Public health ethics is emerging as a new field of inquiry, distinct not only from public health law, but also from traditional medical ethics and research ethics. Public health professional and scholarly attention is focusing on ways that ethical analysis and a new public health code of ethics can be a resource for health professionals working in the field. This article provides a preliminary exploration of the ethical issues faced by public health professionals in day-to-day practice and of the type (...) of ethics education and support they believe may be helpful. (shrink)

The issue of public health ethics has received much attention in recent years and is seen as a new field, distinct from medical ethics. Faculty from the University of Virginia, Johns Hopkins School of Public Health, Georgetown University, the University of Minnesota, and others received a grant from the Greenwall Foundation to examine this new field of public health ethics and identify the unique principles that distinguish it from the study of medical ethics. In the course of that study, which (...) included exploring the field with public health practitioners, a number of distinguishing ethical principles emerged. The moral principles appropriate for public health officials included producing benefits; avoiding, preventing and removing harms; producing a maximum balance of benefits over harms; and distributing benefits and burdens fairly. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The “Wider View”: André Hellegers’s Passionate, Integrating Intellect and the Creation of BioethicsWarren Thomas Reich* (bio)AbstractThis article provides an account of how André Hellegers, founder and first Director of the Kennedy Institute of Ethics at Georgetown University, laid medicine open to bioethics. Hellegers’s approach to bioethics, as to morality generally and also to medicine and biomedical science, involved taking the “wider view”—a value-filled vision that integrated and gave (...) meaning to what otherwise was disparate, precarious, and conflicting. This article shows how Hellegers’s wider view of bioethics was shaped by events in his own life, his resultant sense of the precariousness of life and health, his commitment to religious inclusiveness, his research in fetal medicine, his clinical experience in obstetrics, his role in the struggle to change the teaching of the Roman Catholic Church on fertility control, and his developing concepts of health and disease. Hellegers was committed to and worked toward bioethics as a self-consciously interdisciplinary field in which the contributing disciplines adapt to each other—rather than sustain themselves as autonomous disciplines—to create a dynamic and complex intellectual, clinical, and social activity.André Hellegers’s personality and life were like that of a meteor: brief appearance on the scene; high-speed, flaming trajectory; quick burn-out; its smallest residue worth examining for ages to come. You had to watch carefully, for otherwise you might miss what he was about—what he was really about. He had an unusually probing and unflagging mind, coupled with the ability to make people think; and in a very real sense, that is what he was always about. André was an extremely effective communicator. He was like Fred Astaire: he had flair and charm, and no matter how crowded the room, you instantly knew when he entered it. Like Astaire, he had a deep intensity and striving for perfection while making his art always look like great fun. He was an engaging [End Page 25] story-teller who also knew how to stun intelligent people with his insightful, often ironic and humorous thinking that got to the bottom of things very quickly, leaving his interlocutors with a huge agenda for further reflection. Yet in spite of all this alluring talent, André never attracted attention to himself in a vain way. Even as raconteur, he was always working, getting people to think and talk.There were three great passions in Hellegers’s life that enabled him to inspire and shape bioethics as he did. He had a passionate intellect that was constantly probing for new clarity at new levels of understanding and values, and he had the ability to infect other people with his intellectual passion. André Hellegers was deeply rooted in a Catholicism scarcely imaginable in the United States—an open, historically-conscious, northern European faith that kept him free of ideology while providing him a foundation on which he built a rich ecumenicity of theological and philosophical bioethics. Finally, and perhaps most decisively for his founding work in bioethics, Hellegers pushed and probed to get a world that was almost totally unaccustomed to communicating over disciplinary lines (incredibly, virtually no interdisciplinary conferences had taken place before his day) to dialogue and collaborate across the barriers of medicine, politics, and religion.IntroductionThe customary way of writing a history of someone’s involvement in the origins of something—say, the origins of a nation or, I suppose, the origins of bioethics—certainly would not customarily start with the foregoing type of vignette. It would have as its purpose to discuss such things as issues, events that raised issues, methods pursued and applied, and outcomes achieved. However, in this modest account of some of the major contributions of the late André E. Hellegers, M.D., to the development of the field of bioethics, I intend to focus on a different level of historical inquiry, one that portrays and explains the person, his world-view, and his motivation, as well as the cultural forces and events that conspired to make Hellegers and the people with whom he came into contact vibrant with a sense of innovative and creative—not to mention urgent—inquiry. I believe that... (shrink)

