Among the many instruments devised by students of mathematical sciences in ancient Greece, the monochord provides one of the best opportunities to examine the methodologies of those who employed it in their investigations. Consisting of a single string which could be divided at measured points by means of movable bridges, it was used to demonstrate theorems about the arithmetical relationships between pitched sounds in music. This book traces the history of the monochord and its multiple uses down to Ptolemy, bringing (...) together all the relevant evidence in one comprehensive study. By comparing the monochord with a number of other ancient scientific instruments and their uses, David Creese shows how the investigation of music in ancient Greece not only shares in the patterns of demonstrative and argumentative instrument use common to other sciences, but also goes beyond them in offering the possibility of a rigorous empiricism unparalleled in Greek science. (shrink)

Porphyry's Commentary, the only surviving ancient commentary on a technical text, is not merely a study of Ptolemy's Harmonics. It includes virtually free-standing philosophical essays on epistemology, metaphysics, scientific methodology, aspects of the Aristotelian categories and the relations between Aristotle's views and Plato's, and a host of briefer comments on other matters of wide philosophical interest. For musicologists it is widely recognised as a treasury of quotations from earlier treatises, many of them otherwise unknown; but Porphyry's own reflections on (...) musical concepts and his snapshots of contemporary music-making have been undeservedly neglected. This volume presents the first English translation and a revised Greek text of the Commentary, with an introduction and notes designed to assist readers in engaging with this important and intricate work. (shrink)

In the historiography of Classical Greek ethics over the last two hundred years, and in the employment of Greek ideas by modern philosophers, one story has been standard. Greek ethics, it says, espouses a kind of eudaimonism that Ishall call harmonizing eudaimonism. This story seems to me quite wrong, but it is now so firmly rooted that scarcely anyone ever thinks of questioning it.

The ancient science of harmonics investigates the arrangements of pitched sounds which form the basis of musical melody, and the principles which govern them. It was the most important branch of Greek musical theory, studied by philosophers, mathematicians and astronomers as well as by musical specialists. This 2007 book examines its development during the period when its central ideas and rival schools of thought were established, laying the foundations for the speculations of later antiquity, the Middle Ages and (...) the Renaissance. It concentrates particularly on the theorists' methods and purposes and the controversies that their various approaches to the subject provoked. It also seeks to locate the discipline within the broader cultural environment of the period; and it investigates, sometimes with surprising results, the ways in which the theorists' work draws on and in some cases influences that of philosophers and other intellectuals. (shrink)

This chapter begins with a discussion of Pythagoras and the science of music. The fundamental principles of Greek musical theory were taken up and developed by European musicologists. Three basic elements of that theory which the ancient tradition linked with Pythagoras continue to be associated with his name: the mathematical treatment of music; the doctrine of a musical ethos, or the psychagogic and educative effects of music; and the famous ‘harmony of the spheres’ generated by the movement of the (...) heavenly bodies. The discussion then turns to the basic principles of correspondence between sounds and numbers adopted in Pythagorean harmonics, and acoustic experiments described in the ancient literature of musical theory. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 125.1 (2004) 140-144 [Access article in PDF] C. J. Tuplin and T. E. Rihll, eds. Science and Mathematics in Ancient Greek Culture. Foreword by Lewis Wolpert. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. xvi + 379 pp. 21 black-and white ills. 3 tables. Cloth, $80. It has become something of a truism to say that, whatever their ambitions for abstraction, scientists remain profoundly caught up in (...) the life of their culture. Yet, that is a truism only at a certain level. No one is surprised to hear that Euclid had to eat and drink just like everyone else and relied on royal patronage for the leisure to pursue his studies, but it may occasion surprise to learn that the shape of his number theory should owe something to the particular way in which his eye fell upon a multiplication table. That Galen was influenced by his teachers is not news; but that his commitment to a particular school of philosophy could cause him to see and not see certain things when he was conducting dissections—here is something of interest. The papers in this volume, which were first delivered at a conference in Liverpool in 1996, have it as their common task to show how ancient forms of life influenced the pursuit and acquisition of knowledge on the part of scientists like Euclid and Galen.Heading the collection is a study by Andrew Barker of some idiosyncratic features of Greek harmonic theory. Archytas, Aristotle, and Ptolemy each attempted to characterize the physical basis of the two opposite sound qualities, oxusand barus. As Aristotle himself observed, the terms are metaphors drawn from the tactile realm, and trouble arose because in that realm they are heterogeneous opposites, i.e., the proper opposites of "sharp" and "heavy" are "dull" and "light." Barker uncovers a corresponding uncertainty in the texts about whether these sound qualities should be analyzed as something more like weight or something more like sharpness. Thus, an excessive trust in the descriptive adequacy of ordinary language terms led these thinkers to frustration.Harry Hine's paper on earthquakes and vulcanology deals with ancient knowledge of two phenomena that elicited the attention of scientist and non-scientist alike. Like Barker, Hine draws our attention to a terminological deficiency: although there was a fairly elaborate vocabulary for seismoi, neither Greek nor Latin possessed a generic noun that could properly be translated as [End Page 140] "volcano." This deficiency seems to be correlated with the fact that earthquakes form a regular part of the meteorological curriculum, while volcanoes usually received independent treatment in works such as the Aetna. Particularly intriguing is Hine's suggestion that the opinion of locals, especially sailors, may have been the source of certain scientific theses about volcanoes, e.g., that Aetna's behavior was closely correlated with the weather.The difference between ancient astronomy as practiced and as it was popularly believed to operate is the subject of Alan Bowen's paper. His central question is, when did astronomers first set out to make predictions of eclipses? The surprising answer is that, despite popular beliefs to the contrary, such prediction was never practiced by astronomers in a serious way before Ptolemy. Along with scrutiny of the misunderstanding in Herodotus, Diodorus, and Pliny, the paper offers thorough analysis of the most well-documented "prediction," that of a lunar eclipse that took place the night before the battle of Pydna in 167 B.C.E., which was supposedly foreseen by the Roman (!) general C. Sulpicius Gallus. Bowen casts doubts upon the entire tradition, showing how adherence to an ideology of the well-rounded commander led the sources to inflate his achievement: while some reports have Gallus simply assuaging his troops' fears at the event, others have him explaining its causes or even foretelling it. Bowen's skepticism is well founded, and one must regard these supposed feats of eclipse-prediction as a kind of science fiction, prescient yet false all the same.R. Hanna's subject is the format and function of the parapegma calendar first devised by... (shrink)

The science called 'harmonics' was one of the major intellectual enterprises of Greek antiquity. Ptolemy's treatise seeks to invest it with new scientific rigour; its consistently sophisticated procedural self-awareness marks it as a key text in the history of science. This book is a sustained methodological exploration of Ptolemy's project. After an analysis of his explicit pronouncements on the science's aims and the methods appropriate to it, it examines Ptolemy's conduct of his investigation in detail, concluding that despite (...) occasional uncertainties, the declared procedure is followed with remarkable fidelity. Ptolemy pursues tenaciously his novel objective of integrating closely the project's theoretical and empirical phases and shows astonishing mastery of the concept, the design and the conduct of controlled experimental tests. By opening up this neglected text to historians of science, the book aims to provide a point of departure for wider studies of Greek scientific method. (shrink)

The purpose of this study is to elucidate how the Greek concept of God influenced the formation of Platonic philosophy by examining the terms 'theios' & Theos, as used in his dialogues. In the first chapter, we have highlighted how the collective representation brought by the immediate ‘participation mystique’ with the sacred force(mana) is evolved into the notion of Daimon or Theos as a mediator which will tie the human－being with the sacred force, & how the Greek Theos (...) evolves from the Daimon as a primitive emotional personification acting as a subject of magical rituals into the Theos as a rational personification acting as a subject of selfconsciousness & free-will of the human-being. In the second chapter, we have clarified how the polysemy of the terms: Theios & Theos allows Plato to elaborate a new concept of God & to thereby successfully transform mythological story of the world into a philosophical explanation. In the third chapter, we have brought into relief the process in which Plato has formed unconsciously the concept of Idea from the notion of Theos. In fact, it seems inevitable that the philosopher attempting to construct the system of reasonable explanation of the harmonic cosmos resorts to the property of wholeness & perfectness of Theos. The fourth chapter was concentrated to scrutinize the structure of Platonic thought which describes Demiourgos as 'l'artisan du monde' who recreates or reorganizes the world order on seeing the Idea of the Good (bonum). From our examination of the influence the Greek concept, Theos, had on Platonic Philosophy, we are able to conclude that Plato transformed the religious perfectness into the philosophical & metaphysical perfectness. As a result, this study will open the way for a new understanding of the relation between the Greek Theos, & the Ideas, Demiourgos. (shrink)

