tome 1. Mémoires ; Traité de la cause et des phénomènes de l'électricité ; Lettre à M. Nollet sur l'électricité ; avec l'Histoire d'Alexandre le Grand.

Nicolas de Condorcet (1743-1794), the innovating founder of mathematical thinking in politics, was the last great philosophe of the French Enlightenment and a central figure in the early years of the French Revolution. His political writings give a compelling vision of human progress across world history and express the hopes of that time in the future perfectibility of man. This volume contains a revised translation of 'The Sketch', written while in hiding from the Jacobin Terror, together with lesser-known writings (...) on the emancipation of women, the abolition of slavery, the meanings of freedom and despotism and reflections on revolutionary violence. The introduction by Steven Lukes and Nadia Urbinati sets these works in context and shows why Condorcet is of real interest today as we reinterpret the meaning of Enlightenment, the very idea of progress and the founding ideas of social democracy. (shrink)

v. 1. Cinq mémoires sur l'instruction publique -- v. 2. Rapport sur l'instruction publique.

De revolución hemos derivado revolucionario; y esta palabra, con carácter general, se refiere a todo lo atinente a una revolución. Pero el término fue creado específicamente para aplicarse a la nuestra, para la revolución que ha transformado en pocos años a uno de los países en los que el despotismo prevalecía desde más antiguo, en la única república donde la libertad ha tenido alguna vez por base una total igualdad de derechos. Así, la palabra revolucionario se aplica solo a las (...) revoluciones que tienen por objeto la libertad. (shrink)

Cuando comparamos la Revolución de Inglaterra de 1688 con la Revolución Francesa de 1792, encontramos semejanzas en lo que concierne a las causas de ambas, y a los principios que las dirigían. Tales semejanzas, pese a la diferencia de tiempos, de circunstancias y de luces, muestran que la causa del pueblo francés es la de la nación inglesa, y también la de todos los pueblos libres o que han concebido la esperanza de llegar a serlo.

Nicolas-Antoine Boulanger, ingénieur, homme de lettres et philosophe français, fut admiré ou redouté par plusieurs de ses contemporains les plus illustres. Il a également fourni des articles de droit à l'Encyclopédie de Diderot et D'Alembert. Le présent ouvrage constitue la première étude d'ensemble de cet écrivain.

Publie en 1683 comme un preambule a la refutation du Traite de la nature et de la grace de Nicolas Malebranche, l'ouvrage Vraies et fausses idees d'Antoine Arnauld (1612-1694) a connu un etonnant destin. Cette defense tres argumentee de la conception cartesienne des idees est peu a peu devenue un texte incontournable dans les debats de philosophie de la connaissance, cite et commente aussi bien par les auteurs classiques que dans les debats anglosaxons contemporains. Ce volume en propose (...) la premiere edition critique annotee en francais. Des annexes apportent en outre quelques outils pour se reperer dans l'important corpus de textes de philosophie de la connaissance rediges par Arnauld. (shrink)

We discuss models that attempt to provide an explanation for the violation of Bell inequalities at a distance in terms of hidden influences. These models reproduce the quantum correlations in most situations, but are restricted to produce local correlations in some configurations. The argument presented in (Bancal et al. Nat Phys 8:867, 2012) applies to all of these models, which can thus be proved to allow for faster-than-light communication. In other words, the signalling character of these models cannot remain hidden.

This is a translation of Des Vraies et des Fausses Idees by Antoine Arnauld, in which Arnauld demolishes Malebranche's version of idealism. It allows the reader with only minimal French (or Latin) the ability to recognize Arnauld's technical terms.

This edited volume features 20 essays written by leading scholars that provide a detailed examination of L’Homme by René Descartes. It explores the way in which this work developed themes not just on questions such as the circulation of the blood, but also on central questions of perception and our knowledge of the world. Coverage first offers a critical discussion on the different versions of L'Homme, including the Latin, French, and English translations and the 1664 editions. Next, the authors examine (...) the early reception of the work, from the connection of L'Homme to early-modern Dutch Cartesianism to Nicolas Steno's criticism of the work and how Descartes' clock analogy is used to defend two different conceptions of the articulation between anatomical observations and functional hypotheses. The book then goes on to explore L'Homme and early-modern anthropology as well as the how the work has been understood and incorporated into the works of scientists, physicians, and philosophers over the last 150 years. Overall, readers will discover how the trend over the last few decades to understand human cognition in neuro-physiological terms can be seen to be not something unprecedented, but rather a revival of a way of dealing with these fundamental questions that was pioneered by Descartes. (shrink)

