In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Microaggressions among Healthcare Providers Facilitate Microaggressions toward PatientsH. Rhodes Hambrick (bio) and Sonya Tang Girdwood (bio)In the conclusion of Freeman and Stewart's (2024) book, Microaggressions in Medicine, the authors specifically recognize the existence of microaggressions among healthcare professionals but have chosen not to focus on these microaggressions in the book. However, it is imperative to acknowledge that microaggressions committed among healthcare professionals can perpetuate microaggressions toward patients by (...) creating a permissive culture wherein microaggressions are committed and accepted as the norm.Microaggressions among healthcare professionals, especially when there are hierarchal differences, often masquerade as concerns regarding "professionalism" (Miller et al. 2023). While we recognize that establishing standards of professional behavior (e.g., thorough and timely communication with patients and healthcare staff, commitment to providing safe and effective care) is crucial to the ethical practice of medicine, the precise definition of professionalism in medicine is nebulous. Therefore, individuals in power within medicine can overlay their personal opinions about what constitutes "professional" behavior. This subjectivity and the lack of a consensus definition can lead to the policing of trainees both within the walls of the hospital and within their personal lives.Given that microaggressions are often centered on aspects of a person's behavior, dress, or personality that may pertain to a particular identity, these are also coined by Freeman and Stewart as self-identity microaggressions (chapter 6) and are distressingly common in medicine. Enforcing dress codes is an example of policing trainees under the guise of professionalism that may simultaneously constitute microaggressions toward people of certain demographics, specifically those who are nonwhite and nonmale. For example, women are often given advice to wear dark-colored, conservative suits for interviews and instructed that dresses and skirts must be long in clinical settings to avoid distracting men. Black trainees may be told that their natural hairstyles are [End Page 157] "unprofessional" and are given advice on how to appear more "presentable" in interviews and on rotations. To cite a recent example of a self-identity microaggression, it made news when a Latina student had points deducted during her practical exam with a standardized patient for wearing large hoop earrings, a type of jewelry she has worn her whole life and represents her cultural heritage (Hatzipanagos 2021).Disappointingly, this policing even extends beyond clinical and "professional" settings. One surgical residency searched the social media profiles of their residents to investigate how many "unprofessional" photos trainees posted, and the results were published in a journal prior to retraction of the publication (Hardouin et al. 2020). Among the list of "unprofessional photos" were those of residents in "inappropriate attire," which included bikinis and swimsuits being worn in non-clinical settings. Fortunately, when the findings were published, the journal received severe backlash on social media. Physicians, both men and women, posted pictures of themselves in swimsuits on social media under the hashtag "#medbikini," arguing that what we wear, especially in our private lives, does not affect our abilities as physicians. While the article was retracted, it was made clear that trainees are judged by their appearance by their superiors and that microaggressions can even be published in reputable journals. Conducting and publishing research like this constitute a type of self-identity microaggression, in which trainees are made to feel that part of their identity outside of work, such as their choice of swimwear, which, in the case of a bikini, may be tied to their gender identity, is fundamentally "unprofessional," even when it has no bearing on their ability to function as doctors.Microaggressions can also be committed when trainees are policed on their behaviors, speech patterns, or mannerisms. They may be reprimanded for using certain vocabulary or speaking with subculture-specific idioms because they will be seen as "unprofessional," when in reality, these forms of speech may simply reflect a cultural or personality difference. Superiors may express their preferences or dislike of certain behaviors by using the threat of labeling them "unprofessional." For example, using bright colors or personal touches on presentations might be given as feedback of "looking unprofessional." Expressing preferences and labeling them as opinions are encouraged, but tagging on the term unprofessional carries a weight that removes any choice from... (shrink)

The question of what explains individual differences in expertise within complex domains such as music, games, sports, science, and medicine is currently a major topic of interest in a diverse range of fields, including psychology, education, and sports science, to name just a few. Ericsson and colleagues’ deliberate practice view is highly influential perspective in the literature on expertise and expert performance—but is it viable as a testable scientific theory? Here, reviewing more than 25 years of Ericsson and colleagues’ writings, (...) we document critical inconsistencies in the definition of deliberate practice, along with apparent shifts in the standard for evidence concerning deliberate practice. We also consider the impact of these issues on progress in the field of expertise, focusing on the empirical testability and falsifiability of the deliberate practice view. We then discuss a multifactorial perspective on expertise, and how open science practices can accelerate progress in research guided by this perspective. (shrink)

