In this essay I share some of the lessons I have learned over the last 25 years studying how the vascular endothelium via nitric oxide contributes to the regulation of the cardiovascular system in humans. My motivation for this effort is that in an era of molecular reductionism in biomedical research I believe that the lessons from the vascular endothelium and NO are instructive in a larger sense. These discoveries might also be among the "last" big biomedical discoveries made by (...) traditional physiology and pharmacology using primarily organ baths, pharmacological blockers, and in... (shrink)

During the course of two campagns in May and November 2000, a large scale geophysical sur- vey combining resistivity and magnetometry studies was carried out over an area of about 5.5 hectares in the southwest corner of the urban area at Philippi. The results achieved the initial goal, which was to identify the limits of the block with the Bath House prior to a resumption of its excavation. They also extended our knowledge of the urban layout of the ancient (...) town and its double orientation and identified the existence and indeed the plans — if not always the fonctions — of several important monuments. Part of the results could be confirmed by observations of the remains visible on the surface, and in particular from a study of the aerial photographs. (shrink)

"Why did Archimedes jump from his bath and run naked through the streets shouting 'Eureka!'? What is a quantum and where does it leap? Do you know your id from your ego? Does God play dice? his books answers all those questions and more, taking the revolutionary and perplexing ideas of Western thought and extracting their essence. From Greek philosophy to contemporary economics, physics and architecture, A Little Knowledge covers some of the most often heard but least understood theories (...) and explains them simply and entertainingly, including: Existentialism The Oedipus Complex Original Sin 'I think, therefore I am' Fuzzy Logic The Big Bang 'Religion is the Opium of the People'. (shrink)

It's taken yoga several thousand years to make the journey from a handful of monasteries dotting the Himalayas to the yoga studios popping up everywhere. Whether bathing with holy men in the Ganges or joining the chorus of a thousand voices chanting 'om,' photographer Michael O'Neill decided to devote himself to experience and record the world of yoga at this critical juncture in its history. The result is a powerful photographic tribute to the age-old discipline turned global phenomenon, with (...) over 250 million practitioners united in physical, spiritual, and mindful practice worldwide. (shrink)

Consider the following situation. It is the first day of school, and the new third-grade students file into the classroom to be shown to their seats for the coming year. As they enter, the third-grade teacher notices one small boy who is particularly unkempt. He looks to be in desperate need of bathing, and his clothes are dirty, torn and tight-fitting. During recess, the teacher pulls aside the boy's previous teacher and asks about his wretched condition. The other teacher informs (...) her that he always looks that way, even though the boy's family is quite wealthy. The reason he appears as he does, she continues, is that the family observes an odd practice according to which the children do not receive many important things – food, clothing, bathing, even shelter – unless they specifically request them. Since the boy, like many third-graders, has little interest in bathing and clean clothes, he just never asks for them. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Before Science: The Invention of the Friars’ Natural Philosophy by Roger French, Andrew CunninghamIrven M. ResnickRoger French and Andrew Cunningham. Before Science: The Invention of the Friars’ Natural Philosophy. Hants, UK: Scolar Press, 1996. Pp. x + 298. Cloth, $68.95.This is a peculiar book that depicts thirteenth-century natural philosophy as wholly dependent on the theological interests of the mendicant orders. For the Friars, “Natural philosophy was a study (...) in which the central concerns were the detection, admiration and appreciation of God’s existence, goodness, providence, munificence, forethought and provision for His creation” (4). Although conceived as “a positive contribution to the discipline of the history of science” (3), the work begins and ends with the claim that medieval natural philosophers were not engaged in science.One difficulty is that the authors never make clear what they mean by science, although they evidently understand that it entails a repudiation of metaphysics and a doctrine of nature’s radical autonomy. Consequently, for French and Cunningham medieval “science” is a mythic construct of modern historians, since “[t]here was no scientific tradition (in the modern sense of the term ‘scientific’) of looking at nature in the thirteenth century, only a religio-political way of doing so” (273).Thus, when summarizing the accomplishments of Roger Bacon, they note that “[Bacon] has been credited, along with Grosseteste, with creating early ‘experimental science’. Bacon could not of course have been a ‘scientist’ because he lived in the wrong [End Page 623] age for this” (238). This seemingly casual conclusion is rather stunning not only in its own right, but also as a revelation of the authors’ own effort to disenfranchise medieval ‘scientists’ for having had the misfortune of living too soon.French and Cunningham propose that polemical or apologetical interests urged the Friars to study nature as a response to various heretics and especially the Cathars who, seemingly like moderns, sought to disengage the natural world from the Christian God, while using the vocabulary of Aristotle’s libri naturales. However this central argument demands better support. Since the authors can cite only one surviving Cathar text—De duobus principiis (ca. 1230)—almost everything known of this group is derived from anti-Cathar polemics. Based on this single text the authors can say no more than that it used “what looks very much like a commentary on Aristotle’s Physics or Metaphysics,” (134) but fail to identify more precisely its sources. It is clear that thirteenth-century orthodox polemics increasingly relied on Aristotelian materials, but the conclusion that natural philosophers did so only in response to heretics who beat them to the Aristotelian punch seems tendentious. The historian will likely remain unconvinced that the unparalleled translating activity of the late eleventh and twelfth centuries—the rendering into Latin of Arabic scientific knowledge (as in Constantine the African’s Pantegni or Adelard of Bath’s Quaestiones naturales), Greek medical literature (e.g. Galen’s Methodus medendi translated by Gerard of Cremona and Burgundio of Pisa) and mathematics (e.g. Euclid’s Optics, Theodosius’s Spherics, Archimedes’ On the Quadrature of the Circle, and Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos and Almagest) culminating with thirteenth-century translations of Aristotle’s biological works—should all have stemmed from a preoccupation with heresy.A further shortcoming of this book is the limited attention given to works on natural philosophy by the Friars themselves. The book’s first seven of eleven chapters explore the educational establishments in which natural philosophy arose: first monastic and cathedral schools, and then the universities. The works of individual Friars receive only the briefest summary. Among the Dominican natural philosophers Albertus Magnus—the patron saint of scientists and one of a very few scholastics to have commented on all of Aristotle’s biological works—is awarded only five pages. For his mastery of Aristotle’s libri naturales Albertus has been called “the dominant figure in Latin learning and natural science of the thirteenth century.” (Cf. Lynn Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science [New York: Macmillan, 1929], 2:521) Albertus described not only the natural world but also explored the philosophical foundations for scientific knowledge. Yet curiously French and Cunningham give much more attention... (shrink)

