Le progrès choisit ses projets d'avenir parmi les théories générales du futur. L'idéologie politique en est une mais pour réaliser son objectif de pouvoir, elle revendique d'être une pensée générale et totale. Elle crée une identité idéologique à laquelle le citoyen peut adhérer. Pourtant, l'idée du vivre-ensemble signifie aussi que les hommes sont différents mais semblables ; leurs identités idéologiques peuvent s'opposer. Dans ces conditions, l'idéologie voudrait bien subvertir l'idéal d'une éthique universelle pour épurer la pensée, dire la norme du (...) bien, du mal et du pur, et séparer l'ami et l'ennemi. Ce mécanisme relève de la psychologie politique. Les identités individuelle et collective sont liées par le même mécanisme du narcissisme. Le narcissisme primaire et secondaire est à l'origine de l'individualité et de l'altérité sociale. Le narcissisme tertiaire arrivé à maturité sera la source de la solidarité, de l'altruisme puis de la formation de l'éthique. C'est à cette dernière phase que l'identité collective est en balance entre accomplir son idéal idéologique activiste et unanimiste ou bien travailler des idéaux universels complexes pour une même humanité riche de ses cultures et de ses civilisations variées"--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

The author assumes that the biological evolution must reflect itself also in the energetic processes of the organism. Several concept are discussed, in view of a characterization of the energetic economy of the organism. Two of these are thought to have particular significance related to evolution: the energetic efficiency and the capacity for energetic production . E is the ratio of the performed useful work to the amount of energy “spent”; P is the ratio of the performed useful work to (...) the product of the mass of the living system and time. An evolution of both E and P during the animal phylogenesis is assumed. The evolution of E is generally evident at the level of more elementary metabolic processes, while that of P at the level of more complex functions or of the organism as a whole. In many cases, the increase of P is associated with a decrease of E. The main evolutionary feature of biological energetic economy is the increase of the capacity for energetic production. This holds true even if the increase of P can be achieved only at the expense of a reduction of the energetic efficiency, of a “waste” of energy, especially in the most highly developed systems of the organism.L'évolution biologique doit se refléter, selon l'avis de l'auteur, aussi dans les processus énergétiques de l'organisme. On discute quelques notions qui pourraient caractériser l'économie énergétique de celui-ci. Deux de celles-ci ont une signification évolutive particulière: le rendement énergétique et la capacité de production énergétique . E est le rapport du travail util effectué à la quantité d'énergie “dépensée”; P est le rapport du travail util effectué au produit de la masse du système vivant avec de le temps. L'auteur considère qu'il y a une évolution des deux grandeurs au cours de la phylogénèse animale. L'évolution d'E se manifeste spécialement au niveau des processus métaboliques élémentaires, tandis que celle de P au niveau des fonctions plus complexes ou de l'organisme entier. Dans beaucoup de cas, l'accroissement de P entraîne une diminution de E. Le trait évolutif principal de l'énergétique biologique c'est l'accroissement de la capacité de production énergétique, même si cela suppose une réduction du rendement, une “dissipation” d'énergie, surtout dans les systèmes les plus développés de l'organisme.Die biologische Evolution soll sich, nach dem Erachten des Verfassers, auch in den energetischen Vorgange des Organismus kundtun. Es werden einige Begriffe erörtert, welche den Energiehaushalt des Organismus kennzeichnen können. Zwei von diesen Begriffen haben eine besondere entwicklungsgeschichtliche Bedeutung: die energetische Leistung und das Vermögen zur Energieproduktion . E ist das Verhältnis der geleisteten nützlichen Arbeit zur verbrauchten Energiemenge; P ist das Verhältnis der nützlichen Arbeit zum Produkt von Masse des lebenden Systems und Zeit. Der Verfasser ist der Meinung, dass es eine Evolution von E und P während der tierischen Phylogenesis gäbe. Die Evolution von E äussert sich meist in der Ebene der elementaren metabolischen Vorgänge, hingegen die von P an komplexeren Funktionen. In zahlreichen Fällen, vermindert E während P wächst. Die evolutive Grundzug der biologischen Energetik ist das Anwachsen der Fähigkeit zur Energieproduktion, sogar wenn dieses nur auf Kosten einer Verminderung der energetischen Leistung, einer „Vergeudung“ der Energie verwirklichen kann. (shrink)