De 1683 a 1694, Antoine Arnauld et Nicolas Malebranche, anciens amis et pretres que leur interet pour Descartes, leur reverence pour Augustin et leur commune inquietude face au libertinage semblaient pourtant destiner a s'entendre, polemiquerent violemment. En insistant sur l'aspect philosophique de ces debats, cet ouvrage propose la premiere interpretation d'ensemble de cette celebre confrontation. Y a-t-il de serieuses raisons philosophiques au desaccord entre Arnauld et Malebranche? Leur determination permet-elle d'eclairer certains aspects du malebranchisme? Existe-t-il une philosophie d' (...) class='Hi'>Antoine Arnauld et peut-on en preciser les contenus? Ces trois questions centrales conduisent au point de fuite de ce travail: l'impuissance theologique du cartesianisme est-elle congenitale, ou bien peut-on tirer des dividendes theologiques de la philosophie cartesienne sans en faire jouer les structures et en modifier les concepts fondamentaux? (shrink)

L’ouvrage de Denis Moreau est passionnant et nous tient en haleine du commencement à la fin. Il sera très bien accueilli par le nombre croissant de spécialistes d’Arnauld, par les dix-septiémistes en général, ainsi que par les historiens de la pensée.

This is a welcome book, for it challenges intelligently the conventional view that Proust's novel is strictly a narrative of metaphor and memory. Nicola Luckhurst's project here is to demonstrate that, with its profoundly legislative impulses and knowledge‐seeking, theory‐laden tone, A la recherche du temps perdu is as much about hypothesis, experiment, and scientific law making as about nostalgia and reminiscence.The entry point for Luckhurst's discussion is a perceptive chapter on Proust's maxims, those abundant sententiae that on the one hand (...) link him to the moralistic tradition of La Bruyère and La Rochefoucauld and on the other demonstrate his need to generate laws that explain behavior and experience. She offers chapters on the novelist's use of hypothesis, modeling, and retroduction; the last notion is especially revelatory in a Proustian context. Borrowing from Aristotle, the philosopher Charles Sanders Pierce coined the term “retroduction” to describe a type of inference that contains within itself the nascent theory, the hypothesis, and the data being examined. Later Norwood Hanson spoke of the simultaneous “dawning of an aspect and a dawning of an explanation [that] both suggest what to look for next” . Applied to A la recherche, retroduction aptly describes the main structure of cognition in Proust: intuitions about a singulative event and hypotheses about that event's relationship to a broader law or theory are always co‐present, with Proust's narrator representing both the datum being examined and the voice speculating on the resulting science.Chapters 5, 6, and 7 focus in large part on the narrative's fascination with male and female homosexuality and assess the models and theories applied to each. The botanical analogy for male homosexuality has of course been widely discussed. But with the help of Antoine Compagnon's notes to Sodome et Gomorrhe , Luckhurst provides a convincing account of the impact made on Proust by the reading of Darwin, Maurice Maeterlinck's L'intelligence des fleurs, various essays by Jules Michelet, the zoologist/embryologist Elie Metchnikoff's Etudes sur la nature humaine: Essai de philosophie optimiste, and Remy de Gourmont's Physique de l'amour. However, as she notes, lesbianism in Proust's novel is an epistemological dead end. No model can account for it, and Proust's narrative, in Albertine disparue, becomes bogged down and “embalmed.” Here, Luckhurst's own narrative loses momentum because of the space it devotes to this nonsignificance.But the central, and persuasive, argument of this study concerns the converging attempts within the scientific and literary communities of the early twentieth century to narrate and conceptualize creativity. The tendency in literature toward what David S. Luft has called “essayism”—so clear cut in Proust—affected a generation of writers convinced that theory and story must converge, that “the tasks of philosophy, literature and cultural criticism” had come together . In parallel, within the scientific community, intuition, analogy, and a kind of aesthetic sense were becoming acknowledged methodological tools, especially in the work of the French mathematician Henri Poincaré, whose speculations on the role of the unconscious in cognition closely parallel those of Proust . Luckhurst's study demonstrates above all that underlying Proust's adamant distinctions between the particular and the general, between the intuitive/instinctive and the intellectual, is a deep esteem for science and an attraction to its laws. Metaphor itself, the Proustian cognitive device par excellence, must in his own words be exact enough to create a relationship “analogous in the artistic world to the unique relationship of the law of causality in the scientific world.” It is the empowerment offered Proust by scientific truth that this study brings so nicely into focus. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:L'autorité d'un canon philosophique. Le cas Descartes by Delphine Antoine-MahutFred AblondiDelphine Antoine-Mahut. L'autorité d'un canon philosophique. Le cas Descartes. Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 2021. Pp. 356. Paperback, €13.00.Henri Gouhier once asked, "Après le mort de Descartes, qu'est-ce que le cartésianisme?" to which he replied, "C'est la philosophie de Descartes vue par ses disciples" (La vocation de Malebranche [Paris: J. Vrin, 1926], 80). In L'autorité d'un (...) canon philosophique, Delphine Antoine-Mahut asks a similar question about who controls in just what a philosophical '-ism' consists, and she offers a nuanced and thoughtful answer. While "l'auctorialité du nom en question" is one part, she adds that we must also consider "l'auctorialité de celui ou de celle qui raconte cette histoire, dans un contexte et avec des enjeux très différent de ceux de l'individu d'origine auquel cette histoire est attachée" (10–11). The end result is that "un canon philosophique n'a rien de philosophiquement pur" (12). With this larger question in mind, she documents, as something of a case study, the genesis and development of the "impure" canon cartésien.The battle for authority over the content of canonical Cartesianism starts with the story of Descartes and his one-time devoted pupil and later disavowed outcast, Henricus Regius. Their relationship began in 1638, when Regius, a professor of theoretical medicine and botany at the University of Utrecht, wrote a letter of appreciation to Descartes. Over the next few years, Descartes offered both corrections to Regius's written work and advice on how best to handle the controversies that arose as a result of those writings. In 1645, however, Regius published his Fundamenta physices, in which he claimed that reason alone is not sufficient to prove either the existence of God or the real distinction between the human mind and body. In fact, he went on to speculate that the human mind is merely a mode of the body. [End Page 322] He also denied that we possess innate ideas, and the existence in us of a pure intellect. At the bottom of Regius's break with Descartes was his belief that Cartesian metaphysics is not needed to ground Cartesian physics. For Regius, consistency with empirical findings and simplicity are all that is required.At this point, as Antoine-Mahut puts it, "le sillon est creusé" (41). Descartes responded angrily, both in private letters and in his preface to the 1647 French edition of his Principles of Philosophy. He accused Regius of plagiarizing from his unpublished work and of confusing his views. Following the appearance of a broadsheet summarizing Regius's disagreements with Descartes (written by Regius's student, Peter Wassenaer), Descartes wrote Notae in programma quoddam, in which he reiterated his arguments for both God's existence and the real distinction. Regius and Wassenaer replied with their Brevis explicatio mentis humanae (1648). All of this is laid out clearly and in detail by Antoine-Mahut in part 1 of her book.Part 2 picks up with Descartes's literary executor Claude Clerselier and his campaign to disassociate Regius from what he believed to be "true" Cartesianism. In the preface to the publication of the first volume of Descartes's letters (1657), Clerselier revived the charge of plagiarism against Regius, who responded by publishing a second edition of the Brevis explicatio. This included a preface that attacked Clerselier for publishing Regius's private correspondence without his permission—in fact, because Regius had not made Descartes's letters to him available, Clerselier had had to reconstruct them from Descartes's notes— and claimed it was Descartes who plagiarized Regius. In Antoine-Mahut's narrative of these events, this "disassociation" was followed by a "combining" (her terms) of Cartesian thought with empiricist natural philosophy in the work of Louis de la Forge, for whom "le cartésianisme se spécifie comme une psychologie empiriste dans laquelle l'activité de l'âme joue un rôle essentiel" (175). There was then a subsequent "incorporating" (again borrowing Antoine-Mahut's terminology) by Nicolas Malebranche, who, she says, "occupe une place... (shrink)

