In this paper, we will object to the hypothesis according to which the epistemic challenge posed by irrelevant influences can be reduced to the one posed by acknowledged epistemic peer disagreement. We will develop our objection considering as a paradigmatic example of an irrelevant influence the desire that acts as a motivational factor in typical cases of self-deception. Furthermore, we will examine the role played by the debunking reasoning in the cases of disagreement in which one of the conflicting persons (...) is self-deceived. (shrink)

En este artículo se desarrollará un análisis, delimitado al contexto europeo, sobre cómo las expulsiones colectivas representan una vulneración de derechos humanos, cuál es su impacto y cuál su tratamiento jurídico y jurisprudencial. Para ello se analizarán tres aspectos concretos: en primer lugar, el devenir de la “securitización” de las políticas de control migratorio y su externalización. En segundo lugar, se realizará un estudio de las expulsiones en general, como política de control migratorio, para analizar el caso específico de las (...) expulsiones colectivas. Y, en tercer lugar, se analizará la política migratoria concretada a partir de la firma de convenios de readmisión de la UE o los Estados miembros con países de tránsito y origen, haciendo una breve mención al convenio bilateral firmado por España con Marruecos, con especial atención a la puesta en práctica y la regulación normativa de las devoluciones en caliente. (shrink)

The purpose of this randomized controlled study was to investigate the impact of a 12-week physical education program on the self-efficacy of overweight schoolgirls. We randomly assigned 60 overweight schoolgirls to either an experimental moderate to vigorous aerobic exercise group or a control group that received non-specific regular PE lessons with activities chosen by the curricular teacher mainly focused on team games and sports skills that aimed to achieve general psycho-physical wellness. To assess the starting level of students and significant (...) changes reached, at baseline and after training, a battery of standardized assessment motor tests and a psychometric scale were administered. At the end of the intervention, the experimental group reported a considerable decrease in body mass index and a large improvement in self-efficacy. No significant changes were found in the CG. The results suggested that the 12-week moderate to a vigorous aerobic exercise program is an effective weight loss intervention and a vehicle to promote a range of outcomes important to the qualitative growth of adolescents. In fact, it could provide a positive and significant impact on the self-efficacy of overweight schoolgirls. (shrink)

The purpose of this randomized controlled study was to investigate the effects of a 12-week coordinative ability training program on adolescents’ cognitive functioning, using evaluation tests of visuospatial perception, attention, and working memory. We randomly assigned 60 public school students (14–15 years) to either an experimental coordinative abilities training (∼40 min twice/week) group (n= 30) or a control group (n= 30) who received general psycho-physical wellness training (∼40 min., twice a week). At baseline and after training we used two standardized (...) motor tests and a single cognitive measure (Corsi’s Block-tapping test) to assess students’ visuospatial perception, attention, and working memory. We found a significant Time x Group interaction for the Throwing and Catching Test and Corsi’s Block-Tapping test, reflecting a meaningful experimental group improvement (p< 0.001), and there were no significant pre-post changes found in the control group. Thus, a 12-week program of coordinative abilities was able to improve not only coordination skills but aspects of cognitive functioning relevant to academic achievement. (shrink)

A partir de una breve reconstrucción de la teoría de la justicia como imparcialidad desarrollada por John Rawls, elaboramos un recorrido por algunas de las más importantes críticas a la teoría rawlsiana desde la óptica del feminismo, reconociendo y destacando sus distintos matices y soluciones propuestas para hacer frente a las deficiencias del universalismo moral. Luego, nos proponemos analizar si las críticas que se disparan desde distintos posicionamientos teóricos dentro del feminismo pueden tener efectos extensibles hacia otros sujetos desaventajados estructuralmente, (...) subrepresentados e invisibilizados por la propuesta epistemológica del universalismo. Por último, intentaremos brindar una conclusión en torno a la incompatibilidad de la propuesta teórica rawlsiana con la complejidad y pluralidad de las sociedades actuales. (shrink)