Behavioral genetic (BG) research has yielded many important discoveries about the origins of human behavior, but offers little insight into how we might improve outcomes. We posit that this gap in our knowledge base stems in part from the epidemiologic nature of BG research questions. Namely, BG studies focus on understanding etiology as it currently exists, rather than etiology in environments that could exist but do not as of yet (e.g., etiology following an intervention). Put another way, they focus exclusively (...) on the etiology of “what is” rather than “what could be”. The current paper discusses various aspects of this field-wide methodological reality, and offers a way to overcome it by demonstrating how behavioral geneticists can incorporate an experimental approach into their work. We outline an ongoing study that embeds a randomized intervention within a twin design, connecting “what is” and “what could be” for the first time. We then lay out a more general framework for a new field—experimental BGs—which has the potential to advance both scientific inquiry and related philosophical discussions. (shrink)

A hallmark of intelligent behavior is rationality – the disposition and ability to think analytically to make decisions that maximize expected utility or follow the laws of probability. However, the question remains as to whether rationality and intelligence are empirically distinct, as does the question of what cognitive mechanisms underlie individual differences in rationality. In a sample of 331 participants, we assessed the relationship between rationality and intelligence. There was a common ability underpinning performance on some, but not all, rationality (...) tests. Latent factors representing rationality and general intelligence were strongly correlated (r =.54), but their correlation fell well short of unity. Rationality correlated significantly with fluid intelligence (r =.56), working memory capacity (r =.44), and attention control (r =.49). Attention control fully accounted for the relationship between working memory capacity and rationality, and partially accounted for the relationship between fluid intelligence and rationality. We conclude by speculating about factors rationality tests may tap that other cognitive ability tests miss, and outline directions for further research. (shrink)

Blair equates the constructs of working memory (WM), executive function, and general fluid intelligence (gF). We argue that there is good reason not to equate these constructs. We view WM and gF as separable but highly related, and suggest that the mechanism behind the relationship is controlled attention – an ability that is dependent on normal functioning of the prefrontal cortex. (Published Online April 5 2006).

This article focuses upon answering the following question: Does corporate political activity (CPA) stand as an academic field? Following Hambrick and Chen, we consider three elements of the emergence of an academic field—differentiation, mobilization, and legitimacy. Utilizing a variety of data sources, we find CPA to be well differentiated from other academic fields; to have undertaken a number of activities to mobilize CPA as a field, but short of large-scale unification; and to have earned low to moderate legitimacy within (...) management, but little legitimacy outside of management. All in all, at this time, CPA does not squarely meet the elements necessary to emerge as a field. (shrink)

The concept of scientific field lacks a definition in a form allowing the distinction of whether a particular academic area of study is or is not a true scientific field. Starting with the classic definition by Whitley of a field as a “reputational work organization,” this essay extracts eleven explicit and implied features of a field from Whitley’s definition and discussion, extending his analysis. The article reviews Hambrick and Chen’s model of field formation as an “admittance-seeking social movement.” (...) class='Hi'>Hambrick and Chen argue that strategic management followed that model with success, offering the SIM Division of the Academy of Management as an unsuccessful example. The article notes errors in their assessment of SIM, argues that Hambrick and Chen are really offering a model of what I term condensation and promulgation of a field and that their model cannot be used to determine whether a field exists. The article applies the extended Whitley model of a field to examine three candidate fields within SIM: corporate social responsibility (CSR)/corporate social performance (CSP), stakeholder theory, and corporate political activity (CPA). I conclude that none is technically a field, and considering as well the comments of three senior scholars who contributed to the symposium, the article discusses the potential trajectory of fields in SIM. (shrink)

