Starting with a discussion of the crisis of French national identity that became fully apparent in the 1980s, this article examines the historical paradigm that conditioned the birth of French universalism and ultimately spelt its demise. Identifying as the determining experience the reification/deification of power performed by monarchical absolutism, it examines the evolution of what can be termed after Marcel Gauchet the French `political-intellectual system', with its exclusive emphasis on the ideological legitimacy of power, and highlights the crucial role (...) played by intellectuals in its formation, be it on an oppositional mode. Looking back to the 17th century, it thus identifies in Montaigne's essays and their complex dialectic of order and revolt the fundamental paradox within which French intellectual culture evolved right up to post-structuralism, which, whilst it attempted a most radical critique of the French intellectual mystique, ultimately remained prisoner to its underlying statism. Post-structuralism is thus to be seen as the first manifestation of a profound crisis of French intellectual culture, triggered in the 1970s by the crisis of French republicanism, in the wake of the worldwide decline of national sovereignty. What characterized French political and intellectual culture from its inception was indeed the reductive absorption of the notion of society into that of state, and the concomitant belief in a rational vanguard. However, whilst post-structuralism belongs to a tradition of resistance to the republican legacy of the French Enlightenment, it remains deeply conditioned by the pessimism of its distant Augustinian and Jansenist origins: unable to conceive of any effective social action outside of the state, it condemns itself to the marginality of counter-culture. Rather than a total deconstruction of French universalism, post-structuralism must thus be identified as its last, contradictory manifestation. (shrink)

This article examines the relationship between totalitarianism and the metaphysical illusions on which it rests. Phenomenological investigation is claimed to loosen the grip of totalitarian ideology by exposing its origins in the “resurrective” illusions that seek to overcome the impact of collective trauma. Phenomenology is thus shown to have emancipatory power.

Reconstruiremos a crítica de Olavo de Carvalho à modernidade, à ciência e aos intelectuais públicos, a partir da sua proposta (a) de um dualismo-maniqueísmo ontológico-antropológico sob a forma de autoexclusão de espírito e matéria enquanto representando o drama humano ante o universo e a eternidade, e (b) de uma perspectiva metodológica dinamizada como intuicionismo personalista, privatista, espiritualista e interiorizado, o qual, como postura anti-estrutural e antissistêmica, capacitaria cada indivíduo humano, independentemente de mediações institucionalistas, cientificistas e tecnicistas, a acessar diretamente a (...) Verdade absoluta e a compreender de si por si mesmo a objetividade do mundo e do homem. Em continuidade, explicitaremos exatamente essa correlação, feita por Olavo de Carvalho, entre modernidade, materialismo, ceticismo, relativismo e ideologia, que descamba para uma ciência positivista-perspectivista incapaz de produzir conhecimento objetivo e de gerar princípios e justificação racionais, para o horizonte da história como espaço do ceticismo e do relativismo, para o instrumento da política enquanto dinamizado por ideologias coletivistas e, finalmente, para a ação institucional-social intersubjetiva enquanto anulando o indivíduo. A modernidade como negação da ontoteologia e centralidade de materialismo, ceticismo, relativismo e ideologia, instaura os dois grandes macrossujeitos totalitários hodiernos, conforme Olavo de Carvalho: a academia e o partido de massas. Palavras-Chave: Olavo de Carvalho; Modernidade; Intelectuais Públicos; Materialismo; Ideologia. “Wise according to the flesh”: Olavo de Carvalho’s criticism to public intellectuals Abstract: We intend to reconstruct the Olavo de Carvalho’s criticism to modernity, science and public intellectuals, from his proposal of (a) a ontological-anthropological dualism-manichaeism as mutual exclusion between spirit and matter as representing the human drama before universe and eternity, as well as (b) through a methodological perspective streamlined as personalist, privatized, spiritualist and interiorized intuitionism, which, as an anti-structural and anti-systemic posture, would able each individual, independently of institutionalist, scientist and technicist mediations, to directly access the absolute Truth, and to comprehend from himself and by himself the objectivity of world and man. From this, we will explicit exactly this correlation, constructed by Olavo de Carvalho, of modernity, materialism, skepticism, relativism and ideology, which leads to a positivist-perspectivist science unable to produce objective knowledge and to generate rational principles and justification, to the horizon of history as sphere of skepticism and relativism, to the instrument of politics as streamlined by collectivist ideologies, and finally to the institutional-social intersubjective action as annulling the individual. Now, modernity as negation of ontotheology and the centrality of materialism, skepticism, relativism and ideology institutes the two main totalitarian macro-subjects of our time, according to Olavo de Carvalho: academy and mass party. Key-Words: Olavo de Carvalho; Modernity; Public Intellectuals; Materialism; Ideology. “Sabios según la carne”: la crítica de Olavo de Carvalho a los intelectuales públicos Resumen: Proponemos reconstruir la crítica de Olavo de Carvalho a la modernidad, la ciencia y los intelectuales públicos, a partir de su propuesta (a) de un dualismo-maniqueísmo ontológico-antropológico en forma de autoexclusión entre espíritu y materia como representación del drama humano ante el universo y la eternidad, así como (b) de una perspectiva metodológica dinamizada como intuicionismo personalista, privatista, espiritualista e interiorizado, que, como postura antiestructural y antisistémica, permitiría a cada individuo humano, independientemente de las mediaciones institucionalistas, científicas y técnicas, acceder directamente a la Verdad absoluta y comprender por sí mismo la objetividad del mundo y del hombre. En continuidad, trataremos de explicar exactamente esta correlación, hecha por Olavo de Carvalho, entre modernidad, materialismo, escepticismo, relativismo e ideología, que conduce a una ciencia positivista-perspectivista incapaz de producir conocimiento objetivo y generar principios y justificación racionales, para el horizonte de la historia como espacio de escepticismo y relativismo, para el instrumento de la política dinamizado por ideologías colectivistas y, finalmente, para la acción institucional-social intersubjetiva como anuladora del individuo. Ahora bien, la modernidad como negación de la ontoteología y centralidad del materialismo, el escepticismo, el relativismo y la ideología, establece los dos grandes macro-sujetos totalitarios de nuestro tiempo, según Olavo de Carvalho: la academia y el partido de masas. Palabras-Clave: Olavo de Carvalho; Modernidad; Intelectuales Públicos; Materialismo; Ideología. Data de registro: 03/12/2020 Data de aceite: 15/06/2022. (shrink)