Este trabajo presenta seis ponencias en torno a los problemas que atraviesan distintos sectores de la población en situación de vulnerabilidad social en el goce de sus derechos humanos en el contexto de la pandemia global de COVID-19. Las exposiciones reflexionan sobre los prejuicios y vulnerabilidades que atraviesan las personas adultas mayores; las violencias de género en contextos de aislamiento; las personas en contextos de movilidad excluidas de las medidas de protección; el tratamiento y priorización de las personas con discapacidad (...) en los centros de derivación de COVID-19; la protección de las garantías penales en la administración de justicia durante los juicios de lesa humanidad llevados en forma remota; y el avance de las causas por crímenes de lesa humanidad durante la pandemia. (shrink)

Analizamos aquí un conjunto de narrativas de docentes de escuela secundaria durante la pandemia de COVID-19 en la Argentina. Los resultados muestran la transformación de su práctica ante la virtualidad forzada y la pérdida de la materialidad de la escuela. La institución aparece así como el lugar de “lo común” y de fortalecimiento de los vínculos en un contexto de incertidumbre.

This paper aims to contribute toward coalitionbuilding by showing that, even if we try tobuild coalition around what might look like ourmost obvious common concern – reducing racism –the dominant discourse of racial politics inthe United States inhibits an understanding ofhow racism operates vis-à-vis Latino/as andAsian Americans, and thus proves more of anobstacle to coalition building than an aid. Theblack/white paradigm, which operates to governracial classifications and racial politics inthe U.S., takes race in the U.S. to consist ofonly two (...) racial groups, Black and White,with others understood in relation to one ofthese categories.I summarize and discuss the strongestcriticisms of the paradigm and then develop twofurther arguments. Together these argumentsshow that continuing to theorize race in theU.S. as operating exclusively through theblack/white paradigm is actuallydisadvantageous for all people of color in theU.S., and in many respects for whites as well(or at least for white union households and thewhite poor). (shrink)

This volume provides a superb introduction to the philosophical, social, and political elements of Hispanic/Latino identity. It is an indispensable tool for anyone interested in issues that concern Hispanics/Latinos, social policy, and the history of thought and culture.

Apparently, Latinos are “taking over.” 1 With news that Latinos have become the largest minority group in the United States, the public airwaves are filled with concerned voices about the impact that a non-English dominant, Catholic, non-white, largely poor population will have on “American” identity. Aside from the hysteria, Latino identity poses some authentically new questions for the standard way in which minority identities are conceptualized. Are Latinos a race, an ethnicity, or some combination? What does it mean to (...) have hybridity as the foundation of an identity, as is the case for mestizos and most Latinos? The term “Latino” signifies people from an entire continent, sub-continent, and several large islands, with diverse racial, national, ethnic, religious, and linguistic aspects to their identity. Given all this internal diversity, is “Latino” a meaningful identity at all? Latino identity is, with few exceptions, a visible identity, for all its variability, and I will argue that unless we pay close attention to the way in which Latino identity operates as a visible identity in public, social spaces, our analyses of its social meanings and political effects will be compromised. In the following three chapters, I will address three issues that Latino identity raises, issues that have political ramifications but that also require us to think about the philosophical assumptions at work behind common ideas about race and ethnicity. First, what is the relationship between Latino identity and racial categories? Second, how do Latinos fit into, and challenge, the black/white binary thinking about race that has long dominated public discourse in the U.S.? And third, what does it mean to have a mixed identity, for Latinos or for other mixed race groups? Throughout, we will have to pay close attention to the especially significant heterogeneity of this particular population. Does such diversity threaten identity or does it reveal that identity has never presumed uniformity? Only recently has the concept of pan-Latino, or generic Hispanic, identity overtaken the older identity monikers of “Cuban,” “Mexican,” “Puerto Rican,” etc. in significant national discourses across the United States.. (shrink)