Koonin argues that CRISPR-Cas systems present the best-known case in point for Lamarckian evolution because they satisfy his proposed criteria for the specific inheritance of acquired adaptive characteristics. We see two interrelated issues with Koonin’s characterization of CRISPR-Cas systems as Lamarckian. First, at times he appears to confuse an account of the CRISPR-Cas system with an account of the mechanism it employs. We argue there is no evidence for the CRISPR-Cas system being “Lamarckian” in any sense. Second, it is unclear (...) whether the mechanism is more “Lamarckian” than many other forms of genetic change already well-characterized in Darwinian terms. We present three conceptually distinct senses in which the mechanism of IAC may be considered Lamarckian and argue that only the strongest sense of goal-directed IAC would be difficult to accommodate in a Darwinian account. As the CRISPR-Cas mechanism does not qualify as “Lamarckian” in this strong sense, we argue there is no conceptual value in calling it “Lamarckian”. Finally, we suggest that CRISPR-Cas systems do hold the potential for genuinely non-Darwinian, directed evolution in a way that Koonin did not discuss, involving their potential use as a human gene-editing tool. (shrink)

Feeding and Being Fed. Supply Cycles and Nutrition Regimes at the Royal Prussian Institute for Experimental Therapy, 1900 to 1910. The article explores the everyday life and especially the feeding practices in the laboratories of the Institute for Experimental Therapy and the Georg Speyer House in Frankfurt, Germany, in the decade after 1900. The text focuses on the experimental animals and their entangled relationship to humans in the two institutes where life‐scientists tested the therapeutic effect of chemicals and dyestuffs on (...) pathogens and tumors. For this purpose countless animal experiments were conducted in the fields of chemotherapy and cancer research. The article focuses on the importance of animal feeding and feeding practices in the experimental processes and serum testing procedures. The behaviour of the animals, their health status, their appetite and weight were constantly monitored and deemed fundamental to the outcome of the experiment. Animal feeding was therefore an important factor within the epistemological process of knowledge production. Animal feeding was both orientated towards the needs of the experiments and governed by economic needs. Within their economic (life) cycles, the ontological status of the animals changed: they became vectors of pathogens and information, economic resources, objects of exchange, living resources and life stock for ongoing experiments, patients, and sometimes even food for other animals. Overall, feeding experimental animals played an important role in the research process. (shrink)

Neuroscientific evidence requires a monistic understanding of brain/mind. Truly appropriating what this means confronts us with the vulnerability of the human condition. Ca‐muss absurd and Tillich's despair are extreme expressions of a similar confrontation. This crisis demands a type of courage that is consistent with scientific truth and does not undermine the spiritual dimension of life. That dimension is not a separate substance but the process by which brain/mind meaningfully wrestles with its crisis through aesthetic symbols, religious faith, and ethical (...) affirmation. The validity of these activities does not depend upon human autonomy but instead upon the fact that they exist. Furthermore, they constitute the self, which Dennett calls a “center of narrative gravity.”. (shrink)

This paper explores the politics of cult in early fourth-century Thessaly, a period of prolonged stasis throughout the region. Two case studies are offered: The first explores Jason of Pherai’s planned expedition to Delphi in 370 and its potential impact on Thessalian corporate identity; the second reconstructs the role of Ennodia in the Pheraian tyrants’ attempts to win regional hegemony.Cet article étudie la politique cultuelle du début du ive siècle en Thessalie, une période de stasis prolongée dans la région. Deux (...) études de cas sont proposées. La première aborde l’expédition planifiée par Jason de Phères à Delphes en 370 et son impact potentiel sur l’identité thessalienne. La seconde étude reconstruit le rôle d’Ennodia au sein des tentatives des tyrans pour imposer leur hégémonie à la région. (shrink)

