A collective choice mechanism can be viewed as a game in normal form; in this article it is shown, for very attractive rules and for sets with any number of alternatives, how individuals involved in a collective decision problem can construct the preferences they choose to express. An example is given with a version of plurality rule. Manipulability results are deduced from such a characterization.

One of the major concerns of advocates of common morality is that respect for cultural diversity may result in moral relativism. On their part, proponents of culturally responsive bioethics are concerned that common morality may result in moral imperialism because of the asymmetry of power in the world. It is in this context that critics argue that global bioethics is impossible because of the difficulties to address these two theoretical concerns. In this paper, I argue that global bioethics is possible (...) if we adopt a culturally responsive and self-critical attitude towards our moral values and those of others. I use the example of women’s reproductive autonomy in indigenous African culture to show that the difference between the leading Euro-American and indigenous African construal of autonomy is that the former ascribes greater weight on individual self-determination while the latter emphasizes responsibilities towards the community. One develops dignity in virtue of their capacity for communing with others. Hence, women have rights, but as members of the community, they also have obligations including the duty to procreate. The involvement of the family in reproductive decisions does not contravene women’s dignity and human rights. In applying the principle of autonomy in this communitarian context, one has to be sensitive to these ontological and moral specificities. The aim of global bioethics should not be to reach common grounds at all costs; any common norms should be the result of a negotiated democratic dialogue between cultures and not the result of imposition by the preponderant culture(s). (shrink)

This book persuasively shows that modern philosophical ways of knowing are not the only valid forms of knowledge that exist. Angela Roothaan argues for a critical reappraisal of indigenous ways of knowing and a need to overturn the politics of epistemology that sustain the modern system of knowledge with regard to its othering of indigenous outlooks of nature. According to Roothaan, this can be achieved by broadening our epistemological and moral vistas beyond the thin modern scientific view that circumscribes valid (...) knowledge merely to the empirical aspects of reality. Such broadening will make an intercultural environmental dialogue possible. (shrink)

In recent years, international economic pressures have induced Nigeria to adopt a program of economic liberalization and deregulation. Advocates of the reforms tout their potential not only for generating greater economic growth, but also for contributing to more responsible corporate governance. Sceptics abound. This paper provides an account of the nature of corporate governance in Nigeria and investigates the prospects for recent reforms contributing to more responsible governance and development.

Although the world has experienced remarkable progress in health care since the last half of the 20th century, global health inequalities still persist. In some poor countries life expectancy is between 37-40 years lower than in rich countries; furthermore, maternal and infant mortality is high and there is lack of access to basic preventive and life-saving medicines, as well a high prevalence of neglected diseases, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. Moreover, globalization has made the world more connected than before such that (...) health challenges today are no longer limited within national or regional boundaries, making all persons equally vulnerable. Because of this, diseases in the most affluent countries are closely connected with diseases in the poorest countries. In this paper, we argue that, because of global health inequalities, in a situation of equal vulnerability, there is need for global solidarity not only as a means of reducing health inequalities, but also as a way of putting up a united force against global health challenges. We argue for an African approach to solidarity in which the humanity of a person is not determined by his/her being human or rational capacity, but by his/her capacity to live a virtuous life. According to this view of solidarity, because no one is self-sufficient, no individual can survive alone. If we are to collectively flourish in a world where no individual, nation or region has all the health resources or protection needed for survival, we must engage in solidarity where we remain compassionate and available to one another at all times. (shrink)