Any religion has an ethical component. Thus, the examination of ethical problems is very important for religious studies. Consequentialism is an ethical doctrine according to which a fact is good only if it has good consequences. In order to avoid infinite regression, there is the need for a moral foundation in conformity with the criterion of goodness. The consequentialists proposed various criteria for goodness, such as pleasure, happiness or utility. Any fact will be judged as good only if its consequences (...) belong to the moral basis. The correctness of ethical judgments depends on the analysis of consequence relations. This study takes into account material and strict implication as representations of consequence. Both of them generate ethical paradoxes. If consequence is represented by material implication, according to the Manichean ethics, a fact is either good or bad; there are no neutral ethical facts. If consequence is analyzed by strict implication, the necessary facts will not have a moral value. The present study is to suggest an original solution to these paradoxes. (shrink)

One of humans’ distinctive cognitive abilities is that they develop an array of capacities through an enculturation process. In “Cognition as a Social Skill,” Sally points to one of the dangers associated with enculturation: ideological oppression. To conceptualize how such oppression takes root, Haslanager appeals to notions of mindshaping and social coordination, whereby people participate in oppressive social practices unthinkingly or even willingly. Arguably, an appeal to mindshaping provides a new kind of argument, grounded in philosophy of mind, which (...) supports the claims that feminist and anti-racist want to defend. However, some theorists worry that Haslanger’s account does not shed much light on how individuals could exert their agency to resist oppression. I argue that enactivist conceptions of mindshaping and habit can help us to make sense of the power of social influences and how they have the potential to both enable and undermine cognition and agency. This moves us toward increased understanding of the workings of social oppression—distinguishing between constructive and enabling forms of heteronomy, and overdetermining and pernicious modes that lead to atrophied moral cognition and a narrowing of the field of affordances. (shrink)

Louis Althusser is perhaps most well-known for his concept of ‘Ideological State Apparatuses’ (ISAs). However, Althusser is not clear about what role, if any, ISAs play in a post-capitalist society. At times, Althusser talks about ISAs (and the state) withering; at other times, they are merely reformed. Sometimes, ISAs are described as having an inescapable repressive dimension; on other occasions, they are a perfectly acceptable tool for the reproduction of socialism. In this paper, I offer a way of thinking (...) through this confusion that draws on the thought of the Daoist philosopher, Zhuangzi. I argue that Zhuangzian friendship represents a kind of radical equality that is reproducible without the traditional kind of ideological interpellation of ISAs, thereby allowing Althusser explain post-capitalist ideological reproduction. It is worth noting that in this paper, I am not engaging in a textual exegesis of the Zhuangzi. My primary interest is in using the contemporary literature on the Zhuangzi to think through a problem in Althusser’s philosophical system. (shrink)