The present article deals with the not very common opinion among medieval philosophers according to which the identity principle is the true first principle, undermining the primacy of the principle of non-contradiction. Following a refutation of this position in the logical work of the Franciscan Geraldus Odonis, we intend to investigate its target as well as other cases of the same dispute in 14th century authors: Antoine Andre, John of Buridan, John of Baconthorpe and Nicolas of Autrecourt. We (...) defend that Odonis presents a successful response to this position. (shrink)

One of the longest and most acrimonious polemics in the history of philosophy is between Antoine Arnauld and Nicolas Malebranche. Their central disagreements are over the nature of ideas, theodicy, and, the topic of this paper, grace. We offer the most in-depth English language treatment of their discussion of grace to date. Our focus is one particular aspect of the polemic: the power of finite agents to assent to grace. We defend two theses. First, we show that as (...) the debate progresses, the differences between Arnauld and Malebranche become, surprisingly, less pronounced—despite mutual accusations of Pelagianism and Calvinism. Our second thesis is developed to explain the outcome of the first. We argue that the employment of different methodologies to interrogate the relationship between efficacious grace and human power prohibits any possibility of reconciliation between Arnauld and Malebranche. (shrink)

Este artigo recorda os principais aspectos e motivações da Expedição Langsdorff, missão de reconhecimento do interior do Brasil iniciada em 1821, composta pelo cônsul russo barão Langsdorff, o pintor alemão Moritz Rugendas, Aimé-Adrien Taunay, Nicolas-Antoine Taunay, o polígrafo Hercules Florence e o especialista em mapas Néster G. Rubtsov. Busca diferenças entre esta expedição e iniciativas outras, a título de exemplo, as dos bandeirantes e jesuítas, bem como a expedição indigenista de Rondon, e propõe o aprofundamento das investiga­ções. Apresenta (...) atributos resgatados pela poesia brasileira contemporânea e elementos cons­titutivos da identidade cultural brasileira presentes na Expedição Langsdorff, os quais os auto­res sugerem ser relevantes para pesquisadores do tema e para a inserção do Brasil no contexto internacional político, diplomático e econômico nos tempos hodiernos. (shrink)

This chapter compares rationalist theories of sense perception to previously held theories of perception (especially of vision) and examines rationalist accounts of sensory qualities and sensory representation, of the role of the sense-based passions in guiding behavior, of the epistemological benefits and dangers of sense perception, and of mind–body relations. Each section begins with Descartes, the first major rationalist of the seventeenth century. The other major rationalists, Malebranche, Spinoza, and Leibniz, and also lesser known figures such as Pierre Regis, Jacques (...) Rohault, and Antoine Le Grand, were well acquainted with Descartes' work. Indeed, the first three were each deeply influenced by Descartes in their early years before developing their own philosophical systems, and the latter three were all advocates of Descartes' philosophy (perhaps with slight revision). Each of the major rationalists, while sharing some positions in common, developed a distinctive metaphysics of perception and of the mind–body relation. Earlier sections chart these differences and a final section sums up common features and touches on the continuing significance of their views. (shrink)

Malebranche argues that ideas are representative beings existing in God. He defends this thesis by an inference to the best explanation of human perception. It is well known that Malebranche’s theory of vision in God was forcefully rejected by philosophers such as Arnauld, Locke, and Berkeley. However, the notion that ideas exist in God was not the only controversial aspect of Malebranche’s approach. Another controversy centered around Malebranche’s view that ideas are to be understood as posits in an explanatory theory. (...) Opponents of this approach, including Arnauld and Locke, held that our talk about ideas was not explanatory but instead merely descriptive: we use the word ‘idea’ to describe phenomena that we observe by reflecting on our own minds. This controversy has not received much attention from scholars, but in the present paper I will show that it was an explicit and important subject of concern for Malebranche, Arnauld, Locke, and Berkeley and that attention to this controversy can illuminate several aspects of these philosophers’ work. (shrink)