This book endeavours to pinpoint the relations between musical, and especially instrumental, practice and the evolving conceptions of pitch systems. It traces the development of ancient melodic notation from reconstructed origins, through various adaptations necessitated by changing musical styles and newly invented instruments, to its final canonical form. It thus emerges how closely ancient harmonic theory depended on the culturally dominant instruments, the lyre and the aulos. These threads are followed down to late antiquity, when details recorded by Ptolemy permit (...) an exceptionally clear view. Dr Hagel discusses the textual and pictorial evidence, introducing mathematical approaches wherever feasible, but also contributes to the interpretation of instruments in the archaeological record and occasionally is able to outline the general features of instruments not directly attested. The book will be indispensable to all those interested in Greek music, technology and performance culture and the general history of musicology. (shrink)

Ancient Greek music was purely or predominantly melodic; and in such music subtleties of intonation count for much. If our sources of information about the intervals used in Greek music are not always easy to interpret, they are at any rate fairly voluminous. On the one hand we have Aristoxenus, by whom musical intervals were regarded spatially and combined and subdivided by the processes of addition and subtraction; for him the octave consisted of six tones, and the tone (...) was exactly divisible into fractions such as the half and quarter, so that the fourth was equal to two tones and a half, the fifth to three tones and a half, and so on. On the other hand we have preserved for us in Ptolemy's Harmonics the computations of a number of mathematicians, who realized correctly that intervals could only be expressed as ratios , that the octave was less than the sum of six whole tones and that this tone could not be divided into equal parts. These authorities are Archytas, the Pythagorean of the early fourth century, Eratosthenes , Didymus and Ptolemy himself . To these we must add the scale of Plato's Timaeus and, closely related to it, the computations of the pseudo-Philolaus and of Boethius himself . Aristoxenus is less easy to understand than the mathematicians because of the unscientific nature of his postulates. His importance, however, is very great, not only from his comparatively early date but because he claims to champion the direct musical consciousness against the scientific approach of some of his predecessors and contemporaries. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Philosophy 41.1 (2003) 123-124 [Access article in PDF] Andrew Barker. Scientific Method in Ptolemy's Harmonics. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. viii + 281. Cloth, $69.95. Ptolemy's Harmonics is an important source not only for the history of music, but also for the history and philosophy of science. Two recent monographs, by J. Solomon, and A. Barker, now provide a basis (...) for a more widespread discussion of this much neglected work. Barker focuses on the part that is concerned with musical science proper (I, 1-III, 3), and more specifically on the scientific method it displays.Barker uses an analysis of Ptolemy's programmatic statements in I, 1/2, as a key to a reading of Ptolemy's treatise. His exposition has the format of a commentary, with special emphasis on the methodologically relevant passages. For the most part, he follows the order of Ptolemy's text closely, providing historical background information in excursus form. One needs to read a complete text of Ptolemy's treatise along with Barker's exposition in order to understand some of his arguments. It is preferable to also use Düring's [End Page 123] edition of the Greek text. One is rewarded with a detailed and in-depth analysis of the passages that helps one understand Ptolemy's method in harmonics as it unfolds in his treatise. This is so even if one disagrees with Barker's claims concerning Ptolemy's methodology.These claims are outlined in chapter 2, on the basis of I, 1/2 of the Harmonics. The methodological program Barker filters out of the text remains vague in a number of important respects. One misses, for example, a clear exposition on what will count as a sufficient integration of "empirical and theoretical phases," and on what will count as "empirical." This is a serious drawback, since Barker claims that Ptolemy instantiates a complex scientific methodology with a decisive, fully integrated empiricist trait. The drawback is aggravated by the fact that the already vague terms of the postulated methodology have to be watered down considerably in the subsequent chapters to make them fit with Ptolemy's actual procedures. Ptolemy does not seem to deliver even on the vague terms. One may very well remain unconvinced both by Barker's initial arguments concerning Ptolemy's methodology, and by his attempts to show that Ptolemy's procedure in the Harmonics can count as a satisfactory instantiation. Perhaps Ptolemy's intentions are less ambitious. When he states (5.13 ff. Düring, ed.) that "the aim of the student of harmonics must be to preserve the hupotheseis..., as never in any way conflicting with the perceptions that correspond to most people's estimation," he may just mean that he intends to vindicate an essentially Pythagorean (locally modified) account by showing it does not conflict with the phenomena. In my view, he certainly delivers on this less ambitious program. In fact, it seems to me that the understanding of Ptolemy's argumentative path is impeded by Barker's interpretation of Ptolemy's goal of "saving the hupotheseis" as a commitment to the integration of a genuine empiricist trait.Chapters 7 and 8 give an exposition of Ptolemy's tetrachord divisions. For the reader interested in an evaluation of the theoretical aspect of Ptolemy's scientific method, these are the central chapters of Barker's book. Barker provides a detailed analysis, together with an exposition of the historical and technical information needed for a non-specialist to follow both his and Ptolemy's argument. Barker's analysis reveals inter alia that a considerable part of Ptolemy's theory has no counterpart in the realm of phenomena perceived as musical, and that another part, concerning the single most important division of musical practice, is not justified, and not justifiable, by derivation from the principles. It is difficult to see how Ptolemy's account can nevertheless be viewed as a genuine integration of empirical and theoretical aspects. It appears to be an attempt at showing that an essentially Pythagorean theory... (shrink)

This essay examines the quantitative aspects of Greco-Roman science, represented by a group of established disci¬plines, which since the fourth century BC were called mathēmata or mathē¬ma¬tikai epistē¬mai. In the group of mathēmata that in Antiquity normally comprised mathematics, mathematical astronomy, harmonics, mechanics and optics, we have also included geography. Using a dataset based on The Encyclopaedia of Ancient Natural Scientists, our essay considers a community of mathēmatikoi (as they called themselves), or ancient scientists (as they are defined for (...) the purposes of the present paper) from a sociological point of view, focusing on the size of the scientific population known to us and its disciplinary, temporal and geographical distribution. A diachronic comparison of neighboring and partly overlapping communities, ancient scientists and philosophers, allows the pattern of their interrelationship to be traced. An examination of centers of science throughout ancient history reveals that there were five major centers – Athens, Alexandria, Rhodes, Rome and Byzantium/Constantinople – that appear and replace one another in succession as leaders. These conclusions serve to reopen the issue of the place of mathēmata and mathēmatikoi in ancient society. (shrink)