Michael Kohlhase and Mandy Simons. Interpreting Negatives in Discourse.

Defenders of Motivational judgment internalism (MJI) argue that in one sense or another, our moral judgments necessarily motivate us to some extent. One of the most prominent defenders is Michael Smith, who in his highly influential book The Moral Problem defends a form of moral rationalism, which is the view that moral reasoning is based on practical reasoning, and thus that moral facts can and are determined a priori. This form of rationalism Smith claims to entail his account about (...) internalism.One of the main merits of Smith’s account of moral motivation is that it allows for individual difference in levels of moral motivation, by making the claim that moral judgments necessarily motivate defeasible. Before elaborating on how Smith does so, I shall first discuss Smith's approach in The Moral Problem, which will also help to set out the basic assumptions that will be taken for granted within this essay. I will then look at the account that he provides, and assess it with respect to one of Russ Shafer-Landau's criticisms thereof. Shafer-Landau rather helpfully puts Smith’s case for his moral rationalism in the form of what he calls ‘the incoherence argument’. The strongest problem that Shafer-Landau has with this argument seems to be with the following claim: ‘it is irrational for an individual to not desire what his fully rational self would desire’. What I hope to conclude is as follows: Although Smith’s account of internalism can for the most part withstand this objection that Shafer-Landau makes to it, even though Smith himself does not demonstrate any incoherence in failing to desire what one’s fully rational self would desire, in that a different kind of incoherence can be defended through other means. This would however result in a requirement for Smith to make significant concessions to his project in The Moral Problem. (shrink)

Robert Graves's First World War story in his autobiography Goodbye to All That, narrating his refusal to kill an enemy soldier bathing naked on the battlefield, has been made famous in the field of military ethics by Michael Walzer in his Just and Unjust Wars. The story raises the issue of whether soldiers should be granted immunity when behaving in an ‘un-warlike’ manner. It also relates to the growing understanding in military ethics that only soldiers who pose a direct (...) threat should be attacked and killed. This paper concludes that the traditional legal understanding that all soldiers are liable to be attacked and to be killed is the stronger argument. (shrink)

