in Rancière’s sense. Yet, analysing the practices of the Occupy movement, the Spanish M15 movement, and the dOCUMENTA (13) ‘agents’ AND AND AND as radically (...)
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  50. The arc of civil liberation.Jeffrey C. Alexander - 2013 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 39 (4-5):341-347.
    Despite anxieties about the growing power of neo-liberalism, the crisis of the EU and the upsurge of right-wing political movements, it is important to recognize that utopian movements on the left have also in recent years been symbolically revitalized and organizationally sustained. This article analyses three recent social upheavals as utopian civil society movements, placing the 2008 US presidential campaign of Barack Obama, the Egyptian uprising in Tahrir Square and the Occupy Movement in the USA inside the narrative (...)
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