The presence and impact of Hispanics/Latinos in the United States cannot be ignored. Already the largest minority group, by 2050 their numbers will exceed all the other minority groups in the United States combined. The diversity of this population is often understated, but the people differ in terms of their origin, race. language, custom, religion, political affiliation, education and economic status. The heterogeneity of the Hispanic/Latino population raises questions about their identity and their rights: do they really constitute a (...) group? That is, do they have rights as a group, or just as individuals? This volume, addresses these concerns through a varied and interdisciplinary approach. (shrink)

The politics of ethnic names, such as ‘Latino’ and ‘Hispanic’, raises legitimate issues for three reasons: because non-political considerations of descriptive adequacy are insufficient to determine absolutely the question of names; political considerations may be germane to an ethnic name’s descriptive adequacy; and naming opens up the political question of a chosen furture, to which we are accountable. The history of colonial and neo-colonial conditions structuring the relations of the North, Central and South Americas is both critical in understanding (...) the political condition of Latinos in the USA and relevant in current colonial relations. (shrink)

This chapter contains section titled: Our Philosophy The Problem of Latino Philosophy Historiographical Characterizations of Philosophy Latino Conceptions of Latino Philosophy Latino Philosophy as Ethnic Philosophy Latino Philosophy and “Scientific” Philosophy Universalism, Culturalism, and Critical Philosophy Revisited American Philosophy Latino and American Philosophy.

Approximately 47 million Latinos currently live in the United States, and nearly 25 percent of them are undocumented. The USA is a very different country from just a generation ago – culturally, socially, and demographically. Its presumed core values have been transformed largely by the changes wrought by immigration and ethnicity. A multicultural society has, in 2008, elected a multicultural president. This article examines immigration discourse, framed in terms of fear and security, and the evolution of the US immigration policy. (...) Latino immigration is presented as a force that has shaped the nation's past and continues to shape the economic, demographic, and cultural future of the United States. Psychological barriers to the social integration of immigrants are also explored. This article concludes that government policy makers should encourage a more tolerant, multicultural society by integrating Latino immigrants into the social, economic, and political fabric of the nation. (shrink)

The social trust argument asserts that a political community cannot survive without social trust, and that social trust cannot be achieved or maintained without a political community having discretionary control over immigration. Various objections have already been raised against this argument, but because those objections all assume various liberal commitments they leave the heart of the social trust argument untouched. This chapter argues that by looking at the socio-historical circumstances of Latino/as in the United States, an inherent weakness of (...) the social trust argument gets exposed. Giving a political community discretionary control over immigration not only fails to deliver on the promise of social trust, but it actually seems to promote its opposite, social mistrust. This suggests that a far better way of promoting the goal of social trust, and at the same time abating social mistrust, is to actually circumvent a political community’s ability to control immigration by giving priority both to socio-historical circumstances and immigrant rights (at least in a minimalist sense) in determining immigration policy. (shrink)

The 2018 SCE meeting focused on the theme “Retrospect and Prospect” in order to build greater understanding of the discipline of Christian ethics in its varied cultural, methodological, and confessional forms. Latino/a ethics in the United States, by embodying a cooperative methodology grounded in a liberative reading of the Christian Scriptures that employs a hermeneutics of suspicion, seeks to articulate an emancipatory and inclusive vision that yields distinctive forms of social and political action while working toward the common good. (...) This essay provides a brief introduction to and history of Latino/a contributions to the field of Christian ethics, defines key themes that unite its various proponents, and identifies future trends. (shrink)

Fundado na obra de José Roberto Dromi, que estabelece as características do “constitucionalismo do futuro”, o presente trabalho busca delinear as características do novo constitucionalismo latino americano e traçar um paralelo entre os dois. Para tanto, através de uma abordagem dedutiva, será realizada uma pesquisa bibliográfica e estudo comparado das constituições latinas. Os pensamentos anticolonialistas são fundamentos desse novo modo de pensar o constitucionalismo, que devolve o poder ao povo, sustentando um Estado plurinacional, promovendo uma verdadeira refundação estatal. Esse (...) modelo, que parte da prática para a teoria, ainda está sendo formatado, mas apresenta avanços inegáveis em relação ao constitucionalismo. (shrink)