La conscience démocratique est aujourd'hui en proie à une querelle sourde qui oppose les universalistes et les relativistes dans la défense des idéaux des droits de l'homme et de la démocratie. L'idéal démocratique est-il, oui ou non, un impératif catégorique universel valable pour toute société humaine quels qu'en soient l'héritage culturel et les particularismes socio-politiques, ou n'est-il qu'un idéal contingent promu par une civilisation occidentale triomphante? Telle est la question lancinante au cœur d'une controverse qui échoue in fine dans une (...) confrontation sans issue entre raison universaliste et raison historiciste sur le statut normatif de l'idéal démocratique. L'objectif premier de ce livre est d'apporter une solution théorique à cette impasse dans une interprétation formaliste-universaliste inspirée du formalisme kantien visant à préserver, contre les dérives dogmatiques, la valeur normative intrinsèque de l'idéal démocratique. Il en découle, au point de vue de l'éthique politique, un enseignement pratique qui est qu'on ne peut légitimement universaliser un modèle particulier de la démocratie, quel qu'il soit, ni relativiser sous aucun prétexte l'universel démocratique, qui demeure tout à la fois de portée universelle et d'application historique. Car, en effet, comment concilier l'aspiration à l'universel, gage de notre commune humanité, et le respect des particularismes nourri par la conviction que l'expérience humaine se tisse, toujours et tout entière, dans et par une histoire particulière? Partant donc de la nécessité d'accorder l'exigence d'universalité avec la vérité de l'historicité - le double héritage structurant l'univers intellectuel contemporain -, l'auteur s'efforce de raffermir sur des bases théoriques solides, autrement dit de transformer en certitude démontrée le sentiment aujourd'hui répandu qui veut que les idéaux normatifs à vocation universelle puissent être adaptés et réappropriés au sein de chaque contexte socio-historique et culturel. S'il est vrai que la démarche critique se déclare plus souvent ennemi du sens commun, il est des moments où elle doit voler à son secours. C'est le pari que fait ce livre. (shrink)

La conscience democratique contemporaine est heritiere de deux traditions de pensee antagonistes qui sont, d'un cote, l'universalisme des Lumieres symbolise par la Declaration universelle des droits de l'homme et du citoyen, et de l'autre le relativisme historique legue par l'Ecole historique du droit et les courants de pensee historicistes. Il tient en deux positions de principe: l'affirmation peremptoire, d'une part, de l'universalite des ideaux de la democratie et des droits de l'homme; la legitimation, d'autre part, des particularismes identitaires et socio-culturels (...) comme source constitutives de valeurs. D'ou precisement l'antagonisme entre vision universaliste et vision relativiste sur le statut axiologique de l'ideal democratique. ;C'est a cette question, redefinie a l'interieur du paradigme de la philosophie morale de Kant, que nous avons tente d'apporter une solution theorique qui fait droit aussi bien a la pretention universaliste de la norme democratique qu'a la "verite" de la conscience historique. ;L'ideal democratique ou l'Idee republicaine, s'il peut etre considere comme l'analogue politique de l'imperatif categorique, c'est d'abord parce qu'il peut etre pense, au titre de principe de l'ordre politique juste absolument, comme forme a priori de la raison, bien qu'il soit apparu dans une periode historique determinee et dans une ere culturelle particuliere, c'est-a-dire en Europe au XVIII$\rm\sp{e}$ siecle s'agissant specifiquement de l'ideal moderne de la democratie. ;Cette interpretation kantienne du statut de l'ideal democratique nous amene a prendre partie pour un universalisme formel, qui s'articule autour du lien etroit et necessaire devant prevaloir entre l'universel et le particulier. C'est ce lien que nie, en meme temps qu'elle le rompt, la rivalite traditionnelle entre l'universalisme dogmatique et le relativisme sans reserve. Aussi bien, contre le premier, l'universalisme formel inscrit l'universel dans la forme a priori de la raison comme en son lieu axiologique propre, jamais dans un contenu reel ou historique. Au second, il oppose l'horizon du formalisme kantien comme celui du discours universaliste, l'horizon qui rend possible et legitime la reference a l'universel democratique. ;C'est a cette condition qu'il nous parai t possible de justifier a la fois l'idee d'un imperatif categorique democratique et l'historicite essentielle des "experiences de l'universel" nourries par les singularismes socio-culturels et historiques. Ainsi, sommes-nous parvenu a esquisser les grandes lignes d'une interpretation kantienne du statut de l'ideal democratique, une interpretation universaliste-formaliste qui tient tete autant au dogmatisme moral qu'au relativisme sans bornes. (shrink)