Michael Kelly is the author of 68 entries altogether. The New Oxford Companion to Literature in French is far more than a simple revision of the original Oxford Companion to French Literature, published in 1959, and described by The Listener as the `standard work of reference for English-speaking enquirers into French literature'. As the change in title implies, this completely new work presents an authoritative guide not only to ten centuries of literature produced in the territory now called France, (...) but also to the rich literary output of other French-speaking countries around the world. The scope of the Companion is deliberately open and inclusive, challenging and extending the traditional canon. Literature is understood in a broad sense, ranging from strip cartoon and pamphlet to tragedy and epic, and particular attention is devoted to francophone writing from outside France. Written by an international team of specialists, entries cover individual authors and works - over 3,000 of them - from the troubadours to Césaire, and from La Princesse de Clèves to La Vie mode d'emploi. Each is discussed in detail within their historical, cultural, and intellectual context. Among the new features of the Companion are the substantial essay-entries, reflecting up-to-date scholarship and theoretical debates on topics such as: - literary movements and genres - historical subjects such as chivalry, or Occupation and Resistance in wartime France - movements of thought from Scholasticism to feminism - linguistic topics - the sciences - the arts and media, including opera, cinema, and press. (shrink)

Ludwig Wittgenstein famously declared that philosophy “ought really to be written only as a form of poetry,” and he even described the Tractatus as “philosophical and, at the same time, literary.” But few books have really followed up on these claims, and fewer still have focused on their relation to the special literary and artistic period in which Wittgenstein worked. This book offers the first collection to address the rich, vexed, and often contradictory relationship between modernism—the twentieth century’s predominant cultural (...) and artistic movement—and Wittgenstein, one of its preeminent and most enduring philosophers. In doing so it offers rich new understandings of both. Michael LeMahieu Karen Zumhagen-Yekplé bring together scholars in both twentieth-century philosophy and modern literary studies to put Wittgenstein into dialogue with some of modernism’s most iconic figures, including Samuel Beckett, Saul Bellow, Walter Benjamin, Henry James, James Joyce, Franz Kafka, Adolf Loos, Robert Musil, Wallace Stevens, and Virginia Woolf. The contributors touch on two important aspects of Wittgenstein’s work and modernism itself: form and medium. They discuss issues ranging from Wittgenstein and poetics to his use of numbered propositions in the Tractatus as a virtuoso performance of modernist form; from Wittgenstein’s persistence metaphoric use of religion, music, and photography to an exploration of how he and Henry James both negotiated the relationship between the aesthetic and the ethical. Covering many other fascinating intersections of the philosopher and the arts, this book offers an important bridge across the disciplinary divides that have kept us from a fuller picture of both Wittgenstein and the larger intellectual and cultural movement of which he was a part. (shrink)

Loven is het verheerlijken en aanbidden van wat ons bevattingsvermogen en begrip te boven gaat. Dat maakt het een religieuze aangelegenheid: het voorwerp van lof is transcendent, blijvend en troostrijk. Wanneer het over menselijke, imperfecte zaken gaat, zoals de politiek, weten we dat we lof moeten behoeden voor afgoderij. Daarom spreken we in die context in plaats van aanbidding over loven als begrensde rechtvaardiging, als een rationele afweging. In de politiek klinken geen lofzangen. De taal van de politiek moet de (...) spreektaal van het volk zijn over het hier en nu, de echte wereld van de mogelijkheden, niet het transcendente hiernamaals. Het is een menselijke wereld waar we vat op hebben, waar we elkaar in de ogen kunnen zien, vanuit rationele overwegingen waardering kunnen toekennen en onthouden, in plaats van op onze knieën neer te vallen en eer te betonen aan een rechtvaardigheid en genade die ons begrip te boven gaat. Politiek is een realistische ontgoocheling voor en door het volk en dat is precies wat haar zo waardevol maakt. (shrink)

El artículo estudia la apropiación que hace Agustín del argumento de Platón respecto a la existencia de un demiurgo cósmico en Timeo 27d-28c. Muestra cómo Agustín se enfrenta implícitamente a la falacia cosmogónica, haciendo algunas enmiendas al argumento de Platón, a fin de conservarlo para los teístas como modelo filosófico de los orígenes cósmicos.

