ABSTRACT Freedom of speech and speech suppression have become fraught notions, and the question of what cannot be said is near the heart of the matter. In this essay, we describe some of the current challenges to free speech and then take up an exploration of a different but relevant “cannot be said”—silence—and inquire into its importance for a fuller understanding of freedom, speech, and “what cannot be said.”.

Bioethics, Volume 36, Issue 5, Page 519-524, June 2022.

In June 1795, Fichte sent his second contribution to Schiller’s journal, The Hours : his article, Concerning the Spirit and the Letter within Philosophy, where he explains his views on the relation between aesthetic experience and virtue. Schiller, who had until then been rather well-disposed toward Fichte, violently and categorically rejected the article, thus putting an end to their friendship. Scholars commonly understand this conflict as a predictable confrontation between two irreconcilable conceptions of the moral ideal : that of (...) the cold philosopher, personified by Fichte, aiming to repress sensibility, and that of the warm-blooded artist, personified by Schiller, advocating for it. I shall argue that this interpretation is untenable, since Fichte and Schiller not only shared the same conception of virtue, but also agreed concerning the function assumed by the artist in mankind’s moral education. Rather, the conflict arose because Schiller could not bear the idealistic conception of nature – as pure representational activity – which Fichte thought was implied by these views. En juin 1795, Fichte fit parvenir à Schiller sa deuxième contribution destinée aux Heures : l’article Sur l’esprit et la lettre dans la philosophie, où il expose ses idées sur le rapport entre l’expérience esthétique et la vertu. Schiller, jusque-là plutôt bien disposé envers Fichte, lui opposa un refus de publication violent et catégorique, mettant ainsi un terme à leur amitié. On interprète habituellement cette rupture comme la conséquence prévisible d’une rencontre opposant deux conceptions irréconciliables de l’idéal moral : celle du froid philosophe, incarné par Fichte, visant à réprimer la sensibilité, et celle de l’artiste brûlant de passion, incarné par Schiller, souhaitant la glorifier. Je conteste pour ma part cette interprétation, Fichte et Schiller s’accordant non seulement sur la manière dont la vertu devait être conçue, mais également sur la fonction assumée par l’artiste dans l’éducation morale de l’être humain. À l’origine du conflit se trouve plutôt l’aversion de Schiller pour la conception idéaliste de la nature (comme activité purement représentative) qui, selon Fichte, était impliquée par ces idées. (shrink)

The article Progressive Pricing: The Ethical Case for Price Personalization, written by Jerod Coker and Jean-Manuel Izaret, was originally published electronically on the publisher’s internet portal on 4 June 2020 without open access. With the author’ decision to opt for Open Choice the copyright of the article changed on 15 July 2020 to © The Author 2020 and the article is forthwith distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction (...) in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. (shrink)

This volume publishes the Proceedings of the 1st International Meeting "Thinking Baroque in Portugal" (26-28 June 2017), which dealt with the metaphysical, ethical and political thought of Francisco Suárez. Counting on the collaboration of some of the greatest international specialists in the work and thought of this famous professor of the University of Coimbra in the 17th century, this volume celebrates the 400th anniversary of his death and marks the productivity of his philosophical-theological legacy.

In the light of several ongoing antitrust investigations in the E.U. and the U.S., the following research paper analyzes whether ‘big tech’ – same as the big banks – need special regulatory (and economic -political) attention and if so, how an updated form of regulatory policy for the digital era could look like. It does so by utilizing – and reviving – the normative and business -ethical ideals of German ‘neoliberalism’, also known as (classical) ordoliberalism. Especially, Walter Eucken’s work has (...) the potential to inform and enrich the current debate concerning the regulation of big tech. The main goal of the paper is to outline a potentially new regulatory framework – one that combines (and revises) Eucken’s ordoliberalism with the competition policy of the European Union. (shrink)

The E.U. is shortly before implementing the Digital Markets Act (DMA), which aims to regulate digital markets and (ideally) rein in the power of big tech gatekeepers. Several researchers claim that this proposal – and especially its goal to ensure the contestability and fairness of digital markets – is ordoliberal in nature, yet what is missing in the academic literature is a closer look at the parallels (and differences) between the E.U.’s competition policy (and the DMA) and ordoliberalism. This paper (...) tries to close the gap and help answer the question of whether the DMA is indeed standing in an ordoliberal tradition. Furthermore, it evaluates the Act’s institutional strengths and weaknesses – as seen from an ordoliberal perspective – and points out potential ways to strengthen E.U. competition policy (and the DMA) and bring it closer to the ordoliberal ideal. (shrink)

Recent years have seen recurring episodes of tension between proponents of freedom of speech and advocates of the disenfranchised. Recent survey research attests to the ideological division in attitudes toward free speech, whereby conservatives report greater support for free speech than progressives do. Intrigued by the question of whether “canceling” is indeed a uniquely progressive tendency, we conducted a vignette-based experiment examining judgments of offensiveness among progressives and conservatives. Contrary to the dominant portrayal of progressives and conservatives, our study documented (...) ideological symmetry in their evaluations of offensive speech. When faced with utterances whose content matters to them, both conservatives and progressives viewed outgroup speakers as more offensive than ingroup speakers. A second contribution of this chapter is to provide a deeper understanding of the cognitive mechanism implicated in evaluating outgroup speech as more offensive than ingroup speech. Our results suggest that perception of offensiveness is mediated by ascriptions of intent: we tend to attribute negative intent to the speaker whenever we deem their utterances to be offensive, even against the explicitly stated speaker’s background attitudes. (shrink)