This book covers a great deal of ground and aims to undermine some of the most widespread claims about ancient Greek ethics. White thinks that the study of Greek ethics has been wrongly dominated by the assumption that all Greek ethical theorists were eudaimonists and harmonizing eudaimonists. Roughly, White takes eudaimonism as the thesis that for each individual there is a single ultimate rational end aimed at for its own sake and that this is the individual’s own (...) eudaimonia, well-being, or happiness. Harmonizing eudaimonism is the thesis that if there is a plurality of ingredients of happiness, they can all be fully realized by the individual without significant conflict among them. Harmonizing eudaimonism thus not only guarantees that the self-confined aims of an individual are co-realizable, but also that there is no conflict between the individual’s self-confined good and other considerations that make a rational claim on the agent, such as ethical principles and the welfare of others. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Philosophy 41.4 (2003) 554-555 [Access article in PDF] Nicholas White. Individual and Conflict in Greek Ethics.New York: Oxford University Press, Clarendon Press, 2002. Pp. xv + 369. Cloth, $55.00. This is a thoughtful book on an interesting subject by a well-known scholar of ancient ethical philosophy. However, the organization and mode of exposition is, in some ways, rather odd; and this rather muffles (...) the potential depth and impact.White challenges (what he presents as) a widespread current view about Greek ethical philosophy. This is that Greek philosophy does not contain the same kinds of moral conflict that we find in modern thought: namely, between the claims of the individual and the state, and between doing your duty, or what is best for others, and pursuing your own happiness. White, by contrast, believes that those conflicts do figure—as substantive, problematic issues—in Greek thought, and that they are conceived in a way that is broadly similar to modern thought, despite some other salient differences. Further, White maintains that the general denial of conflict in Greek thought has its roots in certain eighteenth- and nineteenth-century intellectual tendencies. A crucial factor was the Hegelian picture of Classical Greek thought as free from the conflicts between individual and state, and between happiness and duty that are central in modern thought and are articulated especially by Kant. White sees the Hegelian view as influential on late nineteenth-century readings of Greek philosophy by thinkers such as Sidgwick, on more recent anti-Kantian thinkers such as Alasdair MacIntyre and Bernard Williams, as well as on much current scholarship on Greek philosophy.White confronts what he sees as a mistaken tendency partly by charting its historical roots and partly by offering a competing (or at least "ground-clearing" [xiii]) reading of key relevant features of Greek ethics. Two crucial topics are Plato's presentation of the demand that the fully trained philosopher-rulers go back into the cave to direct the state rather than philosophizing, as they would prefer (Republic 219-21) and Aristotle's selection [End Page 554] of the philosophical life, rather than the ethical life of practical action, as the highest form of human happiness (Nicomachean Ethics10.7-8). White argues, first, that these are recognized as substantive and difficult issues by the two Greek thinkers and, second, that the way in which the issues are conceived is (roughly) in terms of the modern-style contrast between doing your communal duty and pursuing your personal happiness. The "eudaimonistic" (happiness-centered) outlook often seen as typical of Greek philosophy does not mean that these issues are therefore defused or resolved. Hellenistic (Epicurean and Stoic) philosophy does offer a unified ethical outlook, but not in a way that matches the Hegelian pattern. The influential Hegelian reading of Greek ethics is shown up as mistaken and the door is opened for interpretations which recognize and analyse these issues in more accurate terms.White's central claims are challenging, important and, in principle at least, plausible. How effectively is the case made? As indicated earlier, the organization of the book does not seem to me to support the argument as well as it could. The discussion of Plato and Aristotle, which forms the core of White's thesis, is preceded by an extended preparation, extending to nearly half of the book. This examines, in meticulous detail, the background in modern intellectual history to the tendency that White attacks. It also explores in general terms conceptual issues (about deliberative conflict, the role of imperatives and the city-state as a source of normativity) that bear on his claims about Greek thought. When White finally gets to detailed discussion of philosophical texts, he does not—surprisingly—try to show in specific ways how current leading scholarly interpretations are informed by the Hegelian pattern he has so elaborately described. His confrontation with the modern version of this pattern is generalized, with references to scholarly readings largely confined to footnotes. The thrust of his interpretative discussion is negative, ruling out the harmonizing, Hegelian... (shrink)

This article offers a study of the early formation and development of the ideal of harmony in ancient Chinese philosophy and ancient Greek philosophy. It shows that, unlike the Pythagorean notion of harmony, which is primarily based on a linear progressive model with a pre-set order, the ancient Chinese concept of harmony is best understood as a comprehensive process of harmonization. It encompasses spatial as well as temporal dimensions, metaphysical as well as moral and aesthetical dimensions. It is a (...) fundamentally open notion in the sense that it does not aim to conform to any pre-set order. This broader, richer, and more liberal understanding of harmony has had a profound influence on Chinese culture as whole in its long history. (shrink)

Thus far it has been shown that Greek ethics is not as different from modern ethics as is commonly held, and that we cannot oppose a harmonizing Greek ethical outlook with a modern view that involves a conflict between happiness and adherence to ethical standards. Greek ethics has universalistic features—though they are different from the egalitarian characteristics of modern positions and do not focus on the notion of benevolence in the way that modern ethics does—and it mostly (...) distinguishes self‐referential and non‐self‐referential aims. Moreover, there is not in any case such a thing as a monolithic ethical view of ‘the Greeks’, and the idea of a straightforward contrast between ‘ancient’ and ‘modern’ ethics is best avoided. (shrink)

The polis, the dominant political form around which ancient Greeks structured their lives and activities, is perhaps their most fundamental creation and enduring legacy. It was a highly successful form of social organization in which Greek culture thrived, including architecture, literature, and philosophy. In this book, ancient historian John Ma offers a new history of the polis from its origins in the Early Iron Age through its eclipse in Late Antiquity. He aims to answer a few big questions about (...) it-Why did it emerge? What needs did it fulfill? How did it work? In addition, it is often assumed that the polis, along with the concomitant values of democracy and freedom, came to an end with the Classical period. Taking a contrary view, Ma explores how it endured under imperial control (the Persian Achaimenids, the Hellenistic kings, the Roman Empire), as well as why and how it eventually ended. In addressing these questions, Ma examines not only the most well-known ancient city-states like Sparta and Athens but also many lesser-known ones. He shows how complex the relations of power, access, and membership between the city, the territory, and the members of the polis were. Ma also examines the polis's significance as a social form and looks to the people who constitute the polis, from free adult men-stakeholders in institutional power, slaveowners, or heads of households-and elites to women, foreigners, and enslaved peoples, however disempowered. He draws on recent work on gender and slavery to evaluate the place of domination and violence in the polis. In doing so, Ma shows how the composition of the citizen body is both a political and social issue. The powerful combination of central political ideas and conflict around the issues of autonomy and social power led, Ma argues, to a "great convergence" of polis forms, producing a relatively uniform, stable organism, centred on communitarian, democratic forms and bargains between the community and its elites. This convergence led to the diffusion and harmonization of polis forms, both within and beyond the Aegean, and which allowed them to endure for almost a thousand years with an even longer legacy. (shrink)

Journal Name: Apeiron Issue: Ahead of print.

In his Harmonics, Ptolemy constructs a complex set of theoretically ‘correct’ forms of musical scale, represented as sequences of ratios, on the basis of mathematical principles and reasoning. But he insists that their credentials will not have been established until they have been submitted to the judgement of the ear. They cannot be audibly instantiated with the necessary accuracy without the help of specially designed instruments, which Ptolemy describes in detail, discussing the uses to which each can be put (...) and cataloguing its limitations. The best known of these instruments is the monochord, but there are several more complex devices. This paper discusses one such instrument which is known from no other source, ancient or modern, whose design was prompted by the geometrical construction known as the helikôn. It has several remarkable peculiarities. I examine its design, its purposes, and the merits and shortcomings which Ptolemy attributes to it. An appendix describes an instrument I have built to Ptolemy’s specifications, in an attempt to find out how satisfactorily such a bizarre contraption will work; and it explains how various practical problems can be resolved. Keywords: Ptolemy; Greek harmonics; Scientific instruments; Helikôn; Experiment; Mathematics. (shrink)