Apesar da dificuldade em se fazer uma crítica social através da categoria de sofrimento social, o presente artigo tem como objetivo insistir na investigação sobre a possibilidade de uma retomada desta crítica a partir de referências políticas ao sofrimento. Uma das maneiras atuais para entender as causas e as consequências do sofrimento individual, que se torna social porque acarretado pela organização política, social e econômica, é analisar a categoria do precariado. O mundo do trabalho tem muito a nos dizer sobre (...) as sociedades contemporâneas em que vivemos. A análise das mudanças que ocorreram nos últimos anos no mundo do trabalho, ocasionadas pela lógica do capitalismo tardio, pode nos mostrar as causas materiais de um sofrimento que deixa de ser subjetivo ou psicológico, para se tornar um problema social. Através da elaboração do sofrimento social no mundo do trabalho precariado é possível retirar os mecanismos de funcionamento da sociedade e apontar os males que esse tipo de vida sofrida acarreta para os indivíduos e para a sociedade como um todo. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue on empirical grounds that (VL-initial) Asymmetric Coordination in German cannot be reduced to a syntactic structure of the form [if S1, then S2], but rather needs to be analyzed as some kind of adjunction to the if-clause, i.e., along the lines of [[if S1] and S2]. This conclusion gives rise to an apparent mismatch between syntactic structure (narrow scope of if) and semantic interpretation (wide scope of if). To resolve this paradoxical situation, I propose a (...) compositional semantics for conditionals that is based on the idea that (indexed) if is to be construed as some kind of anaphor (variable) that ranges over objects of type modal base picking up a modal background in the actual context. Even though this analysis assigns a non-vacuous semantics to the complementizer if, it is still compatible with the syntax of Asymmetric Coordination in German, and, in contrast to alternative accounts, avoids the generation of non-existent distributive readings. (shrink)

Este artículo pretende dar una visión general de la literatura alemana de perpetradores del Tercer Reich y de su recepción, marcada por el silencio. La primera parte presenta un resumen de las condiciones de Alemania como Täternation y muestra cómo los juicios condenaron a los perpetradores al silencio. Una mirada a la edición crítica de Mein Kampf, publicada en Alemania en 2016, puntualiza los problemas y la escasa literatura tanto autobiográfica como ficcional de perpetradores en lengua alemana, incluso en (...) la segunda y tercera generación de escritores. (shrink)

This chapter presents an edited e-mail discussion based on the philosophical conversations at a conference held in Cologne, Germany, in December 2001. The discussion proceeds in three steps. First, the contributors discuss selected questions about their contributions, roughly following the sequence of the chapters in Part II of this book. Second, the contributors ask more general questions about Dewey, Pragmatism, and constructivism. Finally, the chapter ends with brief statements about why Dewey is still an indispensible thinker for them. As they (...) clarify their differences and seek common ground, they articulate concepts such as power, truth, relativism, inquiry, and democracy from Pragmatist and interactive constructivist vantage points, in ways designed to render the preceding essays even more accessible. In their views, the concluding discussion demonstrates both the enduring relevance of classical Pragmatism and the challenge of its reconstruction from the perspective of the Cologne program of interactive constructivism. (shrink)

We investigate the underexplored question of when speakers make use of the omission phenomenon verb phrase ellipsis (VPE) in English given that the full form is also available to them. We base the interpretation of our results on the well-established information-theoretic Uniform Information Density (UID) hypothesis: Speakers tend to distribute processing effort uniformly across utterances and avoid regions of low information by omitting redundant material through, e.g., VPE. We investigate the length of the omittable VP and its predictability in context (...) as sources of redundancy which lead to larger or deeper regions of low information and an increased pressure to use ellipsis. We use both naturalness rating and self-paced reading studies in order to link naturalness patterns to potential processing difficulties. For the length effects our rating and reading results support a UID account. Surprisingly, we do not find an effect of the context on the naturalness and the processing of VPE. We suggest that our manipulation might have been too weak or not effective to evidence such an effect. (shrink)