La conception de l'essence de la philosophie qui vient d'être esquissée paraitrait se recommander pour plusieurs raisons:Elle présente la philosophie comme étant une science, en intention et potentiellement, au même sens du mot „science“ que par exemple la physique ou la biologie: mais une science dont le sujet propre de recherches est différent de celui des sciences naturelles; et d'ailleurs une science qui n'est pas encore très avancée, parce que son sujet propre, et la méthode de recherche qui lui est (...) appropriée n'ont généralement pas été discernés d'une façon adéquate.En faisant une distinction entre les problèmes pratiques à résoudre par la philosophie, et les problèmes de philosophie, qui sont théoriques, notre conception rend justice, d'une part à l'opinion que la réflection philosophique peut et doit contribuer à la sagesse dans la conduite des affaires pratiques, et d'autre part au fait que beaucoup des problèmes théoriques de la philosophie sont aussi abstrus, abstraits et techniques, et en apparence aussi dénués d'implications pratiques, que beaucoup des problèmes de physique théorique ou des mathématiques pures; mais la relation entre la théorie et la pratique est logiquement la même dans les deux cas. En conséquence même les questions philosophiques les plus abstraites, quand elles ne sont pas des pseudo-questions et sont bien posées, ont potentiellement une importance pratique de l'espèce particulière qui a été indiquée.La conception de la philosophie que nous avons ébauchée fait place, dans le domaine général de la philosophie, non seulement à la morale et aux autres branches de la philosophie dites normatives, mais aussi à la métaphysique et à l'épistémologie, tant que les hypothèses de ces dernières ne sont pas dogmatiques, mais peuvent être mises à l'épreuve consistant à voir si elles s'accordent avec les faits observables de l'espèce appropriée, aussi bien qu'à l'épreuve de cohérence interne et de cohérence réciproque ou mutuelle.La conception philosophique présentée spécifie quelle est l'espèce de faits pouvant servir de référence pour contrôler empiriquement la validité ou l'invalidité des spéculations philosophiques quand elles ne sont pas présentées comme des révélations d'oracle, et ainsi rend claire la forme particulière que la méthode scientifique, génératrice de connaissances, et non de simples croyances, doit assumer, lorsqu'elle est appliquée au sujet de recherches qui distingue la philosophie des autres sciences.Finalement, notre conception met en relief le fait que les mots (et en particulier les termes de valeur, et autres termes philosophiques) sont des outils créés par l'homme tout autant qu'une hache, un moteur électrique ou une maison; que les mots sont les moyens les plus typiques par lesquels les hommes s'influencent réciproquement, et enfin que les mots influencent les sentiments, les croyances et les actions, même quand ils sont mal compris ou employés à tort. En conséquence l'analyse ou la fixation de leur signification, qui permet de les appliquer avec discernement et sans malentendu aux faits, actions ou événements concrets, est une tâche de la plus haute importance pour l'homme vivant en société. (shrink)

Kurrâ’ya nispet edilen aynı kelimelerdeki edâ farklılıklarının tartışmalara sebep olmasından ötürü kıraat ihtilafı olan kelimelerde ihticâc yapılmasına gereksinim duyulmuştur. Delil getirmek manasında kullanılan ihticâc kavramı, kıraat ihtilafları için söz konusu olduğunda ise kıraat ihtilaflarının sıhhat zemininin ortaya konması kastedilmektedir. Ayrıca 2. asrın sonlarında kıraat tevcîhlerinin yapıldığı müstakil eserler ortaya çıkmakla birlikte kıraat alan yazınına ait genel telifatlarda da kıraat ihticâclarının yapıldığı görülmektedir. Kıraat müelliflerinden biri olan İbnu’l-Cezerî de Neşru’l-ḳırââti’l-‘aşr adlı eserinde zaman zaman kıraat ihticâcına yer vermektedir. Mezkûr eserdeki kıraat ihticâcları (...) hakkında tespit edilebildiği kadarıyla yapılmış tek bir çalışma bulunmaktadır. Fakat bu çalışmada, kıraatten ve bunun dışındaki disiplinlerden yeterince istifade edilmediği belirlenmiştir. Ayrıca selef ulemasının Neşru’l-ḳırââti’l-‘aşr adlı esere ihticâc konusunda etkisi özelinde bir çalışmaya da rastlanmamıştır. Buradan hareketle elinizdeki bu çalışmada, İbnu’l-Ce-zerî’nin kıraat ihticâcına dair uygulamaları Neşru’l-ḳırââti’l-‘aşr adlı eser özelinde incelenmiş, me‘âni’l-Kur’ân ve me‘âni’l-kıraat literatürlerinin ortaya çıktıkları dönem dikkate alınarak h. 2.-4. asırlarda kaleme alınan bu literatürlere ait eserlerin İbnu’l-Cezerî’ye ait kıraat tevcîhlerine etkisinin olup olmadığı araştırılmıştır. Çalışmanın neticesinde İbnu’l-Cezerî’nin yaptığı kıraat tevcîhlerinden ele alınanların bir kısmına, söz konusu üç asırda kaleme alınan me‘âni’l-Kur’ân ve me‘âni’l-kıraat telifatında ekseriyetle yer verilmediği saptanmıştır. İbnu’l-Cezerî’nin ise kıraat ihtilafının olmadığı yerlerde dahi ilgili edâ için ihticâc yaptığı müşahede edilmiştir. Buna ilaveten İbnu’l-Cezerî’nin Neşr’de yaptığı ihticâc uygulamalarının me‘âni’l-Kur’ân ve me‘âni’l-kıraat telifatında yapılan ihticâc işlemleriyle benzeştiği görülmüştür. Yine Neşr’in tevcîh eseri olmaması hasebiyle de İbnu’l-Cezerî tarafından yapılan ihticâcların ihtiyaç merkezli olarak kendini gösterdiği belirlenmiştir. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Eleusis and Athens: Documents in Finance, Religion and Politics in the Fifth Century B.CWilliam C. WestMaureen B. Cavanaugh. Eleusis and Athens: Documents in Finance, Religion and Politics in the Fifth Century B.C. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996. xxiv 1 238 pp. 2 plates. 4 foldout texts. (American Classical Studies, 35)Maureen Cavanaugh states (vii) that she aims “first, to present a new text with detailed commentary of two Eleusinian account (...) inventories (IG I3 386– 87); and second, to offer a new date for the Eleusinian First-fruits decree (IG I3 78).” Having produced her text from examination of the stone in the Eleusis Museum at various times in 1978–80, she reviews the scholarship on the board of the Epistatai at Eleusis, from the creation of the board in 460 B.C. through the fourth century. The understanding of the working of this board of officials justifies her search, in part 1 of this book, for a date for the elusive First-fruits decree. She concludes that it was passed ca. 435 B.C.In part 2 she presents a thorough study of the opisthographic inventories of the Epistatai of 408/7 and 407/6 B.C. (fourteen fragments reconstructed as a single stele). The texts of IG I3 386–87 are presented conveniently on four foldout pages at the end of the book, preceded by photographs. Though small in scale, the photographs are clear and help the reader to appreciate the layout of the texts of both inscriptions in three columns beneath a heading which runs over the entire width of space used. Her text improves that of IG I3 386–87 (published 1981) in several individual readings (letters read as certain, which are dotted by C.; letters read as certain by C. which had been restored by earlier editors), but the basic character of the text and layout is not changed. The most significant difference between Cavanaugh’s text and that of IG I3 is her restoration [End Page 637] of nineteen lines at the end of the last column of no. 387, based on the appearance of these items in no. 386.A conclusion summarizes the activities of the overseers of the sanctuary in this year, near the end of the Peloponnesian War. Students of Athenian history will now use Cavanaugh’s text as the definitive document and will need to consider the implications of her proposed dating of the first-fruits decree. Set in the years leading up to the Peloponnesian War, it may be seen as a text of the period of Pericles’ leadership, seeking to bring honor to an Athenian sanctuary, rather than as a document of the late 420s, as, e.g., in Meiggs-Lewis no. 73. Cavanaugh’s date is fully supported by thoroughgoing discussion of all fifth century texts relating to this board.William C. WestUniversity of North Carolina, Chapel HillCopyright © 1997 The Johns Hopkins University Press... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 121.2 (2000) 320-324 [Access article in PDF] David M. Lewis. Selected Papers in Greek and Near Eastern History. Edited by P.J. Rhodes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. xii 1 418 pp. 4 pls. Cloth, $89.95. David Lewis's death in 1994 deprived the world of scholarship of one of the leading ancient historians of our time. His books include a revision of Pickard-Cambridge, The Dramatic Festivals (...) of Athens (with John Gould, 1968), A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (with Russell Meiggs, 1969; 2d ed. 1984), Sparta and Persia (1977), Inscriptiones Graecae I3 (editor-in-chief), fasc. 1 (1981), fasc. 2 (1993), and Cambridge Ancient [End Page 320] History, 2d ed. (co-editor), IV (1988), V (1992), VI (1994). Many of his most original ideas are to be found in his articles and reviews, however, and so the Cambridge University Press planned, before his death, a book of his short papers.The volume under review presents a total of thirty-eight papers, four previously unpublished, ranging from the 1950s to 1993. The general contents, notes, and final editing by P.J. Rhodes were discussed with Lewis; some of the notes simply give references, but there is representation of Lewis's words in the longer ones. His passion for precision, reconciling the testimony of inscriptions with the literary references, shows him to care, like Thucydides, for "exact knowledge."The