The so-called "Theology of Aristotle" is a translation of the Enneads of Plotinus, the most important representative of late ancient Platonism. It was produced in the 9th century CE within the circle of al-Kindī, one of the most important groups for the early reception of Greek thought in Arabic. In part because the "Theology" was erroneously transmitted under Aristotle's authorship, it became the single most important conduit by which Neoplatonism reached the Islamic world. It is referred to by such (...) thinkers as al-Fārābī, in an attempt to demonstrate the agreement between Platonism and Aristotelianism, Avicenna, who wrote a set of comments on the text, and later on thinkers of Safavid Persia including Mullā Ṣadrā. Yet the "Theology" is not just a translation. It may in fact more accurately be described as a creative paraphrase, which takes frequent liberties with the source text and even includes whole paragraphs' worth of new material. Adamson's book offers a philosophical interpretation of the changes introduced in the Arabic version. It is argued that these changes were in part intended to show the relevance of Plotinus' thought for contemporary Islamic culture, for instance by connecting the Neoplatonist theory of the First Principle to theological disputes within Islam over the status of God's attributes. At the same time the paraphrase reflects a tendency to harmonize the various strands of Greek thought, so that a critique by Plotinus of Aristotle's theory of the soul is subtly changed into a defense of Aristotle's theory against a possible misinterpretation. The upshot, or so Adamson argues, is that the "Theology" needs to be read as an original philosophical work in its own right, and understood within the context of the ʿAbbāsid era. (shrink)

It is undeniable that human beings seek happiness and have difficulty finding it. This is not a new phenomenon: ever since ancient times man has wondered about what happiness is, where it lies and how to achieve it. For the Greeks, a people of deep pessimism, the search for happiness (eudaimonia) was a traditional theme of philosophy and it was precisely in Greece where Epicurus ́ (341-270 BC) doctrine of happiness emerged. A cursed and manipulated author (just like his admirer (...) Nietzsche), Epicurus has probably been the thinker who has most lucidly approached the question of eudaimonia. Its doctrine seeks and promises its followers happiness through pleasure (hedoné), self-sufficiency (autarky), friendship (philía) and mental calm (ataraxia), offering itself as medicine against the pain of flesh and the sufferings of the mind. But Epicurean hedonism, which harmonizes well with the ancient Apollonian maxim that wisdom consists of moderation and the knowledge of limits, is totally removed from both the tyranny of the happycracy and from the noxious culture of unrestrained and vacuous desire of contemporary postmodernity. This is precisely why Epicurus's timeless proposal for authentic happiness deserves to be known for everyone: for constituting an effective therapy against the ills that afflict the nihilistic human being of the neoliberal era. (shrink)

This book engages with the work of Miskawayh, a formative Islamic Philosopher in the 11th century, who is acknowledged as the founder of Islamic Moral Philosophy. Miskawayh's The Refinement of Character (Tahd̲īb al-Aḫlāq) draws from both ancient Greek philosophical tradition and Islamic thought, highlighting the concepts he integrated into what he argued to be the moral core of Islam. This book pursues a comparative study by analyzing and outlining the inherent philosophical concerns of the Aristotelian concepts of Happiness, Justice (...) and Friendship, which are then brought into conversation with Miskawayh's own concepualizations of them. While Tahd̲īb al-Aḫlāq is deeply influenced by Aristotle's ethics, Miskawayh employs not only a Platonizing interpretation of Aristotelian philosophy, but also incorporates traditions of Islamic thought. The study therefore concludes that Miskawayh is merely a transmitter of ancient Greek philosophy, as shown by both his critical survey of the material available to him and his own critical contributions. Essentially, Miskawayh attempted to harmonize philosophical and religious concepts of knowledge, demonstrating the interlinking of what are perceived as-at times detrimentally-incompatible positions. Ufuk Topkara illustrates how Aristotle's Ethics are integrated, modified and at times adjusted to the broader narrative of Islamic thought and how Miskawayh's discourse, albeit philosophical in nature, remains religious in its outlook. Providing clear insight into Miskawayh's work, this book is ideal for students and scholars of Islamic Philosophy and Muslim Theology. (shrink)

The ancient Greeks already used to give ethnic names to their different scales, and observations on differences in music of the various nations always raised the interest of musicians and philosophers. Yet, it was only in the late nineteenth century that “comparative musicology” became an institutional science. An important role in this process was played by Carl Stumpf, a former pupil of Brentano’s who pioneered these researches in Berlin. Stumpf founded the Phonogrammarchiv to collect recordings of folk and extra-European music (...) and a dedicated journal, the Sammelbände für vergleichende Musikwissenschaft. Gifted in the field of science no less than in that of musicology, Stumpf developed an empirically-oriented approach to phenomenology, deeply divergent from Husserl’s and highly influential over the Berlin school of Gestalt psychology. A self-declared “outsider” among armchair philosophers, Stumpf experimentally investigated the perception of sounds and the origins of musical consonance. Developing the physiological studies of Ernst Weber on the sense of touch, Stumpf discovered that two sensations of tone, given at the same time, tend to mix in a certain degree. Musical consonance – he claimed – lays in this level of “tonal fusion”, not in the allegedly “natural” series of the harmonic partials of a vibrating chord, as suggested by the naturalists of all times from Pythagoras to Stumpf’s great contemporary Hermann Helmholtz. Accordingly, no musical system can claim for preponderance over the others: Stumpf’s researches in comparative musicology served to corroborate his theses on “tonal fusion” and the psychological foundations of consonance. Although Stumpf later revised and finally abandoned this theory, its permanent value lays in its opposition to dominant naturalistic approaches. The commitment for comparative musicology at the Berlin School is then no concession to a positivistic fashion for exoticism. The fundamentally Eurocentric stance of naturalistic theories of music is also fiercely contrasted by Stumpf’s pupil Erich Hornbostel, who suggests that music ought to be considered as culture, rather than as nature, and focuses attention on the eventually melting human cultures. The Berlin school flourished until the Nazis forced most of its exponents to emigration and, for tragically obvious reasons, heavily discouraged researches on these topics. (shrink)

At the beginning, the poetry was considered as the genesis of the arabic art, and after then the prose of adab, both of them appeared with the idea of the "beauty science". This idea would be projected on the music. On the other hand, the greek heritage of the classic arabic philosophy legacy was reflected during the first manuscripts of the arabic philosophers and musical theoreticians as al-Kindf and al-Farabf, as a result appeared a new conception of the "beauty" (...) and "aesthetic". By this way, taking as a point of reference the greek classical world, the new parameters would appear as an result of this own reality and idiosyncrasy. Their poetry and musical legacy, joined to the philosopher and religious mind would complete the work of the "aesthetic musical art". The study of the arabic middle music prove that the harmony in the poetry, lingüistic and rhitmycal contents, go in parallel with the melodic content until it reached a harmonic relation and in definitive cosmic, and as a result an "aesthetic ideal". This ideal was based on "beauty" and the "aesthetic emotion" produced by the art and all that as reflet to the harmonic until the corp and the spirit and oriented to the spherical work and to the divinity. (shrink)

How did it become possible to philosophize about history? Man has generally sought to locate himself in natural space rather than in historical time. The various oriental philosophies give no place to history. “Humanistic” Greece herself, in other respects so eager to explore human conduct in all its characteristic dimensions and in all its aspects, prudently recoiled from anything which might give value to time or cause history to appear as the specifically human mode of existence. No other culture, perhaps, (...) carried so far the concern for harmonizing human relationships, and yet the idea of progress was completely lacking in it. The organization of the terrestrial city always remained the central point of the reflection of Greek poets and philosophers, who were almost all teachers and law-givers—but they never thought to situate the true destiny of man in the historical world, much less to grant man a place in the universe which would make him forget the precariousness of his condition and his subordination to that which surpasses him. And, if we listen to Aristotle: “The life of moral virtue,” he says, “is happy only in a secondary degree. For the moral activities are purely human, ανθρωπικαι.” Naturally, “it is true that, being a man and living in the society of others, he chooses to engage in virtuous action, and so will need external goods to carry on his life as a human being, πρos τo ανθρωπɛνɛσθαι.” But we must take care not to assert “that man is superior to the other animals … since there are other things far more divine in their nature than man, for instance, to mention the most visible (ϕανɛρωτατα), the things of which the things of which the celestial system is composed.” Aristotle was referring to the stars—and, indeed, it was in the circular motions of the luminaries, much more than in the human domain, that the classic Greeks saw that which is manifested in being with the greatest splendor. If we limit ourselves to the specifically human—as do those whom Plotinus designates under the frankly disdainful term oι ανθρωπικωτɛρoι—we risk losing contact with the Good that revolves in the cosmos and is our sole guaranty against the senseless non-being which threatens us from every side. Under these conditions the question of knowing whether or not history has meaning, and whether or not it is provided with an appropriate logic which expresses the profound structure of our being, appears meaningless. (shrink)