This book critically explores indigenous sub-Saharan African agrarian thought. Indigenous African agrarian philosophy is an uncharted and largely overlooked area of study in the burgeoning fields of African philosophy and philosophy of nature. The book shows that wherever human beings have lived, they have been preoccupied with exploring ways to ensure the sustainable management of limited resources at their disposal, to attain to their basic needs: food, shelter, and security. The book also shows that agriculture and the way people relate (...) with nature are an essential, but generally neglected, determinant of the emergence and orientation of all philosophical traditions. In traditional, pre-colonial African culture, it was difficult to separate agriculture from African relational ontology. Agriculture and the use of natural resources were at the centre of community life and influenced the social, political, economic, and spiritual worldviews of the people. In their contact with nature through agriculture, different beliefs, knowledge systems, norms, moral outlooks, cultural practices and institutions emerged and have been valorized to guide societies on how to sustainably manage the environment. As a way of life, then, agriculture was deeply connected with indigenous beliefs, values, and practices which transcended a wide range of issues related to ecological ethics, food ethics, religion, traditional medicine, political economy, social organisation, biological reproduction and species survival, indigenous knowledge, and property rights. This book will thus be a valuable resource for policy makers and researchers in diverse fields such as philosophy, geography, sociology, anthropology, and development studies. (shrink)

Partant du principe que l’idéal démocratique est une norme universelle, la discussion au coeur de ce travail soulève une série de questions causuistiques liées à la mise en oeuvre concrète des démocratiques dans toute société humain, quels que soient ses particularismes socio-historiques et culturels. Cette démarche découle entièrement de l’hypothèse suivant laquelle le problème fondamental de la démocratisation, autrement dit de la domiciliation de l’idéal démocratique, se ramène à celui de son ap-propriation, d l’adaption du principle universal aux structures de (...) base d’une société donnée, produit de conditions socio-culturelles, religieuses, politiques et économiques. Dans le but de dévoiler l’enjeu primordial qui polarise les différents aspects de la question, nous tentons, en premier temps, de mettre en évidence la ‘particularité culturelle’ du modèle de la démocratie libérale. Cette tenative débouche, en fin de compte, sur une remise en question de la prétention universaliste de la démocratie occidentale. Nous discutons ensuite des difficult ensuite des difficultés practiques qu’entraînent l’exigence traditionnelle du multipartisme et la définition des droits et libertés de base dans tout processus de démocratisation. Notre objectif, en abordant ces différentes questions, est de faire ressortir, avant tout, le caractére inextricable, voire insoluble, des problèmes practiques que soulève l’appropriation socio-culturelle de l’idéal démocratique, lesquels problèmes imposent de recourir à une méthode d’analyse cauistique des processus de démocratisation et de ne plus se satisfaire de l’universalisme abstrait et dogmatique. (shrink)

Le formalisme qui caractérise si bien la morale kantienne demeure sans conteste un des aspects les plus critiqués de sa pensée. Pour notre part, nous nous situons ici dans une perspective qui considère que le formalisme kantien est victime d'une longue tradition critique qui a fini par perdre de vue la portée réelle, sinon l'essence même de la morale de Kant. Notre propos ne sera pas pour autant une réponse directe aux différentes critiques qui ont été adressées à Kant sur (...) cette question. Nous éviterons autant que possible ce que d'aucuns seraient tentés de qualifier de veine et anachronique plaidoirie du formalisme kantien. (shrink)