four previously unpublished papers perhaps deserve summary. "On the Dating of Demosthenes' Speeches," read to the Oxford Philological Society in 1970, evaluates critically the testimony of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The dates for Orations 22 (Against Androtion) and 24 (Against Timokrates) given in Ad Amm., relied upon by scholars for Demosthenes' career (e.g., Cawkwell, Sealey), are shown to be unlikely. The dates from Dionysius would be 355/4 for 22 and 353/2 for 24. More likely, however, are 358/7 or 357/6 for 22 and 354/3 for 24. Lewis patiently assesses the evidence of inscriptions for Androtion's career and for the documents cited in Oration 24, which he does not believe to be forgeries. He shows reasons for not putting confidence in the dates of Dionysius. Principally, this involves an analysis of Deinarchos, where his statements can be checked. Dionysius cannot be checked on his Demosthenes, but Lewis argues that his statements cannot be accepted outright. The analysis of Deinarchos is new, but part of Lewis's view there is anticipated in his "Notes on Attic Inscriptions," ABSA 49 (1954) 32, 39-49. Rhodes cites a text from the Agora excavations, soon to be published by John Camp and M.B. Richardson, which will support the date 354/3 for Oration 24.In "The Financial Offices of Eubulus and Lycurgus" (written ca. 1957) Lewis addresses two questions: "When did Eubulus hold the office of treasurer of the theoric fund (), and, with it, control of Athenian finances?" and "When was Lycurgus officially made controller of Athenian finances?" Generally held opinions would be in the 350s and 340s for Eubulus, with specific dates variously suggested, in relation to Demosthenes' speeches. For Lycurgus, either 342-330 or 338-326 is the tenure previously accepted. The decree honoring Lycurgus in [Plut.] Vit. X Or. has Lycurgus serve as treasurer of the public finance for three penteterids. Lewis argues that specific evidence is lacking for Eubulus, but that his moral authority in the reorganization of finances is likely in the 350s and 340s. He examines closely Aeschines 3.25 in assessing Eubulus' authority and argues that the office of controller of the public finance was created in 336, its term defined by the law of Hegemon: hence the period 336-324 should be understood for Lycurgus' tenure."Aristophanes and Politics" was delivered to the Oxford Branch of the [End Page 321] Classical Association in 1957 and had been given earlier in France. Lewis seeks a position that is not so minimalist as that of Gomme (in CR 1938), who had argued that Aristophanes is a dramatist, seeking... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Kingship and Conversion in Sixteenth-Century Sri Lanka: Portuguese Imperialism in a Buddhist LandTerry C. MuckKingship and Conversion in Sixteenth-Century Sri Lanka: Portuguese Imperialism in a Buddhist Land. By Alan Strathern. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 304 pp.Buddhist-Christian relationships in Southeast Asian countries have a history that goes back to colonizations of the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and French beginning in the sixteenth century. By studying the story of (...) those early occupations, one can predict with some accuracy the nature of the relationships between Buddhists and Christians today.In Kingship and Conversion in Sixteenth-Century Sri Lanka, Alan Strathern, research fellow in history at Clare Hall, Cambridge, unearths a piece of the story that helps us understand the antipathy that exists today between Buddhists and Christians in Sri Lanka. As the title indicates, it is a book with a small thesis, limited geographical scope, and of short temporal duration. That is, it is a scholarly book that examines why a Christian monarchy was never established in sixteenth century coastal Sri Lanka during the one hundred years of colonial presence and rule of the maritime regions (ca. 1600–1658) by Roman Catholic Portugal.Strathern breaks new ground by delving into letters written by Portuguese churchmen, which have not previously been used in histories of this period. He ignores neither traditional Buddhist sources (the vaṃsa tradition in Sri Lanka) nor traditional Christian sources (principally Portuguese Jesuit Fernao de Queiros’s The Temporal and [End Page 221] Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon). And he is candid about his debt to the “presiding scholar” of the Portuguese period in Sri Lanka, C.R. de Silva, and also the “other expert in the field,” Jorge Manuel Flores. But the heretofore unused Portuguese letters provide the other side of the conversation that helps explain much.Strathern’s