For metaphysicians who have imbibed the sober and inebriating teachings of Thomas Aquinas, existence is an act, the act which makes all things actually to be. As the act of existence makes things to be, essence makes them to be what they are. Essence and the act of existence, in other words, are really distinct yet together they compose each of the things that are. Such an understanding involves a number of paradoxes, and Frederick D. Wilhelmsen's articulation of them reveals (...) his philosophical genius. These paradoxes include the fact that the act of existence does not exist, that it can be thought but not conceived by the mind, and that truths about God can be known while He himself remains absolutely unknown. Wilhelmsen argues the notion that the Christian faith and philosophical reason harmonize while remaining completely distinct from each other. Writing in a captivating style, Wilhelmsen begins with a discussion of the development, strengths, and limitations of the ancient Greek philosophical accounts of being. Following that, he develops such key topics as the problem of existence, St. Thomas Aquinas' understanding of being, critical analyses of Hegel's and Heidegger's doctrines of being, existence as "towards God," and a metaphysical approach to the human person. The final two chapters develop the sense in which metaphysical thinking is and is not shaped by historical and social factors. (shrink)

La dimensione teorica della musica occidentale, nella sua evoluzione storica, ha inevitabilmente fatto uso di concetti essenziali alla definizione di come il suono è musicalmente organizzato o organizzabile. Fra questi, risultano imprescindibili le nozioni di materia, forma e ordine, che implicano rispettivamente, nei pur diversi ambiti linguistici e contesti storico-filosofici di riferimento, ciò di cui è fatta la musica, ciò a cui la materia sonora tende, e come tale tensione è realizzata. Scopo di questo contributo è una valutazione d’insieme sulla (...) valenza filosofica e l’uso di tali concetti nel pensiero musicale occidentale altomedievale e in quello del Novecento, che nonostante la distanza cronologica presentano convergenze significative. Nel Medioevo, un lungo processo di elaborazione teorico-pratica permise la matematizzazione dello spazio musicale, attraverso l’adattamento di moduli melodici, trasmessi oralmente, alle strutture scalari desunte dalla teoria greco-boeziana. La forma e l’ordo musicali furono quindi riferiti ai criteri fisico-matematici atti a distinguere nella materia sonora, in sé disorganica e indefinita, ciò che è musicale da ciò che non lo è. Tale concezione sparisce con l’affermarsi del sistema tonale, ove il suono fisico è concepito come “pre-formato” e “pre-ordinato” nella gamma scalare e nei vincoli attrattivi “naturali” degli armonici. In conseguenza, i concetti di forma e ordine abbandonano il contesto acustico, andando a definire i criteri teorici della composizione artistica, in linea con l’idea filosofica del loro esprimere la coerenza logico-sintattica dell’“insieme organico” . Nell’ambito del pensiero musicale del Novecento, la crisi del sistema tonale e la messa a punto di nuove modalità e tecniche di produzione del suono hanno riorientato la valenza significante e l’uso di questi tre concetti, implicando il loro tornare a imporsi sugli elementi primari della fisica del suono, non solo l’altezza, ma soprattutto il timbro, il volume e la durata. Già Schönberg, nel 1911, affermava come “l’ordine che chiamiamo forma artistica” è “un necessario espediente” elaborato “a causa della nostra incapacità a comprendere l’indistinto e il non-ordinato”, che è la condizione propria della materia sonora. In its historical development, the Western theory of music has inevitably made use of specific concepts to define how the sound is musically organized or organizable. Among these notions, those of matter, form and order signify – in spite of the different linguistic areas and the various historical and philosophical backgrounds – that from which music is made, that to which it tends and how such tendency is realized. This paper aims to evaluate the philosophical implications and the use of these three concepts in the musical theories of the high Middle Ages and of the twentieth century, since, in spite of their chronological distance, they present significant similarities. A long process of theoretical and practical adjustments of the melodic structures of liturgical chants to the scale-systems of the Greek and Boethian theory contributed to developing what would become a familiar notion throughout the Middle Ages: that musical intervals can be expressed in mathematical terms. According to this view, the words forma and ordo signify the mathematical measures that are applied to the “matter” of sound, which is considered as inorganic and indefinite in itself. This conception gradually disappears when the tonal system begins to emerge, since this new modality of composition implies that the physical sound is “pre-formed” and “pre-ordered” within the musical scale, according to the “natural” links of the harmonics. Consequently, the concepts of “form” and “order” do not refer any more to the context of sound generation, but are now used to define the theoretical criteria of the artistic composition, so to accomplish the new philosophic idea of their expressing the logical-syntactic coherence of the “organic-whole” . In the early twentieth century, when the tonal system starts to be replaced by new methods of composition and when new modalities and techniques of sound production emerge, those three concepts are used, again, to express the basic elements of the physics of sound: not only its height, but also its timbre, volume, and duration. In 1911, Schönberg argued that the order that we call “artistic form” is a necessary device, elaborated “because of our incapacity to comprehend the indistinct and unordered thing”, that is the own condition of the matter of sound. (shrink)

For Max Weber, modernity is characterized by a tragic conflict among value spheres, each claiming to possess the ‘true meaning’ of human life. In particular, Weber argues that while the political sphere is dominated by the unifying, exclusionary, power-driven, and war-prone nation state, the ethical sphere is characterized by the universalization of individually based, deontological norms. For Weber, I argue, the modern separation between the ethical and political spheres originates in ancient Judaism. His work on Judaism, mostly neglected by political (...) theorists, describes the emergence of politics as an autonomous, naturalistic sphere with the establishment of kingship. Biblical prophets, simultaneously, were the inventors of an idealistic, mulish, universal ethics Weber termed the ‘ethics of ultimate ends’. Thus, against the Greek model harmonizing ethics and politics, Judaism invented an antagonistic model of the two. This Jewish imagination lay dormant for almost two millennia but returned to the stage in secularized modernity. (shrink)

The discourse surrounding Islamic philosophy has garnered significant attention among scholars, highlighting a multitude of benefits and limitations related to its authenticity and its position as an essential component of Islamic cultural legacy. Some believe that Islamic philosophy is simply a reinvention of Greek philosophical concepts, thus undermining its credibility. Conversely, proponents advocate the integration of Greek philosophical principles with Islamic tenets as a synthesis rather than a simple replication. This article aspires to delve into these diverse perspectives (...) by analyzing the historical transformation of Islamic philosophy, with a spotlight on its initial periods, particularly stressing the impact of Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī (d. 951 CE), a significant figure in Islamic philosophy who synthesized Greek philosophical ideas, notably those of Aristotle and Plato, to construct a unique Islamic philosophical framework. Through a qualitative conceptual analysis, this article evaluates the authoritative dimensions and philosophical disputes between Aristotle and Plato, particularly concerning ontology and epistemology, while accentuating al-Fārābī’s endeavors to harmonize their philosophical positions. This article suggests that al-Fārābī engaged in a critical examination of both Plato's and Aristotle’s perspectives on universal truth and human cognition, which ultimately led him to incorporate their philosophies into a unique Islamic framework. (shrink)