Auf Kants berühmte Frage "Wie ist Metaphysik möglich?" wird eine bejahende Antwort gegeben - eine, die Metaphysik als eine selbständige und unentbehrliche Disziplin darstellt, deren Aufgabe es ist, das Reich der wirklichen Möglichkeiten zu erforschen. Die Begriffe der "wirklichen" oder "metaphysischen" Möglichkeit und Notwendigkeit werden verteidigt und von den Begriffen verschiedener anderer Arten von Modalität unterschieden, z.B. physischer, logischer und begrifflicher Möglichkeit oder Notwendigkeit. Es wird dargelegt, daß die Gegner der Metaphysik, von den Relativisten bis zu denen, welche die (...) Metaphysik den empirischen Wissenschaften, der Erkenntnislehre oder der Sprachphilosophie unterordnen möchten, inkohärente Auffassungen annehmen. (shrink)

Theodore Roszak wrote of the counter-culture, Charles Reich of Consciousness III, and Alvin Toiler of Future Shock. In Culture Out Of Anarchy, Judson Jerome, an eminently successful college teacher with all the sensitivity of an accomplished poet, brings all these concerns to bear upon the reconstruction of American higher education. Jerome, however, has no clear consistent thesis, and his proposals for academic change seem rather vague, general, and even undramatic. Part I, entitled "The Fifth Estate," describes the social/political context (...) of contemporary academe. Part II, "Threshold of Change," describes six recent experimental colleges. Part III, "Tomorrow's Schools...," is Jerome's prognostication for the reconstruction of American colleges and universities. It seems from evidence in the book that the author had students tape a number of interviews, these tapes forming the background for much of the book. There are no documentary references and index. The result is that much of the book reads like an interminable college-student bull session. The discussion is serious and intense, interspersed with many personal experiences and suffused throughout with high idealism. But the reader is apt to suffer from the same kind of hangover one feels after sitting through an all-night session. One remembers many personal details, but he can recall very few well-defined principles and has no carefully constructed proposals for genuine educational reform. Perhaps professional educators can read Culture Out Of Anarchy and distill enough essence to rejuvenate the old forms of education. Or perhaps today's anarchists can see in this book the emerging new culture. There are others who only feel dulled with a foggy hangover.--E. W. R. (shrink)

‘Reactionary modernism’ is a term happily coined by the historian and sociologist Jeffrey Herf to refer to a current of German thought during the interwar years. It indicates the attempt to ‘reconcil[e] the antimodernist, romantic and irrationalist ideas present in German nationalism’ with that ‘most obvious manifestation of means–ends rationality … modern technology’. Herf's paradigm examples of this current of thought are two best-selling writers of the period: Oswald Spengler, author of the massive domesday scenario The Decline of the West (...) in 1917 and, fifteen years later, of Man and Technics, and Ernst Jünger, the now centenarian chronicler of the war in which he was a much-decorated hero, whose main theoretical work was Der Arbeiter in 1932. The label is also applied by Herf to such intellectual luminaries as the legal theorist and apologist for the Third Reich, Carl Schmitt, and more contentiously Martin Heidegger. At a less elevated level, reactionary modernism also permeated the writings of countless, now forgotten engineers, who were inspired at once by the new technology, Nietzschean images of Promethean Übermenschen, and an ethos of völkisch nationalism. (shrink)

To examine Heidegger's pedagogy is to be invited into a particular era and cultural reality—starting in Weimar Germany and progressing into the rise and fall of the Third Reich. In his attempt to reform the German university in a strictly hierarchical, authoritarian and nationalistic mold, Heidegger addressed one group of students and professors and not another. The petit‐bourgeois student and the future philosophers he invited with his ‘logic of recruitment’ into the corps of instructors, would share his coded language (...) with its built‐in taboos and censorship. The result was a rhetoric of absolute self‐reference and a semiotic of pure propaganda, based on the evocation of the ancient Greeks in which the philosopher meant to project all that was properly Germanic. Heidegger's rhetoric is exclusionary; its politics and its philosophy are interpenetrating. His lecture courses grew increasingly poeticized, and thus mired in ambiguity, evasion, elision, avoidance, grandiloquence. Parallels are drawn in this essay between Heidegger and our time. Is Heidegger's insistence on autocratic controls within the German university comparable to the corporate positions taken today by some educators? How does the shifting relation between disciplines affect the role of the specialist? How might the sciences morales or humanities, along with the much maligned ‘humanism’, be redefined morally and holistically? (shrink)