A first-of-its-kind book that seriously and profoundly examines what it means philosophically to be Latino and where Latinos fit in American society. Offers a fresh perspective and clearer understanding of Latin American thought and culture, rejecting answers based on stereotypes and fear Takes an interdisciplinary approach to the philosophical, social, and political elements of Hispanic/Latino identity, touching upon anthropology, history, cultural studies and sociology, as well as philosophy Written by Jorge J. E. Gracia, one of the most influential (...) thinkers of Hispanic/Latino descent. (shrink)

This article explicates the views on both race and ethnicity of these three prominent Latinx philosophers, compares them (somewhat), and offers some criticisms. Corlett jettisons race as a categorization of groups, but accepts a form of racialization somewhat at odds with this jettisoning. Gracia adopts as a general principle that an account of both ethnicity and race should help us see aspects of reality that would otherwise be obscured; but this is at odds with his regarding the Latin American view (...) of race as more rational than the U.S. version with its “one-drop rule.” The latter has structured the reality of race in the U.S. for African Americans. Alcoff is much more concerned with the phenomenology of race and ethnicity than the other two, and she clearly adds “pan-ethnicity” to the mix of concepts required to understand Latino/a Americans. I argue that she fails to see the agentic and political aspect of black identity in the U.S., and in a sense shares with Gracia a misplaced sense that the mixedness of Latin American racial identity is somehow to be preferred to the more binary U.S. form. (shrink)

Meister Eckhart escribió textos en alemán y en latín. Pero, fuera del ámbito de los estudios eckhartianos, es conocido sobre todo por su obra alemana. De la obra latina, los textos menos frecuentados son los llamados “sermones latinos”: una serie de notas o borradores que podrían haber servido como material preparatorio para lo que en el Prologus generalis in Opus tripartitum el mismo Eckhart llama el Opus sermonum, del que no tenemos más noticia que la del Prologus mencionado. En castellano, (...) el destino de la obra latina de Eckhart no ha sido hasta ahora demasiado afortunado. Pocas son las traducciones. Y, en cuanto a los “sermones latinos”, ninguno ha sido traducido todavía. Ofrecemos la traducción de uno de estos sermones, el XXXVII, en el que Eckhart comenta un texto de Pablo (Efesios 4, 1-6): Unus deus et pater omnium. En el estudio preliminar se ofrece (1) una introducción a la obra latina de Eckhart en general y, en particular, a los “sermones latinos” y (2) un comentario del texto traducido. (shrink)

A crítica é uma espécie de pedra de toque para toda a filosofia latino-americana. Isso porque temos sido críticos na medida em que aprendemos os procedimentos epistemológicos da filosofia ocidental. Porém, a crítica não possui hegemonia na América Latina porque ela adquiriu funcionalidades divergentes com relação ao modelo original. Daí que somos críticos e não somos. O acerto de contas com essa ambiguidade nos mostra que temos sido involuntariamente hipócritas. A evidência disso é que não conseguimos abrir mão da (...) crítica para avaliar a situação efetiva dessa ambiguidade. Com isso, não somente incorremos em uma forma de círculo lógico como resvalamos para o conforto da filosofia europeia. Para abandonar essa hipocrisia involuntária só nos resta o caminho de descobrir que não somos europeus. (shrink)

La 4e de couv. indique : "Il platonismo è l'esclusivo "sfondo" teoretico della cultura filosofica di lingua latina tra il IV secolo e il XII, "scenario" che comprende, e si confonde con, gli elementi aristotelici, stoici e neopitagorici che le fonti del pensiero medievale trasmettono agli ambienti colti latini secondo le forme dell'uso neoplatonico della tradizione filosofica classica ed ellenistica. Scopo di questo lavoro è evidenziare, alla luce di testi e problematiche rappresentativi della tradizione filosofica del medioevo latino "alto" (...) (secc. VI-X) e "centrale" (secc. XI-XII), le trasformazioni del modello tardoantico di filosofia come scienza dell'essere e del rapporto tra quest'ultima e la teologia mistica, collegando tale movimento delle idee ai contesti, civili e religiosi, e alla crescita della biblioteca filosofica, che, a fronte di una scarsa conoscenza diretta dei dialoghi di Platone, consentono di usare le idee che indirettamente sono a lui riferite e la sua immagine in funzione dell'attualità culturale.". (shrink)