Le principe d’induction est lié à la définition des nombres entiers d’une façon à la fois essentielle et sujette à controverse. Fonde-t-il ces nombres, ou bien trouve-t-il en eux son fondement ? Son statut lui-même peut être conçu de diverses manières. Est-il donné par l’expérience, par l’intuition, par la logique, par convention ? Ces questions furent l’objet d’une âpre discussion, autour des années 1905-1906, dans le cadre plus large d’un débat sur les fondements des mathématiques qui opposa Poincaré aux logicistes (...) et aux « axiomatistes » . Nous proposons dans cet article de faire le point sur les termes et les enjeux de cette discussion. Nous montrerons en outre qu’elle fut l’occasion d’une redéfinition de l’analytique et, par suite, des frontières de la logique.The principle of induction is linked essentially to the definition of “integers”, but at the same time has been the subject of controversy : Is the principle founded on integers or, on the contrary, are integers founded on it ? The principle itself can be understood in different ways : as a result of experiment, intuition, logic or convention. These topics were hotly debated in the years 1905-06, in the context of a larger debate on the foundations of mathematics, in which Poincaré opposed the logicists and the “axiomatists” . This article reconsiders what is at stake by looking at the debate in detail and also shows that the debate provided an opportunity for redefining analyticity, and in doing so, redefining the domain of logic. (shrink)

On réduit habituellement les idées de Kronecker sur les fondements des mathématiques à quelque boutade ou à quelques principes rétrogrades. Ces idées constituent pourtant une doctrine originale et cohérente, justifiée par des convictions épistémologiques. Cette doctrine apparaît dans un article intitulé ‘Sur le concept de nombre’, paru en 1887 dans le Journal de Crelle, et surtout dans le dernier cours professé par Kronecker à Berlin au semestre d’été 1891. Le but de cet article est d’en préciser les principes et les (...) éléments en la comparant aux autres entreprises de fondement, afin d’en souligner l’originalité, et de montrer comment elle a déterminé la pratique mathématique de Kronecker. (shrink)

The COVID-19 pandemic has provoked new interest in the notion of vulnerability and in identifying alternative approaches for responding to vulnerable patients and populations during health emergencies. In this paper, I argue that the autonomy-based approach (the most dominant approach in bioethics) to responding to vulnerability during health emergencies is deficient because it focuses only on the interests, values, and decisions of the individual patient. It overly emphasizes respect for autonomy and not respect for the patient as it does not (...) consider the patient as a social and relational agent. Indeed, relational approaches to autonomy like the feminist and indigenous sub-Saharan African ethical approaches are promising alternatives. In this essay, I use the indigenous African relational approach to autonomy as an example of an alternative method which can be used to respond to vulnerability during a global health emergency like COVID-19. (shrink)

Trustworthiness is typically regarded as a desirable feature of national identification systems (NISs); but the variegated nature of the trustor communities associated with such systems makes it difficult to see how a single system could be equally trustworthy to all actual and potential trustors. This worry is accentuated by common theoretical accounts of trustworthiness. According to such accounts, trustworthiness is relativized to particular individuals and particular areas of activity, such that one can be trustworthy with regard to some individuals in (...) respect of certain matters, but not trustworthy with regard to all trustors in respect of every matter. The present article challenges this relativistic approach to trustworthiness by outlining a new account of trustworthiness, dubbed the expectation-oriented account. This account allows for the possibility of an absolutist (or one-place) approach to trustworthiness. Such an account, we suggest, is the approach that best supports the effort to develop NISs. To be trustworthy, we suggest, is to minimize the error associated with trustor expectations in situations of social dependency (commonly referred to as trust situations), and to be trustworthy in an absolute sense is to assign equal value to all expectation-related errors in all trust situations. In addition to outlining the features of the expectation-oriented account, we describe some of the implications of this account for the design, development, and management of trustworthy NISs. (shrink)

Arguments for extended cognition and the extended mind are typically directed at human-centred forms of cognitive extension—forms of cognitive extension in which the cognitive/mental states/processes of a given human individual are subject to a form of extended or wide realization. The same is true of debates and discussions pertaining to the possibility of Web-extended minds and Internet-based forms of cognitive extension. In this case, the focus of attention concerns the extent to which the informational and technological elements of the online (...) environment form part of the machinery of the (individual) human mind. In this paper, we direct attention to a somewhat different form of cognitive extension. In particular, we suggest that the Web allows human individuals to be incorporated into the computational/cognitive routines of online systems. These forms of computational/cognitive extension highlight the potential of the Web and Internet to support bidirectional forms of computational/cognitive incorporation. The analysis of such bidirectional forms of incorporation broadens the scope of philosophical debates in this area, with potentially important implications for our understanding of the foundational notions of extended cognition and the extended mind. (shrink)

It has been reported by some studies that the desire to be involved in decisions concerning one’s healthcare especially with regard to obtaining informed consent is related to educational status. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to assess the influence of educational status on attitude towards informed consent practice in three south-eastern Nigerian communities.