A renowned scholar investigates the "human crisis" that Albert Camus confronted in his world and in ours, producing a brilliant study of Camus's life and influence for those readers who, in Camus's words, "cannot live without dialogue and friendship. As France--and all of the world--was emerging from the depths of World War II, Camus summed up what he saw as 'the human crisis'. 'We gasp for air among people who believe they are absolutely right, whether it be in their machines (...) or their ideas. And for all who cannot live without dialogue and the friendship of other human beings, this silence is the end of the world.' In the years after he wrote these words, until his death fourteen years later, Camus labored to address this crisis, arguing for dialogue, understanding, clarity, and truth. When he sailed to New York, in March 1946--for his first and only visit to the United States--he found an ebullient nation celebrating victory. Camus warned against the common postwar complacency that took false comfort in the fact that Hitler was dead and the Third Reich had fallen. Yes, the serpentine beast was dead, but "we know perfectly well," he argued, "that the venom is not gone, that each of us carries it in our own hearts." All around him in the postwar world, Camus saw disheartening evidence of a global community revealing a heightened indifference to a number of societal ills. It is the same indifference to human suffering that we see all around, and within ourselves, today. (shrink)

O objetivo deste artigo é reconstituir a crítica de W. Reich à noção freudiana de pulsão de morte. Para tanto, apresentaremos inicialmente três pressupostos de sua crítica: o projeto mais geral de sua obra, sua concepção de ciência e leitura da obra de Freud. Em seguida traçaremos as linhas gerais do conteúdo da crítica propriamente dita. Num terceiro momento, veremos em que consiste a teoria das pulsões proposta por Reich como alternativa à segunda teoria das pulsões de Freud. (...) A título de conclusão, evidenciaremos um aspecto peculiar do que se poderia chamar de “dimensão psicologista” da crítica de Reich à teoria freudiana da pulsão de morte. (shrink)

Há uma questão que paira na história das sociedades e que tem reverberado nos escritos de diversos autores. O problema que se coloca é por que indivíduos se submetem a determinadas situações, por que se sujeitam. O problema da sujeição chamou a atenção de La Boétie quando indagou por que “tantos homens suportam às vezes um tirano só”. Essa problemática repercutiu em Marx, Engels e Althusser que pensaram a sujeição pela ideologia (um “poder estranho”). A noção pós-marxista ampliou o conceito (...) designando a ideologia como “parte integrante do imaginário social”. Essas correntes, contudo, atribuem à ideologia uma primazia de compreensão da sujeição, fato criticado por Freud e Reich. Assim como estes (que pensaram a problemática da dominação pela ótica da psicologia das massas), Deleuze e Guattari analisaram o problema da dominação pelo socius e pelo inconsciente, indicando uma via individual e outra social (interesse x desejo). Assim sendo, neste texto analisar-se-á como o capitalismo utiliza-se de políticas de desejo para produzir um inconsciente-colonial. Ampliar-se-á a análise da sujeição à psicanálise para fornecer uma resposta ao problema por uma outra via, a do desejo. (shrink)

Victor Klemperer (1881-1960) foi um professor alemão de línguas românicas que ficou famoso especialmente pelos escritos em que ele relatou como os nazis deformaram a língua alemã ao ponto de desenvolver o que ele chamou de “a língua do Terceiro Reich”. Neste artigo, pretendo explicar o que esta língua revela sobre certezas, compreendidas no sentido de Wittgenstein, o que, por sua vez, também pode contribuir para fornecer uma visão mais abrangente da medida em que a língua do Terceiro (...) class='Hi'>Reich foi cuidadosamente projetada para influenciar decisivamente a atitude e a visão de mundo dos alemães. Especificamente, abordarei oito questões: a perversão da moralidade através de uma mensagem radicalmente bipolarizada; a criação de um contexto no qual todos os julgamentos devem ser abandonados; o uso de dois tipos de persuasão; o enviesamento para a generalização excessiva das certezas; a dificuldade de avaliar casos-limite de certeza; o erro propagandístico de gritar alegadas certezas; a exclusão emocional da dúvida - prestando especial atenção aos domínios do exército e da religião, bem como ao uso de slogans e superlativos; e a substituição de imagens do mundo nazis. (shrink)