broader periodization begins with the Portuguese’s first incursions into Sri Lanka in 1505 and ends with the collapse of the Portuguese rule in the coastal regions to the Dutch in 1658. But his real focus is on the reign of the most important Sri Lankan monarch during this period, King Bhuvanekabāhu VII, who reigned from 1521 to 1551. It was King Bhuvanekabāhu’s policies regarding the Portuguese and particularly his welcoming of Christian missionaries that have created such controversy among historians of this period, both Sinhalese and Portuguese (and other Western historians). For some, Bhuvanekabāhu was weak and vacillating, for others strong and consistent. For some Bhuvanekabāhu was a captive, powerless vassal, for others a ruler of agency and foresight, making decisions that were the very best he could do given the overwhelming might of the Portuguese navy.Strathern’s conclusion, finely argued and carefully nuanced, is that Bhuvanekabāhu should be given more credit that he is usually given for wise kingship. But the pointed question that Strathern decides is key to the role Bhuvanekabāhu plays is his decision not to convert to Christianity, at an important period in Southeast Asian history when “conversion” to Christianity had become more than a religious decision—it had become a political and economic strategy of some weight, a decision that many other rulers of this period in south India and elsewhere were making as a matter of expedience. Why, asks Strathern, did Bhuvanekabāhu not make the same decision?The answer comes in three explorations that form the three parts of the book. The first is an exploration of the question of kingship in South and Southeast Asia during this period, specifically the role that kings conquered by colonial powers played. Strathern calls this the Temporal Question. The second is an exploration of what happened to these political dynamics when Christian missionaries are thrown in the mix. Strathern calls this the Spiritual Question. Third is an exploration of the overall effect on these two factors on the colonial powers, indigenous nationhoods, and the two religious institutions, Buddhism and Christianity.The TemporalThe sixteenth century in Sri Lanka was a time of unavoidable political alliances. The irresistible power of the colonizing power in Sri Lanka, beginning with Portuguese in 1505, meant that one could either fight to the death... (shrink)

Dans cet article, nous évaluons l’exécution actuelle des recommandations formulées après le déluge du Saguenay. L’étude de ce cas permet également d’analyser de façon critique la nouvelle loi au Québec sur la Sécurité civile, en la comparant aux avancées de l’éthique dite « postmoderne ». En regroupant ces recommandations en cinq catégories, il devient évident que leur exécution, plus de six ans après l’événement, reste surtout limitée à trois domaines spécifiques : les changements légaux, les changements technologiques et ceux qui (...) sont reliés aux télécommunications. Nous verrons que ces changements n’ont pas encore touché en profondeur ni les problématiques stratégiques, ni celles relatives au tissu culturel, incluant les considérations éthiques. Sur la base d’une évaluation de la littérature existante, des études détaillées de cette crise et des entrevues conduites avec douze personnes qui connaissent bien ce dossier, nous avons identifié la nature des blocages qui sont à l’origine de ces manques d’apprentissage et nous proposons des stratégies de déblocage. En s’appuyant sur un cas concret, cet article offre une lecture actuelle du manque d’intégration de considérations et de mesures éthiques dans le domaine de la gestion des risques et des crises. Il suggère en outre que les enjeux éthiques sont en compétition avec d’autres enjeux et que souvent la priorité est accordée à ces derniers. (shrink)

Trois sortes de définitions sont présentées et discutées: les définitions nominales, les définitions contextuelles et les définitions amplificatrices. On insiste sur le fait que I’elimination des definitions n’est pas forcement un procede automatique en particulier dans le cas de la logique paraconsistante. Finalement on s’int’resse à la théorie des objets de Meinong et l’on montre comment elle peut êrre considéréecomme une théorie des descripteurs.Three kinds of definitions are presented and discussed: nominal definitions, contextual definitions, amplifying definitions. It is emphasized that (...) the elimination of definitions is not necessarily straightforward in particular in the case of paraconsistent logic. Finally we have a look at Meinong’s theory objects and we show how it can be considered as a theory of descriptors. (shrink)