In a Normal Case, a subject has a justified true belief that P and also knows that P. In a Gettier Case, a subject has a justified true belief that P but does not know that P. The received view (endorsed by Lycan and others) is that if one is in a Normal Case then one cannot know that he is not in a Gettier case. I argue that the received view is mistaken and I discuss the implications this has (...) on some other epistemological issues. (shrink)

In the Classical Museum of University College, Dublin, there is a small black glaze Attic cup belonging to the Vienna-Cup group. It is 7·7 cm high and 13·8 cm in diameter. It has been broken and repaired at some time and parts of the handles are modern, and some of the lip is restored. It might be as well to point out that the foot is whole and has never been broken. The cup is almost wholly black, except for the (...) insides of the handles, the outside edge and resting surface of the foot, and the centre of the foot which are all reserved. It looks quite normal, but if one picks it up and tilts it, one hears a rattling, almost a ringing, sound from the foot which is not only hollow, but contains three small clay pellets, as revealed by an X-ray examination. There is no vent hole.The cup is to be dated to some time within the period 475–450 B.C. I do not know of any parallels among the Vienna-Cup group, but there is another black glaze cup in Leningrad which belongs to the Kalliades-Brygos group and which has a hollow foot and rattling pellets just like those on the Dublin cup. The Kalliades-Brygos group is generally dated to between 500 and 470 B.C. This would mean that the Leningrad cup is probably earlier than the Dublin example, but they both still belong to the first half of the fifth century. The relevance to the discussion of a fragmentary foot in Toronto from a cup of Cup-Type C painted by Skythes c. 500 B.C., is debatable. In the case of this foot there is a hollow channel around the edge as in the Dublin and Leningrad examples, but it differs from them in that there was originally a small rectangular hole in it, the left side of which is preserved. The hole was apparently never closed, so that it is unlikely that the hollow held pellets as did the others, or if it did, there might have been a temporary stopper of, say, unbaked clay. The hole is a puzzle, for it seems too big to be merely a vent hole. (shrink)

Throughout Theodor Adorno’s Negative Dialectics moral philosophy is discussed only indirectly, as a subject which is relevant to the more primary discussions of freedom and world history, among others. In the relatively recently released English translation of the History and Freedom lectures, however, moral philosophy is more explicitly discussed, but even there its subject matter is of secondary importance to the more fundamental discussions of the philosophy of history and of freedom. In fact, that moral philosophy is an auxiliary concern (...) in these lectures reveals much about how Adorno views moral philosophy. Perhaps a trivial detail but revealing nonetheless, the lecture entitled ‘Transition to Moral Philosophy’ points to something quite essential about Adorno’s moral philosophy. In this lecture Adorno attempts to show that his previous discussions of the philosophy of history have direct bearing on the concept of freedom. He claims that his task is to articulate “what we [can glean]…about the problem of freedom, from the discussions of the philosophy of history” (HF, 177). Adorno rightfully believes that freedom, the ability to act (in some way) without being determined to do so, is a precondition of one’s actions being considered on moral grounds, of one being held morally accountable for such actions. Surely, therefore, it is appropriate that a transition takes place from discussing freedom to discussing moral philosophy. There is something else going on here, however, that reveals the peculiar nature of Adorno’s moral philosophy. The above quote reveals that the philosophy of history conditions the problem of freedom, and therefore moral philosophy for Adorno. The following paper attempts to show how Adorno’s moral philosophy is situated within his more foundational considerations of the philosophy of history and of freedom. As a result of it being so situated it also attempts to argue that the History and Freedom lectures reveal that the task for moral philosophy is the critique of moral philosophy. (shrink)

This article is a defense of the Nuremberg Trials. It addresses the standard criticism of the trials and outlines six principles of international law that constitute the legacy of Nuremberg.