Recent national and international debates on truth and reconciliation in Uganda have emphasized the importance of incorporating local-level mechanisms into a national transitional justice strategy. The Juba Peace Talks represented an opportunity to develop and articulate sufficient and just alternatives and complementary mechanisms to the international criminal model. The most commonly debated mechanism is the Acholi process known as mato oput (drinking the bitter root), a restorative justice approach to murder. Drawing on 2 months of research in nine internally displaced (...) persons’ camps in 2007, we examine local justice practices in the region of northern Uganda to consider their potential, promise and pitfalls to realizing a successful truth-telling process. We find that although local mechanisms could help facilitate reconciliation in the region, truth-telling is but one part of a conciliatory process complicated by a national context of fear and the complexity of the victim–perpetrator identity at the community level. These locally informed insights help move forward the debate on such mechanisms in Uganda and add useful insights into community processes in the field of transitional justice more generally. (shrink)

Augustine’s Epistulae 23A*, 23*, and 22*, written in late 419 and early 420, present his involvement in the dispute concerning the translation of Honorius to Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell), a city Augustine had visited in September 418 while fulfilling a commission from Zosimus of Rome. The translation of bishops from one church to another had been condemned by the 325 Council of Nicaea. The three letters are difficult to interpret because the information to his three correspondents (Possidius of Calama, Renatus, (...) a monk of Caesarea Mauretaniae, and Alypius of Thagaste, who was in Italy at the time) seems to differ. A careful reading reveals that not only did Augustine’s knowledge of the situation change over time, but that the stress he placed on differing elements of that situation also changed depending upon the correspondent. The letters also disclose the involvement of Boniface I of Rome, Zosimus’ successor, and the complex relationship of the African churches with the bishop of Rome, especially in the matter of judicial appeal. What is suggested here is that Augustine, without saying so, seemed to be aware of the criteria Boniface had employed in another translation controversy, which was the approved translation of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth, and that, if applied to Honorius, this would lead the Roman bishop to reach a very different conclusion. (shrink)

Bonifac Badrov, a Neo-Scholastic philosopher, in his “History of Philosophy”, a textbook for students at Franciscan Theology in Sarajevo, defines the scholarly subject of the history of philosophy as a systematic representation of solving philosophical problems in various historic periods and a critical examination of their internal dynamics. Considering this clear and informative, well-structured, balanced and goaloriented text, we should not forget that his “History of Philosophy” was written for very specific type of students, with full awareness that some of (...) these students are encountering philosophy for the first time, and that, complementary to the educational system in theological universities, they are listening to it in parallel with scholastic philosophy. We should also bear in mind the author’s Neo-Scholastic philosophical orientation, and also mention that the religious aspect was not emphasised because the author was merely informing about some philosopher’s position on God and divine. This paper deals with Greek-Roman philosophy, and in accordance with Badrov’s structure it offers a review of the development of Greek-Roman philosophy in three periods with three distinctions: cosmological in Presocratics, emphasising monism, evolutionism, hylozoism, pantheism, anti-intellectualism and finally naturalism, metaphysical in classical antiquity, with an emphasis on subjectivism, relativism, agnosticism, ethics and monotheism, and dualism in all areas, that is metaphysics, and finally, ethical in Hellenistic period. The focus of the paper is Badrov’s critique of philosophers and philosophical systems, while historical data is put aside. For some philosophers, other places in Badrov’s other works are mentioned. (shrink)