While Peace through Commerce (PTC) started as a conversation among a small group of scholars it has grown into an increasingly robust movement, giving rise to conferences, books, journal articles, and dialogue between scholars, managers, practitioners, government officials, and civil society actors, all of whom share an interest in the potential of commerce to foster greater peace. Because social movement scholarship explores the ability of collective interests to achieve social change it provides a useful lens through which to consider PTC's (...) maturation and, more broadly, the rise of scholarly conversations into social movements its. Increasingly, social movement theory has been used to describe and better understand a diverse range of social and organizational changes (Strang and II Jung, 2005) including academic endeavors (Hambrick and Chen, 2008). I draw on social movement theory to characterize the rise of PTC and to consider its future growth. I also suggest broader implications for the transition of academic dialogue as it attains movement status. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Both Interpersonal and Structural Efforts Are Necessary for Healthcare Professionals to Avoid Committing MicroaggressionsChidiogo Anyigbo (bio)I commend Lauren Freeman and Heather Stewart for acknowledging that the final chapter of Microaggressions and Medicine (2024), chapter 7, which provides practical guide for healthcare workers to avoid committing microaggressions, is a work in progress. The authors primarily focus on "strategies that can be implemented on the interpersonal and environmental levels because this (...) is where we can all immediately make the most impact to reduce microaggressions and their harmful consequences" (189). Presumably, readers of Microaggression and Medicine will by and large be healthcare workers: physicians, nurses, and allied health professionals working in direct patient care settings, and presumably these individuals pick up a book like Microaggression in Medicine to apply it to their own practice. Therefore, it may seem logical to act at the level that is closest to us as readers.The authors highlight seven strategies for reducing microaggressions in the healthcare space:• diversify employees• hire local health advocates, activists, and consultants to offer feedback on clinic design and practices• incorporate micro-cues into medical practices• foster medical humility• practice ethical listening• collaborate with patients as epistemic peers• increase awareness and education for colleagues and staffSome of these strategies occur at a systems level, like diversifying employees, hiring local health advocates, and creating staff educational awareness. Others are intended as steps for individuals to take during patient encounters. All of [End Page 152] these points, however, show how structural and systemic changes are important to address concurrently with taking individual steps. For example, if one makes interpersonal efforts to reduce or avoid microaggressions but is at the same time still operating within systems and structures that reinforce microaggressions, not only will harm continue to be done, but there is also a risk of burnout for the individual trying to make strides despite these harmful systems (as Hambrick and Tang Girdwood [2024] discuss). This may lead individuals to view their interpersonal and environmental efforts as futile because they do not lead to widespread reduction in microaggressions.For example, these structural and systemic strategies can start with institutional and organizational policies, for example, regarding how to respond to patients who harass healthcare professionals or expectations patients can have regarding the care they receive. Not only do patients experience microaggressions from healthcare workers, which is the focus of Freeman and Stewart's book, but healthcare workers can also experience microaggressions from patients (as Hambrick and Tang Girdwood elaborate). Hiring a diverse staff at all levels can certainly help foster a more inclusive environment, but it is not sufficient, and it also can lead to healthcare workers from historically underrepresented groups being the target of microaggressions from patients, their surrogate decision-makers, or their families. Institutional approaches to diversifying the healthcare workforce also need to consider how to best support a diverse healthcare workforce.The authors rightly point out that people of marginalized backgrounds often face a "minority tax" and that they are often the ones expected to do the uncompensated work of calling attention to and leading efforts to address microaggressions in their organization by educating colleagues and staff. As this happens, these more diverse staff may not feel the psychological safety or support needed to stay in the organization. The efforts to develop and maintain psychological safety are led by structural and systemic action, not solely individual herculean efforts. Education is not sufficient if there are no systems and policies in place to support and reinforce the desired behaviors.The concept of choice architecture is often used in business and behavioral economics to describe how to influence the conditions in which people make decisions to reduce bias, oftentimes creating default options that improve well being for many (Meder, Fleischhut, and Osman 2018). For example, this concept has been applied to improving healthy eating behaviors in workplaces (Rantala et al. 2024). There may be similar opportunities to explore how such efforts can be applied to create default action that does not rely on individual action and vigilance to address microaggressions. Choice architecture strategies for addressing microaggressions could perhaps expand the Institute for Healthcare Improvement (IHI) framework used for systems-based efforts to be... (shrink)