In Germany at the turn of the 20th century the interest in Fichte’s philosophy was growing remarkably.This phenomenon has to be considered as a part of a broader “German movement”, i. e. a collective cultural trend aiming at pinpointing what had been properly “German” in the last two centuries. This need became even more acute by the outbreak of the Great War.In that context Fichte’s work was used as a benchmark for creating and elaborating on the myth of “the German (...) character.” Many intellectuals of that time interpreted Fichte’s personality and thought as representing ideas, ethical values, spiritual positions, cultural attitudes and political stances which accounted for the specificity of “Germanness”. Since these ideas and values were believed to be particular to the German culture, Fichte was celebrated all across the nation as an exemplary German.Harkening back to contemporary sources the following paper aims to illustrate how Fichte’s image was moulded in order to meet needs and issues emerging from the War and its philosophical-ideological interpretations. At the same time it suggests that the “Fichte case” from the beginning of the 20th century can be interpreted as a paradigmatic example of how philosophical and cultural issues can be ideologically interpreted and used to give support to a particular political view.Die Jahrzehnte um die Jahrhundertwende erlebten im wilhelminischen Deutschland eine starke Zunahme des Interesses an der Philosophie Fichtes.Die kollektive Begeisterung für Fichte lässt sich auf der Folie einer ‚deutschen Bewegung‘ betrachten, deren Ziel die Suche nach dem eigentumlichen ‚Deutschen‘ in den letzten zwei Jahrhunderten war. Diese Suche intensivierte sich noch mit dem Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkrieges.In diesem Zusammenhang wurde Fichtes Denken zu einem Bezugspunkt fur die Ausarbeitung des Mythos von der Besonderheit des deutschen Wesens. Viele Intellektuelle zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts und während der Kriegszeit wollten Fichte als Vorbild einer Persönlichkeit sehen, die edle Ideale, anspruchsvolle Vorstellungen, deutschen Geist und starken Willen vertrat gegenüber einer geistlosen, ethisch verdorbenen Welt, gegen ein intellektualisiertes Leben und die ‘zivilisierte Un-Kultur’ der modernen Menschheit.Im Bezug auf die Verflechtung von philosophischen Begriffen, idealisierter Kriegsvergeistigung, patriotischem Glauben und Willen nach nationaler Bildung setzt sich das Paper zum Ziel die Vorbildhaftigkeit, die Fichte damals zugeschrieben wurde, zur Darstellung zu bringen und quellenmäßig zu analysieren. Der ‚Fall Fichte‘ wird aber zugleich als historisch kontextualisiertes Erlebnisbeispiel des Ineinanderfließens von kulturellen Überhöhungen und politischen Anforderungen betrachtet: ein exemplarischer Fall vom ideologischen Verständnis des Geistigen. (shrink)

Resumo: O artigo procura identificar o núcleo metodológico das Origens do Totalitarismo, na estrutura comparativa entre França e Alemanha, espécie de sociologia histórico-comparativa na qual Arendt narra as origens do Nazismo e do Stalinismo. Nessa acepção, as origens ideológicas do III Reich e do Stalinismo devem ser buscadas no Racismo, e não na homologia estabelecida entre Nazismo e Comunismo, a partir da equivalência entre a ideologia da luta de classes e da luta de raças e a prática do Terror. (...) Desse modo, a ideia de ruptura ou novidade do Totalitarismo a que se liga essa perspectiva, deve ser associada com a ideia de “atraso histórico”, espécie de articulação entre o novo e a conservação da velha ordem, na história das Nações Continentais. Sob essa ótica, Arendt mobiliza implicitamente a ideia de atraso histórico, a qual se encontra originalmente em Gramsci e Marx, a fim de dar conta de explicar não somente as homologias entre Nazismo e Comunismo, mas também como surgiram historicamente, no âmbito nacional e europeu, como ideologias políticas fundadas em movimentos de massas. De sorte a explicitar essa perspectiva, procura-se demonstrar, neste texto, como a ideia de “atraso histórico” opera no livro 1 das Origens do Totalitarismo, dedicado ao surgimento do antissemitismo.: The article seeks to identify the methodological core of the Origins of Totalitarianism in the comparative structure between France and Germany, a kind of historical-comparative sociology in which Arendt write about the origins of Nazism and Stalinism. In this sense, the ideological origins of the III Reich and Stalinism must be sought in Racism, and not in the homology established between Nazism and Communism based on the equivalence between the ideology of class struggle and race struggle and the practice of Terror. So that the idea of rupture or novelty of Totalitarianism to which this perspective is linked, must be articulated with the idea of historical delay”, a kind of articulation between the new and the conservation of the old order in the history of the Continental Nations. From this perspective, Arendt implicitly mobilizes the idea of historical backwardness, an idea that we originally found in Gramsci and Marx, in order to explain not only the homologies between Nazism and Communism, but also how they emerged historically in the National and European spheres as ideologies policies founded on mass movements. In order to make this perspective explicit, we seek to demonstrate how the idea of “historical backwardness” operates in book 1 of the Origins of Totalitarianism, dedicated to the rise of anti-Semitism. (shrink)