O texto situa em seu contexto as Conferências Públicas e apresenta o seu papel no projeto de Instrução Pública e Organização do Ensino, proposto por Jean Antoine Nicolas de Caritat, marquês de Condorcet , que deu origem ao decreto sobre Instrução Pública aprovado na Assembléia Nacional da França Revolucionária em 1792. Ao final, caberá uma breve comparação entre os objetivos das Conferências Públicas dispostos por Condorcet com o recente programa Escola da Família, do governo do Estado de São (...) Paulo, para evidenciar o contraste entre duas políticas liberais para a educação. The essay places in context the Public conferences and presented his paper on the design of Public Instruction and Education Organization, proposed by Jean Antoine Nicolas de Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet , which led to the decree on Public Instruction approved National Assembly of Revolutionary France in 1792. In the end, it will be a brief comparison between the objectives of Public Conferences arranged by Condorcet at the recent Family School program, the state government of St. Paul, to highlight the contrast between two liberal policies for education. (shrink)

Based on anthropological fieldwork on the revival of hallucinogen research as well as on the epistemic culture of neurophilosophy, this Common Knowledge guest column examines two very different philosophical engagements with psychedelic drugs. In Thomas Metzinger's evidence-based philosophy of mind, hallucinogens help to operationalize questions about the nature of consciousness. While this project contributes to the great divide between empirically enlightened moderns and tradition-oriented premoderns, Metzinger's neurophilosophical reanimation of the ancient conception of philosophy as cultura animi can build a bridge (...) to Aldous Huxley's perennial philosophy, which has informed the psychedelic intelligentsia like no other body of thought. In the sixteenth century, the philosophia perennis grew out of a decidedly nonmodern philosophy of religion that sought to suture the historical and cultural cracks that would come to define modernity. This essay argues that neurophilosophy and ethnographic studies of consciousness cultures could function as critical correctives in a contemporary rearticulation of perennial philosophy. (shrink)

Il est assez commun de se représenter le bûcheron comme un être plutôt fruste, qualifié avant tout par sa force au service d’une tâche peu valorisée. Or cette représentation se révèle tronquée, car l’équation qui associe la force à l’outil ne peut se réaliser sans le contrôle du geste. Plus encore, l’écoute des témoignages recueillis auprès des forestiers nous apprend que ce travail réclame d’efficaces systèmes de précision. C’est là une qualification oubliée, pourtant reconnue à part entière dès l’Iliade, qui (...) nous en donne deux témoins privilégiés par l’anthropologie historique de la Grèce, la mètis, l’« intelligence rusée », prêtée au kybérnêtês, le pilote du navire, au conducteur de char et, en bonne première place, au bûcheron. La théorie du contrôle nous permet maintenant de dépasser le flou conceptuel de la notion historiquement pré-théorique de mètis, la ruse s’appliquant à des cas bien trop divers, pour lui préférer les développements les plus récents d’une science du contrôle de l’action, théorisée depuis Wiener, nourrissant aujourd’hui les projets les mieux financés de cyber-cerveaux informatiques, au service des neurosciences et de la médecine. Le travail forestier, qui réclame une coordination maîtrisée des gestes, y compris de leurs commandes vocales dans le chant de travail — qu’un seul ou plusieurs bûcherons en équipe soient mobilisés —, nous en fournit une parfaite illustration. The woodcutter is commonly represented as a fairly boorish person, reduced to brute force and low-level tasks. But this representation is partial because a simplistic inferential link between an axe and strength obliterates that nothing can happen without any modus operandi, i.e. a set of neural controls over gestures. Indeed, listening to woodcutter’s testimonies led us to elicit that this work needs efficient precision systems. This high level of qualification was acknowledged at least since Homer’s Iliad as evidenced by two favourite telltales from historical anthropology of Ancient Greece: mètis ascribed to kybérnêtês, the ship’s pilot as to the chariot-driver and in the first rank to the woodcutter. Control theory allows now to avoid the fuzziness of meaning of the pre-theoretical notion of mètis to focus on a domain steadily developed since Wiener, now part of costly cyber-brain projects in informatics, for neuroscience and medicine. Forest work, which requires skilled gesture coordination, with vocal commands in a worksong—for one or more woodcutters being engaged in the task—is such a telling case. (shrink)

Analyse: Le penseur chinois Wang Chong (27-97?) fut souvent considéré comme un auteur hétérodoxe, voire anti-confucianiste, tant en Chine ancienne qu'au XXe siècle.