Ausgehend von der geplanten, letztlich nicht zustande gekommenen Teilnahme des Filmregisseurs Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau am zweiten Kongress der Gesellschaft für Ästhetik und Allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft verfolgt der Beitrag zwei Absichten: Zum einen skizziert er die Anfänge der Auseinandersetzung der Gesellschaft und ihrer Zeitschrift mit der Frage nach der Kunstfähigkeit des Films. Zum anderen nimmt er die geplante Mitwirkung Murnaus zum Anlass, dessen ästhetische Ansichten in einen Dialog mit Positionen zu versetzen, wie sie in dieser Frage auf dem 1924 nachgeholten Kongress und (...) in der Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft vertreten wurden. Die Übereinstimmungen, die sich zwischen den Auffassungen feststellen lassen, zeugen von der Ernsthaftigkeit, mit der die Gesellschaft, wenn auch nur für kurze Zeit, die Modernisierung ihrer Kunstreflexion und deren Öffnung auf die ästhetische Praxis und die technischen Medien hin betrieben hat. Mit Blick auf Murnau dokumentieren sie die wache Zeitgenossenschaft eines Regisseurs, der noch immer zu Unrecht als »Romantiker« und »Melancholiker« des Films gilt. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Greek Writing from Knossos to Homer: A Linguistic Interpretation of the Origin of the Greek Alphabet and the Continuity of Ancient Greek LiteracyMichael WeissRoger D. Woodard. Greek Writing from Knossos to Homer: A Linguistic Interpretation of the Origin of the Greek Alphabet and the Continuity of Ancient Greek Literacy. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. xiv = 287 pp. Cloth, $65.Woodard's is an important and groundbreaking (...) work which has put the question of the origin of the Greek alphabet in a new light. His thesis is that scribes literate in the Cypriot syllabary were responsible for the first Greek adaptation of the alphabet, and in order to demonstrate this thesis Woodard must investigate the spelling principles of the Mycenaean and Cypriot syllabic scripts. Although his initial chapters devoted to these scripts may at first seem irrelevant to the reader interested in the origin of the alphabet, they do turn out to be crucial for his theory.Woodard first describes the principles of the syllabic alphabets. Since neither Linear B nor the Cypriot syllabary was originally designed for the representation of the Greek language, both systems are relatively inefficient. In particular the representation of consonant clusters presented a problem for both syllabaries, for which a number of spelling strategies were devised. In Linear B the first consonant of a consonant cluster is either not written at all—e.g., ka–ko [khalkos], a strategy Woodard calls "partial spelling"—or the first consonant of the cluster is spelled with a dummy vowel copying the vowel of the syllable to the right: e.g., a–ko–ro [agros]. This type of spelling Woodard calls "plenary spelling." In Cypriot an internal consonant cluster is spelled either with "regressive spelling," whereby the first consonant of the cluster is expressed with a sign containing a dummy vowel copying the vowel immediately to the left—e.g., a–ra–ku–ro [argurō]—or with "progressive spelling," whereby the first consonant of the cluster is expressed with a sign containing a dummy vowel copying the vowel immediately to the right: e.g., pa–ti–ri [patri]. Cypriot progressive spelling is essentially identical to Linear B plenary spelling. Furthermore, Cypriot regressive spelling is used for precisely those internal clusters which are represented in Linear B with partial spelling.Trying to explain which factor(s) determine(s) whether a cluster will be spelled with, on the one hand, partial spelling in Linear B and regressive spelling in Cypriot or, on the other hand, with plenary spelling in Linear B and progressive spelling in Cypriot has been a long–standing project of Greek linguistics. In chapter 3 Woodard deals with the various theories which attempt to explain these different spelling strategies as the result of different syllabifications of consonant clusters. The simplest of the theories examined explains [End Page 163] partial/regressive spelling as indicating that the first consonant of the cluster closed the preceding syllable and the second consonant opened the following syllable. In other words, partial/regressive spelling is an indication of heterosyllabicity. Plenary/progressive spelling, on the other hand, is taken to indicate that the entire cluster began the following syllable; that is, clusters which are spelled in the plenary/progressive fashion are tautosyllabic. But, as Woodard rightly observes, the syllabifications needed to justify such a theory—e.g., de–so–mo to be syllabified [de–smois]—are abundantly contradicted by the metrical evidence of both later Greek and Vedic, which show that clusters of the type [–sm–] made position and therefore must have been heterosyllabic. If such clusters were heterosyllabic both in PIE, as the Vedic evidence suggests, and in later Greek, they must have had the same syllabification in Mycenaean. More sophisticated versions of syllable–based theories have tried to get around this problem in a variety of ways. The delicate versions of Ruijgh and Morpurgo Davies attempt to explain plenary spellings of the de–so–mo type as reflecting "orthographic syllabification" which arises through spelling in full those internal consonant clusters which are also spelled in full in word initial position. But even these versions, despite their partial agreement with the doctrines of the Greek grammarians, fail in... (shrink)

This paper discusses the 'master argument' of diodorus cronos from a semantic perspective. An argument is developed which suggests that proposition (1), 'every proposition true about the past is necessary', May have provided the principal motivation for diodorus denial of proposition (3), I.E., His equation of possibility with present-Or-Future truth. It is noted that (1) and (3) are jointly inconsistent only given the assumption of a linear ordering of time. It is further noted that diodorus' fatalism "could" be employed to (...) justify this additional assumption. However, To then use the conclusion of the 'master' to argue for fatalism would obviously be circular. I suspect, Rather, That diodorus' assumption of temporal linearity was implicit and uncritical. (shrink)

Relates Eastern concepts to Western religion, art, and modern science, and suggests their relevance to the reader.