Ray and Cooper (2024) argue for the need to incorporate the fight for environmental justice into the bioethics agenda. While they convincingly argue that the principle of justice involves environme...

Based on field research in villages and towns in the Komi Republic, this article compares the perception of the environment with environmental knowledge, and examines their interrelations in local contexts. An individual's perception of the environment is embedded in his/her everyday engagement with the surroundings. Environmental knowledge is of more cognitive character: it originates mainly from outside the context of everyday life and is imparted via various forms of communication. From the interplay of these two levels arises what we (...) call local environmental knowledge, a kind of knowledge which has its own moral and symbolic dimension within the social, cultural and political setting. Similarly, the concept of environmentalism is increasingly recognised as a wide diversity of 'green' views and actions rather than as a single project of a globally consistent normative character; thus there is a need to examine the contextuality of environmental concern. Our findings explain the failure of the ' information deficit' model, according to which the dissemination of scientific knowledge about environmental problems should result in local inhabitants changing their attitudes towards 'The Environment '. Instead, our findings support the insight that, rather than accepting environmental knowledge from external sources as a factual given, individuals restate it in terms of their everyday life contexts and local discourses about socio-political issues. (shrink)

Depuis les années 1970, les fouilles de Thasos ont mis au jour deux inscriptions en rapport avec la famille impériale. La première, datée entre 14 et 29 apr. J.-C., est due à Komis, prêtresse de Livie. Gravée sur la façade arrière du portique Nord-Ouest, elle était la dédicace de l'exèdre des abords Ouest de l'agora. La deuxième, complétée par un fragment découvert en 2006, est la dédicace d'une statue pour Agrippa Postumus, fils adoptif d'Auguste honoré comme bienfaiteur par tradition ancestrale. (...) Les deux textes témoignent des transformations de la monumentalité et de la société thasiennes au début de l'Empire. (shrink)

Collecting ethnographic items for the Estonian National Museum has been linked to the practice of buying objects during fieldwork. Often we can find metaphors or expressions connected with trading in the Komi fieldwork diaries. Comparing ethnographers with merchants is a stereotypical way of describing the activities of Estonian researchers in the field. If ethnographers use, in their diaries, metaphors and expressions connected to trading, it may be just a spontaneous phrasing or inter-textual play of words. Inside the community of (...) Estonian ethnologists there exists some kind of discourse style, which is followed in the fieldwork diaries, more or less consciously. This style of narration is also connected to the specific social and historical context in which ethnographers act. At the same time, even satiric inter-textual quotations do not exclude the possibility that some of this discourse is related to a deeper level of human consciousness. (shrink)

The use of landscape terminology in the studies of urban memory may seem redundant against the background of the established languages of description and discursive practices of commemoration. Nevertheless, the variety of already identified landscapes and approaches to their study illustrates the heuristic potential of the concept. Firstly, the landscape itself indicates a topography, a nuclear connection with the place. Secondly, a spatial frame is set — be it a city, knowledge or some memories associated with a certain territory. Thirdly, (...) and perhaps most importantly, the landscape makes it possible to connect dissimilar elements into something whole. In the landscape, the policy of memory is surprisingly manifested — what to highlight and place in the foreground, and what is better not to notice and ignore. On the other hand, spontaneous elements associated with the personal memories of residents and urban communities rhizomatically “sprout” through such a design of memory. The article highlights elements of the memorial landscape structure: content, spatial, temporal, communicative-activity and procedural. Its features are demonstrated on the example of two small Russian cities: Inta (Komi Republic, Subpolar Urals) and Kotelnich (Kirov Region); equal in size, but differing in their duration of existence. (shrink)