Viel, schwerlich zuviel, wird heute von der Kultur, der Bil dungseinheit des Abendlandes gesprochen. Nicht wenige aller dings empfehlen heute, die ganze überschwer gewordene und wenig versprechende Last abzuwerfen. Wenn aber wirklich der Menschheit der Marsch durch die Eiswüste des Nihilismus beschieden wäre, würde sie den ohne hinreichendes Gepäck überstehen? Zwar kann ihr das bloße "Es war einmal" der Geschichte nichts helfen: Nur was von Kräften gegenwärtig ist, kann uns in die Zukunft tragen. Aber wir werden uns der gegenwärtigen Kräfte (...) und des künftigen Sinnes nicht beV~-"Ußt ohne Rückblick auf unsere Vergangenheit. Wir beleben diese, wenn wir ausstoßen, was verjährt und tot ist. Wir Deutschen sind im gegenwärtigen Verfall versucht, unsere gesamte Vergangenheit zu verurteilen, weil sie uns ins Verderben geführt hat - oder Trost darin zu fühlen, was wir an Wissenschaft und Technik, an Kunst und Philosophie, an Dichtung und Religion Unvergängliches beigetragen haben. Aber eins hat sich heute gezeigt: das, was die Welt heute am meisten braucht, haben wir am wenigsten gefunden -das Maaß. (shrink)

Il saggio si propone di approfondire due tendenze tipiche della musica contemporanea: la prima è il Minimalismo, movimento rappresentato da musicisti come La Monte Young, Philip Glass and Steve Reich, la seconda è la rave music (come la techno), caratteristica della popular culture nell’era postmoderna. Attraverso il pensiero di Adorno, e a partire dalla sua analisi dialettica del dualismo Schönberg-Stravinskij, il saggio propone una comprensione filosofica di concetti come “ripetizione” e “trascendenza”; l’assenza dello “sviluppo” in gran parte della produzione (...) musicale degli ultimi decenni, nella popular music quanto nella musica colta, dimostra una dispersione del soggetto e dell’individuo, smarrito all’interno di un “eterno ritorno” della struttura ritmica che può essere ricompreso nei termini di un “eterno ritorno dell’identico” e non nei termini di un “eterno ritorno della possibilità”; in quest’ottica, a venire sacrificata è anche la dimensione della trascendenza, che non a caso viene ricercata spesso nell’esotismo dei culti orientali o nel consumo di sostanze stupefacenti. L’insistenza nel Minimalismo della ripetizione come unica ed estrema categoria di riferimento e norma estetica, produrrà infatti nel corso degli ultimi anni una dicotomia apparentemente contraddittoria, ma che invece esprime la medesima matrice logica: da un lato l’invasamento edonistico del beat elettronico della musica dance elettronica, dall’altro la proposta commerciale della produzione industriale della musica pop. Non è un caso che proprio il Minimalismo sia sfociato in entrambe queste due tendenze, mostrandosi come la cifra comune originaria, traducendosi nella musica rave o nella musica rock. (shrink)