Pensadores griegos y orientales, filósofos antiguos, medioevales y modernos, han tocado el tema de lo corporal de manera fragmentaria que reducen lo corpóreo a mero instrumento. Para evitar este tipo de interpretaciones, queda el expediente de acudir a la síntesis holística; a la versión del "cuerpo total" que somos. La economía imperante es la del "cuerpo poseído". Se tasa, vende y desecha en el mercado la fuerza de trabajo. Se ejerce sobre él una violencia que nos rebasa en todos los (...) frentes; es radical, porque atenta contra la integridad y la dignidad de los cuerpos. Restañar las heridas corporales de nuestros pueblos requiere de la formulación y siembra del conocimiento de la Ética del cuerpo que deberá ir acompañada por un proceso de reconstrucción simbólica de la idea de "cuerpo" en el que todos participemos. Si armonizan necesidades y capacidades corporales propias y ajenas y compaginan nuestras acciones con el respeto al entorno natural, casa del cuerpo, podremos vislumbrar que vamos sobre el camino correcto. The Greek and Eastern thinkers, ancient, medieval and modern philosophers, have dealt with the body only in a fragmentary way that sees it as a mere instrument. To avoid this kind of interpretation we resort to a holistic synthesis-the "total body" version that we really are. The dominant economics is the one of the "possessed body" that can be priced, sold and disposed of as working force. An overpowering violence is applied to it; it is a radical violence as it attempts on bodies' integrity and dignity. The healing of the wounded bodies of our people requires formulating and planting the seeds of the body's ethics that will accompany the reconstruction of an idea of body to be shared by all of us. If we harmonize our own and others' body's needs and abilities, and our actions are in accordance with our natural surroundings, we will be able to make out the right path. (shrink)

O artigo mostra que o “grego” está presente no pensamento “judaico” de Levinas e que os escritos “gregos” possuem uma dimensão “judaica”: Yafet é recebido nos alojamentos de Shem e vice-versa. A tese aqui formulada é que os escritos confessionais desenvolvem-se paralelamente aos escritos profissionais. Embora o discurso seja marcadamente diferente em cada uma das obras, e apesar de Levinas não tentar harmonizálos ou conciliá-los, ele se esforça por “enunciar em grego os princípios que a Grécia não conhece”. A sua (...) filosofia se desenvolve paralelamente à redescoberta daquilo que o Ocidente esqueceu e reprimiu: que o ser humano é criado “na imagem de Deus”. Em um pensamento de estilo inclusivo, Levinas é aqui apresentado como um viajante freqüente entre Atenas e Jerusalém, como um filósofo e um judeu; um “grego”, mas um “grego” indiscutivelmente judeu. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Pensamento “grego”. Pensamento “hebraico”. Levinas. ABSTRACT The article shows that “Greek” is present in Levinas’s “Hebrew” thinking and that the “Greek” writings have a “Hebrew” dimension: Yafet is received in the tents of Shem and vice versa. The thesis formulated here is that the confessional writings run parallel with the professional writings. Although the discourse is quite different in both writings, and although Levinas certainly does not attempt to harmonize or to conciliate, he endeavors to “enounce in Greek the principles Greece did not know”. His philosophy was paralleled with the re-discovery of what the West forgot and repressed: that the human being is created “in God’s image.” In an inclusive thinking, Levinas is presented here as a frequent traveler between Athens and Jerusalem, as a philosopher and a Jew, a “Greek,” but undeniably a Jewish one. KEY WORDS – “Greek” thinking. “Hebrew” thinking. Levinas. (shrink)

Pensadores griegos y orientales, filósofos antiguos, medioevales y modernos, han tocado el tema de lo corporal de manera fragmentaria que reducen lo corpóreo a mero instrumento. Para evitar este tipo de interpretaciones, queda el expediente de acudir a la síntesis holística; a la versión del "cuerpo total" que somos. La economía imperante es la del "cuerpo poseído". Se tasa, vende y desecha en el mercado la fuerza de trabajo. Se ejerce sobre él una violencia que nos rebasa en todos los (...) frentes; es radical, porque atenta contra la integridad y la dignidad de los cuerpos. Restañar las heridas corporales de nuestros pueblos requiere de la formulación y siembra del conocimiento de la Ética del cuerpo que deberá ir acompañada por un proceso de reconstrucción simbólica de la idea de "cuerpo" en el que todos participemos. Si armonizan necesidades y capacidades corporales propias y ajenas y compaginan nuestras acciones con el respeto al entorno natural, casa del cuerpo, podremos vislumbrar que vamos sobre el camino correcto. The Greek and Eastern thinkers, ancient, medieval and modern philosophers, have dealt with the body only in a fragmentary way that sees it as a mere instrument. To avoid this kind of interpretation we resort to a holistic synthesis-the "total body" version that we really are. The dominant economics is the one of the "possessed body" that can be priced, sold and disposed of as working force. An overpowering violence is applied to it; it is a radical violence as it attempts on bodies' integrity and dignity. The healing of the wounded bodies of our people requires formulating and planting the seeds of the body's ethics that will accompany the reconstruction of an idea of body to be shared by all of us. If we harmonize our own and others' body's needs and abilities, and our actions are in accordance with our natural surroundings, we will be able to make out the right path. (shrink)

In this dissertation, I will examine the problem of theological fatalism in St. Augustine and, specifically, whether or not Augustine was philosophically justified in his belief that his views on divine grace and human freedom could be harmonized. As is well-known, beginning with his second response To Simplician (ca. 396) and continuing through his works against the semi-Pelagians (ca. 426-429), Augustine espoused the Pauline doctrine of all-inclusive grace: that the fallen will’s ability to accomplish the good is totally a function (...) of God’s elective grace. What, then, does the fallen will do to work out its own salvation? There is the further issue of how to reconcile Augustine’s rather extreme emphasis on grace in his later works with the more balanced picture we receive in his sermones ad populum, written throughout his forty-year preaching career. In many of these sermons, even those written during the Pelagian controversy, Augustine is careful to leave space for both divine and human initiative in the process of our justification within the totus Christus, or ‘whole Christ.’ How we can understand Augustine in his role as doctor gratiae and as preacher of human freedom will be a major inquiry of this dissertation.The most serious obstacle to moving forward on these problems has been and remains the essentialist interpretation of Augustine’s Trinitarian theology by most commentators. On their interpretation, Augustine thought that there were no real distinctions within the Trinity, with each of the three divine persons and their actions sharing in the absolute unity of the divine essence. Holding this interpretation not only does away with the distinctness of each of the persons, but also requires all of God’s different powers and attributes, including willing and foreknowing, to be coalesced into one another without distinction in the divine essence. God’s foreknowledge is thereby identified with God’s will, which necessarily leads to theological fatalism: God would have to will everything that He foreknows, and God would have to foreknow everything that He wills. Since God is omniscient, He wills everything that will happen, including the future willings of the fallen human will.It cannot be denied that there are texts in the Augustinian corpus that seem to point to a reading of the Trinity as absolutely simple. But this study will endeavor to show that there are also other largely overlooked texts in On the Trinity, the Confessions, and his Commentaries on the Literal Interpretation of Genesis (among others) that argue for various distinctions within the Trinity to make sense of the relation between Creator and creature, and the differences between the divine processions of generation/spiration, and the act of creation. These texts will be shown to parallel very closely the position of the Eastern Orthodox Christian tradition, which consistently uses the real distinction between God’s essential being and energetic activities (also known as the essence-energy distinction) to avoid the problem of theological fatalism. This rich theological and philosophical tradition, from the time of the fourth-century Greek Fathers to the Byzantine tradition that followed, differs less with Augustine concerning the essentials of Trinitarian theology and its practical implications for solving the problem of making human freedom and divine grace compatible than has been hitherto thought. (shrink)

In the realm of language a special case of mimetic illusion is the calembour, where the sound of a phrase signifies something else than what is written. At the end of the XVI century the artistic expression of this phenomenon gave birth to the paintings of Arcimboldo, who separated the contour of an object form the linear organization of the surface, in order to feature another object, through a kind of “polyphonic” dissociation between meaning and form. Strangely enough, nothing has (...) been written, in modern musicology, about the musical analogue of this phenomenon, but one can prove that it was not confined to paintings. The art of dissociating signs and meanings, was very well known by musicians not only through poetics, but also through musical mathematics, and above all by the study of the ancient Greek theory of metabolai, about the qualitative change of an harmonic form through the ambiguity created with others forms. (shrink)

