L’article présente le projet ORFEO (outils pour l’étude du Français écrit et oral). Ce projet a consisté à rassembler 4M de mots de Français oral et 6M de mots d’écrit à partir de ressources existantes. Les ressources orales ont été unifiées dans un format trs et alignées avec les fichiers sons au phonème. Les corpus sont présentés avec des métadonnées qui permettent de constituer des sous-corpus d’étude. Les données orales ont été segmentées et annotées en POS et relations de dépendance (...) semi automatiquement. La précision des annotations a fait l’objet d’une évaluation. L’ensemble est interrogeable à partir d’une plateforme adaptée du logiciel libre ANNIS. La ressource sera mise à disposition en open source courant 2017. (shrink)

Investigar a natureza do trabalho de ensinar dos sofistas na Grécia é o objetivo deste artigo. É amplamente reconhecido o preconceito histórico-ideológico que a própria palavra sofista carrega ao longo da história da educação. Afirmamos, preliminarmente, que não vamos arrancar essa marca intrincada que, em certo sentido, assinalou o caráter dos primeiros trabalhadores do ensino na civilização ocidental. No horizonte histórico-filosófico, quando a visão cosmológica é substituída pela antropológica, são os sofistas responsáveis pelo nascimento de nova profissão: a do trabalho (...) de ensinar. De domínio ideológico, político, econômico e vinculado ao âmbito teórico-metodológico, o problema pode ser traduzido na seguinte pergunta: Em que medida pode-se afirmar que o Movimento Sofístico, de fato, era um movimento desprezível e, portanto, aproveitara da sua obra, a educação, em favor da esfera econômica? Indagar os sofistas é perguntar qual é o sentido e os princípios da atividade do ensino em sua abrangência e complexidade histórico-teórica. Sabemos perfeitamente bem que a finalidade prática do trabalho, nessa época, era negada em todos os aspectos. Portanto, queremos responder às causas sobre o sentido, de fato, do trabalho sofístico. De caráter bibliográfico, este artigo tem, as obras de Platão, Aristóteles, Xenofonte e Aristófanes, as secundárias, as de Werner Jaeger, Henri-Marrou, Mario Alighiero Manacorda, Giovanni Reale e Anibal Ponce. Foram consultadas também obras nacionais e internacionais. Palavras-chave: Sofistas. Trabalho. Educação. (shrink)

For philosophers familiar with the traditional interpretation of Simone de Beauvoir as a literary writer and philosophical follower of Jean-Paul Sartre, Beauvoir’s 1926-27 student diary is a revelation. Inviting an exploration of Beauvoir’s early philosophy foreclosed by the traditional interpretation, the student diary reveals Beauvoir’s early dedication to becoming a philosopher and her early formulation of philosophical problems and positions usually attributed to Sartre’s influence, such as the central problem of “the opposition of self and other,” years before she first (...) met Sartre in 1929.… Reading the student diary within a larger historical context, we discover that it reflects Beauvoir’s experience as one of the first generation of French women to gain full access to the academic world of philosophy, an experience that problematizes her identity as a woman. The diary shows Beauvoir struggling to accommodate herself to the male world of philosophy while striving to make philosophy her own. For Beauvoir this means following Henri Bergson in rejecting a philosophy that engages only the abstract intelligence. Defining her own unique literary philosophical methodology, Beauvoir vows to create a philosophy that is able, like literature, to encompass emotion as well as reason. This creative process begins in her diary where Beauvoir describes the concrete realities of her own lived experience. Searching for a sense of self in the “nothingness of everything human,” Beauvoir grapples with the existential problem of despair and the temptations of bad faith. Celebrating her newly found freedom and academic achievements, Beauvoir still struggles with the masochistic asceticism of her Catholic upbringing and longs for love, fearing a solitary future bereft of the comforts of woman’s traditional role. Beauvoir’s student diary thus allows us to trace the development of her early philosophy within the context of her life, while providing as well an intimate view of an academic world in transformation…. When the diary opens, with an entry dated August 6, 1926 Beauvoir is grappling with a central problem of her early life and philosophy, the conflicting moral obligations to self and others. Recounting a pilgrimage to Lourdes with an aunt, Beauvoir recalls feeling “ashamed” when faced with the physical suffering of the invalids: “[O]nly a life which was a complete gift of oneself, a total self-abnegation seemed possible to me.” But then, anticipating her critique of self-abnegation in The Second Sex, Beauvoir rejects it, describing the “absolute gift” as “moral suicide.” She vows, instead, to achieve an “equilibrium” between the duty to self and the duty to others. In the August 12, 1926 diary entry, Beauvoir frames the problem in metaphysical terms, referring to one part of herself “made to be given away,” and another “made to be kept and cultivated.” Later, in the November 5, 1926 entry, Beauvoir returns to the problem, writing that she split her “existence into two parts”: one part “for myself” and the other part “for others,” that is “the bonds that unite me with all beings.” Beauvoir’s 1926 description of existence “for myself” and “for others” lays the ground for her later philosophical work on the problem of the Other, as in her 1943 metaphysical novel, She Came to Stay, where the main female protagonist struggles to reclaim an existence for herself instead of existing solely for others, and in The Second Sex (1949) where Beauvoir argues that women are forced to assume themselves not as they exist for themselves but solely as they exist for men, thus as the absolute Other. During the course of the 1926 diary, Beauvoir’s efforts to reconcile these two “parts” of her existence are complicated by various influences, including her reading of Henri Bergson, the leading French philosopher of the early twentieth century. Beauvoir quotes at length in her 1926 diary from Bergson’s Essay on the immediate data of consciousness, which she describes, on August 16, as “a great intellectual rapture.” This diary entry may surprise those who remember the reference to Bergson in Beauvoir’s Memoirs: “I would not have been at all pleased if someone had prophesized that I would become a kind of Bergson; I didn’t want to speak with that abstract voice which, whenever I heard it, failed to move me” (MJFR 288). In this case as in so many others, Beauvoir’s diaries present a very different picture. In the August 16 diary entry, Beauvoir is critical of Bergson’s “impersonal” philosophical voice. But she lauds his methodological “appeal to intuition," which brings philosophy in contact with the « palpable reality » of life, as more characteristic of literature than philosophy. Beauvoir quotes Bergson’s celebration of the « bold novelist » able to tear aside « the cleverly woven web of our conventional self, » and reveal the « fundamental absurdity » of impressions underneath. « Nobody has better than he … defined the art of the modern novelist » Beauvoir writes, suggesting Bergson’s influence on Beauvoir’s developing literary philosophical method. Beauvoir writes, in the August 16 entry, that she is “thrilled” by Bergson’s “analysis of the two aspects of the self,” the authentic inner self and the external social self. For Bergson, unlike Beauvoir who is concerned with serving others as well as the self, our responsibility is wholly to the self and its freedom, which we discover only by breaking through the superficial “crust” of the social self. If his ethic of individual freedom complicated Beauvoir’s search for an ethical “equilibrium,” Bergson’s methodological turn to intuition and rejection of philosophy’s sole reliance on reason might have appealed to a young women trying to enter the male world of philosophy and make it her own…. (shrink)