Considering Michel Foucault’s two main courses on the general theme of biopolitics, namely, Il faut défendre la société (1997; 1999), a course for the academic year of 1976, and La naissance de la biopolitique (2004; 2008), taught by his turn in 1978/1979, I intend to consider that we are experiencing a new form of racism, this time no longer a state type, as already considered by Foucault, but a type of racism provoked and economically fomented, therefore, a market racism. Racism (...) whose traces must be sought not exactly in economic theories, but among the historical agents par excellence of the market, that is, entrepreneurs in the exercise of their businesses. For this, I will focus, for the moment, on presenting market racism from the perspective of German business during the Third Reich, in Germany. (shrink)

Jean-Pierre Faye analyse la conférence méconnue de Carl Schmitt : « Economie saine dans un Etat fort », tenue le 23 novembre 1932 devant les membres de « L’Union au Long Nom » (ou « Union pour la conservation des intérêts économiques communs en Rhénanie et Westphalie »). Schmitt y énonce la nécessité pour l’Allemagne d’un « Etat total », équivalent allemand à ses yeux de « l’État totalitaire » de l’Italie fasciste. Cette prise de parole aura un effet décisif (...) : trente-cinq représentants de la finance et de l’industrie allemandes, auditeurs de la conférence, adresseront une pétition à Hindenburg, président du Reich. Ils l’inciteront à appeler le « chef du grand mouvement » au poste de chancelier du Reich. Ce « mouvement » est le déjà criminel NSDAP : le Parti national-socialiste ouvrier allemand, le parti « nazi ». Le 30 janvier 33, Hitler sera chancelier. En neuf semaines, la conférence de Schmitt aura eu pour effet d’abattre tous les obstacles à l’avènement du Troisième Reich. La formule de « l’Etat total » a donc su transmettre aux temps et aux langages une charge à l’énergie insoupçonnée, porteuse des plus grands crimes. Ainsi est révélée la responsabilité centrale de Schmitt dans la mise en place du nazisme. Ce juriste, qui étrangement apparaît pour beaucoup aujourd’hui comme un penseur politique de référence, n’a d’abord avancé qu’une seule carte d’un jeu mortifère. Mais c’était une carte maîtresse, elle était dangereusement efficace pour faire passer le pire dans l’Histoire. Il était intéressant de lire en parallèle les « Journaux » de Schmitt et de mesurer l’attention portée par le juriste aux événements, dans les semaines qui précèdent et suivent l’arrivée d’Hitler à la chancellerie du Reich. Ce qui frappe est cependant la banalité quotidienne qui transparaît dans ces notes. Si ce n’est, peut-être, qu’un mot va lui paraître acquérir un poids nouveau : « Jude », « juif ». C’est son propre rôle, dans le nazisme, à lui Carl Schmitt, qu’il va découvrir par là... (shrink)

Longtemps attendu, l'ouvrage restitue, pour la première fois en langue française, l'exégèse et l'interprétation complètes de l'œuvre publiée par Carl Schmitt de son vivant, dans ses champs et ses séquences, avant et après 1945. La première partie concerne la philosophie schmittienne du droit et sa fondation théologique: le 'décisionnisme' et 'l'institutionnalisme' ou 'pensée de l'ordre concret.' La deuxième partie porte sur la théorie du droit constitutionnel sous la République de Weimar, puis sous le IIIe Reich, ainsi que les commentaires (...) sur la Loi Fondamentale de Bonn. Autant d'éléments d'une analyse critique renouvelée de l'État de droit démocratique, parlementaire et pluraliste. La troisième partie traite du concept du politique, point d'articulation fondamental entre le droit constitutionnel et la théorie de l'État d'une part, le droit international et la théorie de la guerre d'autre part. La quatrième partie porte sur la doctrine du droit international sous Weimar, puis sous le IIIe Reich, enfin après 1945, dont la rétrospective du jus publicum europaeum. Une somme objective, exposant l'ensemble, donnant à chacun la possibilité de savoir, puis laissant à chacun le soin de juger."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Nietzsche éducateur est une mine de renseignements non seulement sur l'un des "trois Grands" qui annoncèrent le vingtième siècle, mais une approche originale des problèmes majeurs de notre temps, en particulier dans le domaine si complexe de l'éducation et de l'instruction, où la lucidité du philosophe allemand aide à dépasser les faux problèmes tels que contrainte/liberté, discipline/autonomie, respect/révolte... Christophe Baroni, dans un style limpide, nous présente avec objectivité les diverses facettes du philosophe, et le lave définitivement du soupçon d'avoir été (...) l'inspirateur de la mégalomanie hitlérienne. L'auteur montre aussi comment Nietzsche est interprété par la Nouvelle droite française. Et il donne, sous le titre " Des Surhommes de pacotille", des exemples hallucinants de la mégalomanie délirante de sectes sataniques, en Europe et aux États-Unis - sectes où l'on croit pouvoir se réclamer de Nietzsche et où l'on vit volontiers dans un culte nostalgique des SS... Nietzsche fut au contraire un "bon Européen ", précurseur d'une nouvelle Europe enfin délivrée du " nationalisme de bêtes à cornes", des "folies nationales " : il pressentait que "l'Europe veut devenir une". Nietzsche fut aussi un précurseur de la psychanalyse, un précurseur de la révolution sexuelle de Wilhelm Reich, un précurseur de l'antipsychiatrie et de la non-directivité. (shrink)