This chapter examines the connection between culture and democracy with an eye toward developing a foundation for American citizenship that is informed by the experiences of Latinos/as in the United States. It begins by surveying arguments from philosophers within the American pragmatist tradition that correlate the stability of a democratic political regime with habits, tastes, and attitudes of a given people. These thinkers, namely Horrace Kallen, Jane Adams, and John Dewey, have developed two models to conceptualize the relationship of immigrant (...) communities to democratic citizenship and governance: cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. The chapter intends to demonstrate that Latino cultural citizenship is a form of cultural pluralism and, as such, does not seek to transform liberal representative democracy in any deep, significant sense. We can see this when we hold up Latino cultural citizenship to the radical challenge posed by progressive thinkers, such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Martin Luther King Jr., who argued that social justice in the United States cannot be achieved unless we move beyond liberal multiculturalism, and the idea of what it means to be an American is altered to reflect the experiences of non-white peoples. (shrink)

El presente artículo se propone indagar el caso de Leopoldo Castedo dentro del más amplio contexto de la variada reflexión politológica del republicanismo español en el exilio que siguió a la derrota en la Guerra civil española. Castedo, exiliado en Chile tras el conflicto, desarrolló una intensa actividad cultural entre Chile y los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, uniendo en ella, en lo que fue siempre signo identitario de su quehacer intelectual, la reflexión teórica con la praxis, las ideas con su (...) traducción concreta en el mundo y en la sociedad de su tiempo. (shrink)

Expectations of receiving personal health information as a fringe benefit of biospecimen donation—termed diagnostic misconception—are increasingly documented. We developed an instrument measuring conflation of observational biospecimen-based research and clinical care for use with Latino communities, who may be particularly affected by diagnostic misconception due to limited health care access.

Science motivational beliefs are crucial for STEM (science, technology, engineering, and math) performance and persistence, but these beliefs typically decline during high school. We expanded the literature on adolescents’ science motivational beliefs by examining: 1) changes in motivational beliefs in three specific science subjects, 2) how gender, immigrant generation status, and perceived support from key social agents predicted differences in adolescents’ science motivational beliefs, and 3) these processes among Latino/as in the United States, whose underrepresentation in STEM is understudied. (...) We used hierarchical linear modeling to estimate the changes in 104 (40% female) Latino/a high school students’ physics, chemistry, and biology motivational beliefs from 9th to 11th grade. Subject-specific ability self-concept, interest, and utility were regressed on gender, immigrant generation status, and perceived science support while controlling for family income, parent education, and adolescents’ school. Adolescents’ utility declined from 9th to 11th grade whereas their interest remained stable for all three science subjects. Adolescents’ ability self-concept increased for biology, decreased for physics, but remained stable for chemistry. Gender differences in adolescents’ motivational beliefs at 9th grade only emerged for physics utility as well as physics and chemistry interest; yet, there were no gender differences in how adolescents’ science motivational beliefs changed over time. Contrary to expectations, immigrant generation status was not significantly associated with adolescents’ science motivational beliefs at 9th grade or in terms of how they changed over time. Adolescents who perceived higher science support generally had higher motivational beliefs in 9th grade, but did not differ on their rate of change. Our findings highlight the need to examine specific science subjects, and that typical gender differences in adolescents’ motivational beliefs discussed in the literature may not generalize to all racial and ethnic groups. (shrink)

The opposition between the piqueteros and the government has shifted the battleground between capital and work. If in the past, confrontation focused on salary, today the growing precariousness of work has transformed the struggle of the piqueteros and the unemployed into a fight for survival. As a result of this, their objectives are the same as those of immaterial workers : autonomous and independent and exploited by capital through the network of productive cooperation which they have established among themselves.