A cien años del final de la Primera Guerra Mundial, el viejo continente vuelve actualmente a encontrarse en un estado de conmoción como aquel que antecedió a este cruel conflicto. El texto busca pensar cómo esta confrontación llegó a adquirir dimensiones apocalípticas, para, de esta forma, advertir a qué nos podemos ver avocados de continuar por este camino. La tesis propuesta aquí es que al menos cuatro aspectos confluyeron allí, a saber: 1. La propensión nihilista de occidente; 2. La perversión (...) “natural” propia a todos los hombres, largamente reprimida por la sociedad moralista del siglo XIX y que, con el estallido de la Gran Guerra, mostró su lado más siniestro; 3. En el conflicto de 1914 el espíritu de la guerra se compenetró con el alma del progreso; 4. En esta contienda bélica, por primera vez, desempeña un papel determinante el atmoterrorismo. Estas consideraciones tienen como punto de partida las reflexiones que hicieron, a propósito de cada uno de estos aspectos, Martin Heidegger, Sigmund Freud, Ernst Jünger, y Peter Sloterdijk. (shrink)

Theoretical tools aimed at making explicit the injustices suffered by certain socially disadvantaged groups might end up serving purposes which were not foreseen when the tools were first introduced. Nothing is inherently wrong with a shift in the scope of a theoretical tool: the popularization of a concept opens up the possibility of its use for several strategic purposes. The thesis that we defend in this paper is that some public figures cultivate a public persona for whom the conditions of (...) the notion of testimonial injustice might be taken to apply, and this situation is exploited to their advantage, as a means to advance their political agendas. More specifically, they take advantage of this to generate situations of crossed disagreements, which in turn foster polarization. (shrink)

When public opinion gets polarized, the population’s beliefs can experience two different changes: they can become more extreme in their contents or they can be held with greater confidence. These two possibilities point to two different understandings of the rupture that characterizes political polarization: extremism and radicalism. In this article, I show that from the close examination of the best available evidence regarding how we get polarized, it follows that the pernicious type of political polarization has more to do with (...) radicalism than with extremism. Reinforcing the confidence in the core beliefs of the group we identify with makes our beliefs immune to the reasons coming from the other political side. Finally, I also suggest that the rise of political polarization is not necessarily the result of an irrational process. (shrink)

According to the partisan cheerleading view, numerous political disagreements that appear to be genuine are not authentic disputes, because partisans _deliberately_ misreport their beliefs to show support for their parties. Recently, three arguments have been put forth to support this view. First, contemporary democracies are characterized by affective rather than ideological polarization. Second, financial incentives indicate that partisans often deliberately misreport their beliefs to express their attitudes. Third, partisans have inconsistent and unstable political beliefs, so we should not take these (...) attitudes seriously. In this paper, I examine these arguments and present an alternative view, which I call the partisan conviction view. According to it, partisans are not necessarily insincere in their political judgments, and they are in genuine disagreement. (shrink)

Avec les nouvelles technologies de l’information, la condition urbaine s’est métamorphosée : la ville et l’idée de survivance participent de l’imaginaire urbain reflété par les medias. Cette perception de l’urbain sous une logique spatio-temporelle « cinématographique » est une redéfinition du flâneur où l’imagination sort de la saturation des illusions modernes en nous forçant vers des moments d’extase morbide : une hallucination sédative qui est vécue à travers d’une telle intensité qui finit par questionner notre sens de la ville via (...) une nouvelle appréciation du corps. (shrink)

Within the philosophy of logic there has been an old debate about strengths and weaknesses of so-called “deviant” logics, as compared to standard logic (i.e. First Order Logic with Identity). With the development of a multitude of many-valued and modal logical systems and the various ways they can be employed in various fields of philosophy, linguistics and computer science, former “deviant” logics have become well accepted. Nowadays we seem to have a new and almost contrary debate about whether there is (...) any universal logic at all or only a multitude of systems: logical pluralism. But what does logical pluralism claim? In this paper one prominent version of logical pluralism is the main target of further questions. (shrink)

Although the Fichte’s philosophy is usually considered an example of abstract system far from the reality, its basic ideas were already present in a series of theories and facts previous to their writings. That the I need a No–I that determines it, that the I is essentially activity and their po..

Fichte réserve à l’esthétique un lieu privilégié au sein de son système, non pas qu’il lui consacre un large développement, mais parce qu’il se sert d’elle pour éclairer la nature de l’activité philosophique, après l’instauration kantienne de l’idéalisme transcendantal. En accordant à l’art une place dans la genèse de la spéculation philosophique, Fichte nous offre en même temps l’ébauche d’une esthétique originale, se démarquant de celles de Kant et de Schiller.

Estudio Bibliográfico de / A Bibliographical Study of: José M. Sevilla, Ragione narrativa e ragione storica. Una prospettiva vichiana su Ortega y Gasset. Introducción de Giuseppe Cacciatore. Guerra Edizioni, Perugia, 2002, pp. 269. I.S.B.N. 88-7715-615-5.