o objetivo deste artigo é discutir a aproximação teórica entre duas vertentes distintas de pensamento que, inicialmente, pode parecer improvável: a psicanálise e o marxismo. O texto discorre sobre a reflexão da gênesis do problema político, interpretando sociedade e indivíduo como inter-relação da natureza humana, conectando, a partir desse princípio, o problema político e o problema psicológico, este se situando como base original daquele. Portanto, no entrecruzamento de sociedade, poder político e natureza humana, expande-se um campo de investigação que se (...) abre a diversas possibilidades, inclusive à aproximação teórica entre as ideias de Marx e Freud. Dentre diversos autores que discutem o freudomarxismo e o posicionamento de Sigmund Freud, diante das ideias de Karl Marx, será dada exclusividade a Wilhelm Reich, Herbert Marcuse e a Ludwig Marcuse. Para uma crítica às ideias de Herbert Marcuse e análise da inter-relação entre marxismo e psicanálise, por sua vez, recorre-se ao filósofo marxista Louis Althusser e a outros analistas e críticos dessas mesmas ideias. (shrink)

Este texto é uma interpretação do primeiro capítulo d’O Anti-Édipo, de Deleuze e Guattari, mais como uma escrita do que como uma leitura. Ou seja, não há aqui intenção de descobrir uma verdade escondida para um texto que, de início, se propõe um “processo esquizofrênico”. De todo modo, divido esta minha escrita em quatro momentos: primeiramente, com uma análise do filme Incêndios (2010), tentando mostrar como um enredo aparentemente edipiano (no sentido psicanalítico) é muito mais rico que o Édipo; em (...) segundo lugar, com uma exposição das três sínteses maquínico-desejantes, ou do inconsciente, desenvolvidas por Deleuze e Guattari; em terceiro lugar, com uma apresentação da ofensiva promovida pela “psiquiatria materialista” deleuzeguattariana em relação a certos autores psicanalistas como Reich, Lacan e Melanie Klein; por fim, com um aprofundamento das questões éticas e teóricas implicadas neste primeiro capítulo do livro, sobretudo aquelas ligadas ao projeto geral da obra: uma crítica econômico-libidinal do capitalismo, tendo em conta seus aspectos “esquizofrênicos” e mostrando a contribuição inestimável da psicanálise para este mesmo sistema econômico-libidinal. (shrink)

Neste artigo texto apresento uma interpretação de algumas das principais teses de Carl Schmitt em sua obra Der Hüter der Verfassung, O Guardião da Constituição. Inicialmente, apresento a definição schmittiana de “guardião da Constituição”, por oposição a um “senhor e soberano da Constituição”, comparando-a com as teses de Adrian Vermeule sobre o “constitucionalismo de otimização”. Em seguida utilizo esses conceitos para discutir as teses de Schmitt sobre a função do presidente do Reich como guardião da Constituição; a defesa de (...) uma postura de auto-restrição judicial no exame judicial de constitucionalidade das leis; e sua crítica à “judicialização da política”. Por fim, utilizo essas teses para discutir a função do Supremo Tribunal Federal brasileiro e questionar seu status de “guardião da Constituição”. (shrink)