This work is an attempt to decipher the therapeutic essence of the Hellenic theater through the prism of "catharsis", starting with the Athenian orgy, when theatrical performances turned into a tool for collective healing. The article deals with the theoretical views of Aristotle, in whose aesthetics catharsis has become the main concept that testifies to the healing abilities of the Greek theater to purify and harmonize the personality. The author shows how these ideas can be used in modern theatrical (...) art, helping to identify and eliminate the mental problems of today's audience. Dramatic "catharsis", named and analyzed in the theoretical system of Aristotle, in turn, became a theoretical generalization of the healing abilities of the Greek theater. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that the study of the essence and form of healing in the Greek theater can be used as a theoretical basis for the development of modern drama therapy. The work uses an interdisciplinary approach, a cultural-historical method and the principle of comparative analysis in the 70-80s. In the twentieth century, drama therapy began to be explored as a separate discipline that awakened creativity and imagination, contributed to the reunification of people with their inner world, removed the burden of difficult experiences, changed behavior and life circumstances, thus revealing the healing abilities of theatrical "catharsis". The rise of modern theater therapy reflects a new direction in the development of psychotherapy and theater, as well as a return to the ancient traditions of healing and artistic creativity and the development of fresh ideas and new creative ideas based on them. (shrink)

At the beginning of the thirteenth century the recovery by western Christendom from the Arabs, Jews and Greeks of the metaphysical treatises of Aristotle, and their translation into Latin, caused a ferment in the intellectual world comparable to that produced by Darwin in the nineteenth century. To vindicate traditional methodoxy Albertus Magnus undertook to harmonize the doctrines of the Church with the Peripatetic philosophy, and this work was carried to its conclusion by his pupil, St Thomas Aquinas, with such success (...) that the latter has become the official philosopher of Roman Catholicism. The system of Aquinas centres in his conception of God, to the exposition and criticism of which this book is devoted. (shrink)

Simply by formulating a question about the nature of ancient Greek poetry or music, any modern English speaker is already risking anachronism. In recent years especially, scholars have reminded one another that the words ‘music’ and ‘poetry’ denote concepts with no easy counterpart in Greek. μουσική in its broadest sense evokes not only innumerable kinds of structured movement and sound but also the political, psychological and cosmic order of which song, verse and dance are supposed to be perceptible (...) manifestations. Likewise, ποίησις and the ποιητικὴ τέχνη can encompass all kinds of ‘making’, from the assembly of a table to the construction of a rhetorical argument. Of course, there were specifically artistic usages of these terms—according to Plato, ‘musical and metrical production’ was the default meaning of ποίησις in everyday speech. But even in discussions which restrict themselves to the sphere of human art, we find nothing like the neat compartmentalization of harmonized rhythmic melody on the one hand, and stylized verbal composition on the other, which is often casually implied or expressly formulated in modern comparisons of ‘music’ with ‘poetry’. For many ancient theorists the City Dionysia, a dithyrambic festival and a recitation of Homer all featured different versions of one and the same form of composition, a μουσική or ποιητική to which λόγοι, γράμματα and συλλαβαί were just as essential as ἁρμονία, φθόγγοι, ῥυθμός and χρόνοι. (shrink)

Sir Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, clearly one of the early modern doyens of Indian Philosophy, remained much enamored of Western thought—of which he took the ancient to classical tradition as his model—and he spent a good part of his speculative life attempting to reconfigure Indian thought to fit the vesture, maybe the toga, of his Greek heroes, namely Plato and Plotinus, and to an extent of Hegelianism that came across via F. H. Bradley: Occidental in form, and Indian in content. It (...) was as if this ‘fusion’ or ‘harmonization’ was easy of making without compromising what since Max Müller has come to be called ‘Indian Philosophy’. The paper intends to demonstrate this worrisome yet compelling motif by advancing an analysis of certain representative texts and arguments from Radhakrishnan’s prolific writing on Indian Philosophy and East-West Thinking; particularly as these relate to the question of the ‘appearances’, their alignment with Platonic ‘shadows,’ while finding their redemption in the realism propelled by modern empirical science. The paper traces the justification for Radhakrishnan’s variegated moves to ‘save the appearances’ through his strained reading of the Upaniṣadic texts and under-standing of Śaṅkara’s nondualism, leading to the argument that although the world is brought about by māyā, it is not an illusion or nonexistent, or unhinged from the Absolute, but rather naïvely real. There may have been a supplementary political motivation as well inspired by the burgeoning nationalist spirit, after Gandhi, and the need for India to become culturally and morally strong in its own terms. (shrink)

One of the aims of the Neoplatonists is to demonstrate that ancient Presocratic thought is, in fact, a Preplatonic thought. According to the Neoplatonists, Presocratics, who were not far from the truth, employed an inaccurate and ambiguous language, whereas Plato spoke about the truth in a more appropriate and clear way. That is why the Presocratics are not necessarily erroneous and their theoretical originality and their terminology can be incorporated into the Neoplatonic philosophy. I would like to show how some (...) Presocratic theories are embedded in the Neoplatonic metaphysical system of the three Hypostases. Regarding the One and the Intellect, Plotinus, Proclus and the Anonymous Author of the Prolegomena to Platonic Philosophy read and employ some Presocratic texts in order to harmonize the Platonic and the Presocratic accounts. Although the Neoplatonists see themselves as continuing the Greek philosophical tradition started by the Presocratics, their interpretation of Presocratic thought illustrates the birth of exegetic philosophy which is able to apply ancient concepts and predicates to its own metaphysical theory. (shrink)