In seinem Beitrag versucht der Verfasser, im Rahmen der philosophischen Systematik Bonifac Badrovs, des langjährigen Philosophie-Professors an der Franziskanische Theologischen Fakultät in Sarajevo, sein scholastisch-neuscholastisches Wahrheitsverständnis als adaequatio intellectus et rei, das ihm als der Leitfaden für seine Konzeption „Wissenschaftsphilosophie“, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung seiner Auffassung der „Begriffsbildung“. Dabei wird den Vorgang der Begriffsbildung durch die Definitionen als Bedeutungsbeschreibungen geschildert. Dadurch verliert der Begriff seine Verankerung in der unimittelbaren menschlichen Existenz, d.h. er wird weder als das Ergebnis des complicatio und explicatio (...) Verhältnisses (N. Cusanus) noch als der Vollzug der Selbstgewinnung des Menschen in eigener Existenz verstanden (H.-G. Gadamer), weshalb die Frage nach dem „Sinn“ letztes Ende jede Bedeutung nicht nur für die Existenz des Menschen, sondern für den „Sinn“ des Erkenntnis- und Wissenschaftsverfahrens verliert. (shrink)

Liber pontificalis records that, during the disputed Roman episcopal election, which started at the end of 418 and lasted several months, between Eulalius and Boniface, the latter took up residence in the cemetery of Felicity when the two candidates were expelled from the city. It also records Boniface, after his ultimate victory as legitimate bishop, refurbishing this cemetery and eventually being buried there. Although Liber pontificalis is wrong on a number of points withregard to the disputed election, as (...) revealed through letters preserved in the Collectio Avellana, there is no reason to doubt Boniface’s attraction to this martyrial complex on the via Salaria nova. This paper considers the catacomb and Boniface’s connection with it in the context of what we know about Roman episcopalburials of the early fifth century. (shrink)

Reagon, Bellin and Boniface argue that traditional models of evidence-based practice focus too much on randomised controlled trials and neglect 'the multiple truths of occupational therapy'. This opinion piece points out several flaws in their argument, and suggests that it is unethical to rely on weaker evidence sources when higher quality evidence exists. Ironically, the evidence that they provide to support their argument regarding different types of evidence is itself very weak.

The confrontation between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII has long been seen as a major turning point for the medieval papacy, for the rise of national monarchies, and for the political shaping of public opinion in late-medieval France. Philip's campaign to gain and display the support of the clergy, the nobility, and townspeople throughout the realm also generated a large body of documentation, much of which survives today. Although frequently explored and exploited during the last four centuries, the (...) archival record is not as straightforward as it appears. While recognizing it as part of a masterly propaganda campaign, one needs to look not simply at the shaping of opinion, but at the shaping of the written record—a case in which the silences, what is not recorded, are often as important as the voices on which our attention has been focused. But before turning to that issue, a brief review of events may be useful. (shrink)

Through a focused and systematic examination of late medieval scholastic writers - theologians, philosophers and jurists - Joseph Canning explores how ideas about power and legitimate authority were developed over the 'long fourteenth century'. The author provides a new model for understanding late medieval political thought, taking full account of the intensive engagement with political reality characteristic of writers in this period. He argues that they used Aristotelian and Augustinian ideas to develop radically new approaches to power and authority, especially (...) in response to political and religious crises. The book examines the disputes between King Philip IV of France and Pope Boniface VIII and draws upon the writings of Dante Alighieri, Marsilius of Padua, William of Ockham, Bartolus, Baldus and John Wyclif to demonstrate the variety of forms of discourse used in the period. It focuses on the most fundamental problem in the history of political thought - where does legitimate authority lie? (shrink)

It would be hard to find a more effective visual source for understanding the political ideology that underscores Dante's relationship to Boniface VIII in the Divina Commedia than the frescoes that line the walls of the Oratorio di San Silvestro in the Basilica of the Santi Quattro Coronati in Rome. These frescoes, which depict episodes from the life of St. Sylvester and his relationship to the emperor Constantine, express as their clear subtext the thirteenth-century papacy's view of the proper (...) relationship between ecclesiastical and secular power . Their vivid dramatization of these events synthesizes and, more importantly, interprets two well-known literary sources: the life of St. Sylvester that was thought to have been composed by Eusebius of Caesarea and the text of the Donation of Constantine, the Constitutum Constantini. The account of the life of St. Sylvester that is contained in the Golden Legend also provides a readily accessible point of reference for the cycle, since it is roughly contemporaneous with it and is itself a compilation based on these earlier texts. (shrink)