Depuis le milieu du XIXe siecle, on a generalement considere qu'un cycle de sept disciplines scolaires (grammaire, dialectique, rhetorique, musique, astronomie, geometrie et arithmetique), connu au Moyen Age sous le nom des sept arts liberaux, avait constitue la base de l'instruction habituelle et cela depuis l'epoque hellenistique jusqu'a l'epoque imperiale et au Moyen Age. Cette these, largement vulgarisee par le livre Histoire de l'education dans l'Antiquite d'Henri-Irenee Marrou, est fondamentalement remise en question dans le present ouvrage, qui montre (...) que ce fameux cycle des sept arts, que l'on croyait deja connu par Varron au Ier siecle avant J.-C., est ne en realite dans le neoplatonisme et n'a jamais constitue le programme d'education des jeunes gens de rang social eleve au cours de l'Antiquite. Cette nouvelle edition comprend des notes additionnelles au texte prealablement publie, un reexamen de la question varronienne qui tient compte de publications parues entre 1983 et 2003 (B. Cardauns, N. Cipriani, J. Doignon et D. Shanzer), et six articles sur certains themes fondamentaux traites dans la premiere edition, comme l'enseignement des mathematiques et de la medecine a l'epoque imperiale, l'organisation de l'enseignement philosophique, l'attitude des philosophes a l'egard du savoir encyclopedique ou la signification du terme eclectique dans la philosophie antique. (shrink)

Pese a que Gibbon sigue siendo ampliamente reconocido como un historiador excepcional, además de como un escritor magnífico, pocos historiadores de la Antigüedad tardía comparten hoy el paradigma interpretativo del _decline and fall _del Imperio romano. Autores como Peter Brown y Henri-Irenée Marrou combatieron con éxito el “prejuicio decadentista” a la hora de abordar el estudio de la Antigüedad tardía. Si tuviéramos que resumir en un solo término el paradigma interpretativo predominante en nuestros días en el estudio de (...) este período, este sería el de “continuidad”: continuidad (en los niveles administrativo, jurídico, cultural, etc.) entre los reinos post-imperiales del Occidente latino y el precedente imperial y continuidad también entre la cultura cristiana (cultura popular y cultura de los Padres de la Iglesia) y la cultura grecorromana. (shrink)

Parallel to the New Left, whose influence on French public opinion is so pronounced today, a new academic movement has grown up in the United States in the last fifteen years. Its ideas are the portents of an intellectual and scientific revolution whose importance for the economic and political future of western society should be almost as great as the Keynesian revolution of the ‘30s.

Paris. The Place de Grève is teeming with the city's idle seeking relief from their boredom. Street-singers, story-tellers and showmen are encircled by groups of people in varying moods—some sullen, others eager, some distracted, others attentive. Sweets vendors, mercers and lampoonists attract customers by their words and gestures. A little apart from the crowd, men with grave faces seem to be waiting for something: they are the unemployed, keeping an eye out for a possible hirer. On some days a drumroll (...) precedes several men-at-arms escorting a condemned man and his executioner to the place of execution; the festive atmosphere turns suddenly somber, the crowd becomes silent. If scattered jeers and taunts are heard, more often than not it is just to relieve the tension.The Place de Grève gave its name to the French word for strike, greve. And perhaps something still remains of the liveliness of that gathering-place in today's strikes. The Spanish word for strike, huelga, is near to juerga, Spanish for amusement or diversion. The English “strike,” the German streik, the Italian sciopero, all connote fighting, an exchange of blows. The words themselves thus suggest that a strike may be both militant and festive. (shrink)