The problem of interpreting music’s function or role is scrutinized by grounding music’s significance through a selected reading of Platonic philosophy and a reinterpretation of the concept of “pharmakon” familiar to ancient Greeks, and in particular, the Athenians. Views on both mousike and the artistic practice of music in that era are taken into account. The “pharmakon” is analyzed through a concept of love as a harmonizing force and a variety of contexts are explicated, showing that it concerns any object (...) that gives rise to beneficial and detrimental effects. It also changes mental states or the manner of thinking in such a way that the value of the pharmakon is undecidable a priori and dependent upon an axiology of anticipation. Plato’s metaphysics and philosophy of music can be read to show that music can be both a poison and a remedy in regard to the ways it is used, which is analogous to drugs, medicine, or technological entities such as writing. In this context attention is given to the problem of mania, and how music can be both a force that gives rise to such a condition as well as a technique of alleviating it, since it is a tool for manipulating the intrapsychic dialogue of the embodied soul. -/- Znaczenie muzyki w nawiązaniu do Platona i pojęcia „farmakon" Problematyka interpretacji funkcji lub roli muzyki jest badana poprzez ugruntowanie znaczenia muzyki w wybranych wątkach filozofii Platona i reinterpretacji pojęcia „farmakon” bliskiego starożytnym Grekom, a zwłaszcza Ateńczykom. Uwzględnia się poglądy zarówno odnośnie mousike jak i ówczesnej praktyki artystycznej. „Farmakon” analizowany jest poprzez koncepcję miłości jako harmonizującej siły oraz przez różne konteksty, które są wyeksplikowane, aby wskazać na to, że dotyczy jakiegokolwiek przedmiotu, który powoduje korzystne jak i szkodliwe efekty. Zmienia także stany umysłowe lub sposób myślenia tak, że wartość farmakonu jest nierozstrzygalna a priori i powiązana z aksjologią antycypacji. Metafizyka i filozofia muzyki Platona może być czytana w sposób ukazujący, że muzyka może być zarówno trucizną jak i środkiem zaradczym, w zależności od formy jej użytkowania, co jest analogiczne z narkotykami, medycyną i technicznymi bytami takimi jak pismo. W tym kontekście zwraca się uwagę na problem szału i tego, że muzyka może być zarówno siłą, która wywołuje ów stan, jak i środkiem załagodzenia go, ponieważ jest ona narzędziem manipulacji intrapsychicznego dialogu ucieleśnionej duszy. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Philosophy 41.3 (2003) 410-411 [Access article in PDF] S. P. Ward. Penology and Eschatology in Plato's Myths. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2002. Pp. v + 295. Cloth, $99.95.In this work the author begins by asking himself the following question: What is an eschatological myth? The adjective "eschatological" indicates that the discourse it qualifies is concerned with the last things; that is, death and (...) the judgment of souls that follows it. Hence, the relation that may be established between eschatology understood in this sense and penology, which refers to the punishments the soul undergoes at the end of its earthly existence. As far as the meaning of 'myth' is concerned, the author, influenced by G. S. Kirk (The Nature of Greek Myths [Penguin, 1974]), adopts a relativist position. He does not think it possible to give a general definition; therefore, he limits himself to pointing out some of the characteristics of this type of discourse, on the basis of passages from the Platonic corpus which are usually considered as myths.Having set his analytical tools in place, the author proposes a commentary on the eschatological myths at the end of the Gorgias (523a-527e), at the end of the Phaedo (107c-115a), at the end of Republic X (614b-621d), in the Phaedrus (246a-249d), in some parts of the Timaeus (42b-d, 91a-92c), and in the Laws (903a-905d). He then examines the relations between penology and eschatology in the dialogues of the first period, the intermediary period, and old age.Although Plato takes his inspiration from traditional myths, those that appear in the dialogues are distinguished from traditional myths by two features: a scientific background, which indicates an influence from the Presocratics; and the role played by elements proper [End Page 410] to the Platonic doctrine. The insertion of considerations of a scientific nature into myths makes them more credible, but is not enough to make them into true discourses. Thus, the question of the relation in Plato between these myths and his philosophical doctrine remains open. Nevertheless, and although it is sometimes difficult to justify particular points in the myths, it is still true that we can note a great deal of coherence between what they recount and the ethical questions developed in the dialogues in which they appear.In spite of this consistency, one observes an evolution in the way these myths are presented. In the Gorgias, the punishments inflicted on the soul by the gods are presented as intended to make the soul better. The idea of reincarnation plays no role here, but it is present in the Phaedo. In this dialogue, however, the question arises of how to harmonize reincarnation with post-mortem punishments which, because of it, no longer seem to be necessary. In the Republic, emphasis is placed instead on the role of individual responsibility in the process of reincarnation. The Phaedrus continues in this direction, but is characterized by its allusions to the theory of intelligible forms. In the Timaeus, by contrast, Plato abandons the theme of a way of life and that of the judgment of souls, for a vision of the process of reincarnation that is integrated, not without difficulty, within a cosmological vision. The Laws continue along this path.This analysis shows that Plato evolved on questions of eschatology and penology, even if he did not radically change his mind. Yet there is one point on which he never varied: even if he did not establish precise frontiers between science and religion, Plato never thought his myths to be true discourses, but he always considered their capacity for ethical edification and their pedagogical value.This work is clear and well structured. It is completed by a bibliography and a general index, is easy to read, and presents a genuine usefulness. One also notes, on the part of the author, a good overall knowledge of the whole of Greek literature, from the origins to the end of Antiquity. Nevertheless, three criticisms may be made: (1) This publication merely reproduces the format... (shrink)

Late antique Alexandria is much better known than the early Islamic city. To be fully appreciated, the transition must be contextualized against the full range of Afro-Eurasiatic commercial and intellectual life. The Alexandrian schools ‘harmonized’ Hippocrates and Galen, Plato and Aristotle. They also catalyzed Christian theology especially during the controversies before and after the Council of Chalcedon (451) that tore the Church apart and set the stage for the emergence of Islam. Alexandrian cultural dissemination down to the seventh century is (...) here studied especially through evidence for the city’s libraries and book trade, together with the impact of its educational curriculum from Iran to Canterbury. After the Arab conquest, Alexandria turned into a frontier city and lost its economic and political role. But it became a city of the mind whose conceptual legacy fertilized not only Greek scholarship at Constantinople, but also Arabic science and philosophy thanks to the eighth- to ninth-century Baghdadi translation movement. Alexandria emanated occult energies too, thanks to the Pharos as variously misunderstood by Arabic writers, or the relics of its Christian saints, not least the Evangelist Mark, surreptitiously translated to Venice in 828-29. Study of the astral sciences too - astronomy but also astrology - was fertilized from Alexandria, as far afield as India and perhaps China as well as Syria, Baghdad and Constantinople. Egypt’s revival by the Fatimids, who founded Cairo in 961, had little impact on Alexandria until about the end of the eleventh century when, for a time, the city attracted Sunni scholars from as far away as Spain or Iran, while commerce benefited from the rise of the Italian merchant republics and the beginning of the Crusades. While the early caliphate had united a vast zone from Afghanistan to the Atlantic, the eleventh century saw a reemergence of late antique distinctions between the Iranian plateau, Syro-Mesopotamia, and the two Mediterranean basins. Alexandria was one of the points where these worlds intersected, though sub-Saharan Africa, to which it formally belonged, remained largely beyond its horizon until the twentieth century. (shrink)

The Nietzsche’s writings of the period of The birth of tragedy informs about the young philosopher’s concerns with the requisite political conditions for a true culture. The pair Apollo and Dionysus, in opposition and harmonized in Greek religiosity, as powers of the nature, results aesthetically in the tragic art, and politically results in a warlike State. Nietzsche assigns to Greeks the capacity to create a culture: art, state and religion jointed by the artistic will of nature, which impels the (...) life of a nation. (shrink)

Pensadores griegos y orientales, filósofos antiguos, medioevales y modernos, han tocado el tema de lo corporal de manera fragmentaria que reducen lo corpóreo a mero instrumento. Para evitar este tipo de interpretaciones, queda el expediente de acudir a la síntesis holística; a la versión del "cuerpo total" que somos. La economía imperante es la del "cuerpo poseído". Se tasa, vende y desecha en el mercado la fuerza de trabajo. Se ejerce sobre él una violencia que nos rebasa en todos los (...) frentes; es radical, porque atenta contra la integridad y la dignidad de los cuerpos. Restañar las heridas corporales de nuestros pueblos requiere de la formulación y siembra del conocimiento de la Ética del cuerpo que deberá ir acompañada por un proceso de reconstrucción simbólica de la idea de "cuerpo" en el que todos participemos. Si armonizan necesidades y capacidades corporales propias y ajenas y compaginan nuestras acciones con el respeto al entorno natural, casa del cuerpo, podremos vislumbrar que vamos sobre el camino correcto. The Greek and Eastern thinkers, ancient, medieval and modern philosophers, have dealt with the body only in a fragmentary way that sees it as a mere instrument. To avoid this kind of interpretation we resort to a holistic synthesis-the "total body" version that we really are. The dominant economics is the one of the "possessed body" that can be priced, sold and disposed of as working force. An overpowering violence is applied to it; it is a radical violence as it attempts on bodies' integrity and dignity. The healing of the wounded bodies of our people requires formulating and planting the seeds of the body's ethics that will accompany the reconstruction of an idea of body to be shared by all of us. If we harmonize our own and others' body's needs and abilities, and our actions are in accordance with our natural surroundings, we will be able to make out the right path. (shrink)

The central argument of this paper is that moral perfectionism cannot be understood in its radical philosophical, ethical and political dimensions unless we trace its tradition back to the ancient Greek conception of philosophy as a way of life. Indeed, in ancient Greece, to be a philosopher meant to give importance to everyday life and to pay attention to the details of common language and behaviour, in order to actively transform oneself and one’s relationship to others and to the (...) world. Truth itself was conceived as an event emerging from the agreement among the logoi of different people, or from the harmony established by an individual between his words and his deeds (e.g. Socrates, the Cynics). But this way of conceiving truth and practicing philosophy has been somehow put aside in modern times, and it has been renewed only during the last two centuries, primarily thanks to the transcendental American philosophy of Emerson and Thoreau. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to show how modern perfectionism re-invented ancient perfectionism, through the re-activation of the imperative to pay attention to our ordinary words and everyday life (and to their harmonic relation), linked to a truth always meant as a practice. My conclusion will be that moral perfectionism can be conceived and still practiced, today, as an ethics and politics of responsibility, i.e. of attention to and care for the ordinary. (shrink)