The consilia which will be examined here were written in the vicinity of the papal Rota at Avignon by Oldradus da Ponte. Educated at Bologna, he appears to have arrived at the Lateran in the entourage of Peter Colonna just before the Colonna fled from the wrath of Boniface VIII, and after a short spell as assessor for the Capitano del Popolo at Bologna and then as a teacher at Padua, to have migrated to Avignon where he was still (...) active in 1337. Initially, Oldradus' consilium 69 will be examined on the assumption that even a document which has long been described as �famous�, �important�, �celebrated� and �interesting�, will reward reconsideration. It will be argued that Oldradus did in fact sound a discordant note which failed to harmonizewith what has been presented as a contemporary consensus, namely that Justinian's legislation ought to be treated with a �veneration similar to that accorded to Holy Scripture�. This will be followed by a broader analysis of the deployment and nature of biblical and other extra-legal authorities in his consilia. An epilogue examines the wider significance of Oldradus' consilia. (shrink)

In the year 748 Pope Zachary, in a letter to St. Boniface, mentioned among other matters a complaint which he had received from the latter concerning an Irish cleric named Virgil, active at that time in Bavaria.

Neste artigo, inicialmente, discorremos sobre o contexto histórico que suscitou a 1ª fase do conflito em torno às relações de poder, entre Bonifácio VIII e Felipe IV de França, e as fundamentações teóricas em que o Papa e o Rei se apoiavam. A seguir, analisamos um dos opúsculos anónimos, escrito em defesa da política do Rei contra parte da clerezia franca, que não queria ser taxada em seus bens, e contra a bula papal Clericis laicos. Por último, apresentamos a tradução (...) do opúsculo Antequam essent clerici. We begin by discussing the historical context of the first phase of the power struggle between Boniface VIII and Philip IV of France, and the theoretical foundations upon which the Pope and the King supported their positions. We then consider one of the anonymous opuscula written in defense of the King's policy against the French clergy faction , and in opposition to the papal bull Clericis laicos. Finally, we present a translation of this opusculum. (shrink)

Ptolemy of Lucca's sympathetic description of republican self-rule together with his unfavourable view of monarchy in the De regimine principum has led many scholars to categorize him as a pioneer of civic republicanism. The present study refutes this common opinion. It illuminates Ptolemy's theory of government through its relationship to the papalism he repeatedly expressed in several works. This study argues that Ptolemy's theory of government in the De regimine principum was inspired by his papalist convictions, and demonstrates how that (...) theory clearly reflected Ptolemy's papalist point of view, especially in the context of the feud between Pope Boniface VIII and the kings of Western Europe, in particular, Philip the Fair of France. (shrink)

A teoria política medieval possui uma singularidade, pois trata de “dois poderes” distintos – reino e o sacerdócio –, sendo necessário definir como se dão as relações entre eles. Durante o debate entre Bonifácio VIII e Filipe, o Belo, foi importante a obra de João Quidort. Ele criticou a teoria da plenitude do poder, atribuída pelos curialistas ao papa, e procurou mostrar a diferença entre os modos de causalidade que explicam cada um dos dois poderes. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Teoria política medieval. (...) Dois poderes. Plenitude do poder. João Quidort. Egídio Romano. ABSTRACT The medieval political theory has a singularity, for it deals with two distinct powers – kingdom and priesthood –, and it is necessary to define how the relations between these powers are given. During the debate between Boniface VIII and Philip, the Fair, the works of John Quidort was important. He criticized the theory of plentitude of power, which was held by the curialists to the pope, and aimed to show the difference between the manners of causality that explained each of the two powers. KEY WORDS – Medieval political theory. Two power. Plentitude of power. John Quidort. Giles of Rom. (shrink)