Many metaphysicians utilize the virtue‐driven methodology. According to this methodology, one theory is more worthy of endorsement than another insofar as it is more virtuous. In this paper, I show how a theory's overall virtue is shaped by its ideological parsimony – parsimony with respect to the terminology employed in stating the theory. I distinguish between a theory's truth and its fidelity (‘joint‐carvingness’) and the corresponding epistemic and fidelic virtues. I argue that ideological parsimony is not an epistemic (...) virtue but is a fidelic virtue. Insofar as metaphysicians value fidelity, then, ideological parsimony has an important role in theory choice. (shrink)

This chapter focuses on an explanation of the neglect of investigating and understanding emotional response to films. It argues that the kind of emotional experience a film offers is a proper target of ideological investigation. This chapter aims to suggest how emotions should be understood in ideological criticism. There is characterization of spectator emotion with a view toward conceptual clarification. This chapter examines two families of screen emotions: sentiment and sentimentality, and the emotions which accompany screen violence. Drawing (...) on work in both cognitive science and recent philosophy of mind, the chapter argues that a cognitive approach to the emotions offers a way of taking the role of emotions more seriously than it has been taken in most contemporary film theory. The chapter's usage of ‘cognitivism’ is distinctive by virtue of its challenge to the traditional distinction between reason and passion. (shrink)

The traditional ideological and political education should keep pace with the times, and the physical and health education should highlight its value, and must combine the two. This study investigated on the integration path of mental health education and college students’ ideological and political education. A stratified random sampling was conducted on 2021 students of a higher vocational college. The subjects were divided into the control group and the experimental group. The experimental group was given the integrated intervention (...) course of mental health education and ideological and political education of college students, and the control group was given routine teaching. The depression score of the experimental group is significantly lower than that of the control group, and the mental health quality score is higher than that of the control group. Contribution: The integration of mental health education and college students’ Ideological and political education can effectively improve the level of college students’ mental health. This course constantly improves the students’ subjective consciousness, subjective ability and subjective personality, and fully reflects the educational effect of the ideological and political education of college students’ mental health course. This research provides data which could be utilised by academics in the field of practical theology, especially youth ministry and religious educational studies. (shrink)

In the context of the digital wave sweeping modern education, securing the information safety of ideological and political education in universities is of paramount importance. Based on the comprehensive risk mechanism, this paper deconstructs the connotation of information security of ideological and political education in higher education in the digital age, divides it into two categories: ideological risk and technical risk, and constructs the influence model of information security level of ideological and political education. Data were (...) collected via questionnaires and a structural equation model was used to test hypotheses, revealing the complex influences of key factors such as educational quality and sustainable development education, informatization teaching environment, campus digitalization level, and the impact on the quality of education. The study finds that the quality of political education in universities lays the foundation of solid information security, whereas network governance capability directly affects it. In contrast, the informatization teaching environment and campus digitalization level play positive mediating roles at different levels. (shrink)

POLITICS is a system of computer programs which simulates humans in comprehending and responding to world events from a given political or ideological perspective. The primary theoretical motivations were: (1) the implemention of a functional system which applies the knowledge structures of Schank and Abelson (1977) to the domain of simulating political belief systems; (2) the development of a tentative theory of intentional goal conflicts and counterplanning. Secondary goals of the POLITICS project include developing a representation for belief systems, (...) investigating cognitive processes such as goal‐directed inferencing, and the integration of several types of knowledge representations into a functional system. (shrink)

Starting with the Apollonian Greek theory of techne, Means Without End presents a history of transformations of ideas about technology, viewed within their broader philosophical, theological, and scientific contexts. Critically focusing on the ideological genealogy of technology without limits and finding its cultural roots in Christian theology, it details ideological developments in the Renaissance, Enlightenment, and 19th century which prepared the way for a theory of autonomous technology and for postmodern technoculture in the 20th century.

This paper points out the vagueness and methodological naivete of current anti-normative studies of science. The Tversky-Kahneman paradigm catalogues common 'mistakes' in statistical reasoning, but fails to describe and explain people's embarrassment when these 'mistakes' are pointed out to them. A comprehensive naturalistic account of science should not limit itself to the quick-and-dirty aspects of scientific practice. The semantic view of theories is faulted for failing to account for the processes of prediction and explanation. I also argue against Baltas' examples (...) of ideological assumptions which are purported to be impossible to criticize during certain historical periods. (shrink)

Louis Althusser is perhaps most well-known for his concept of ‘Ideological State Apparatuses’ (ISAs). However, Althusser is not clear about what role, if any, ISAs play in a post-capitalist society. At times, Althusser talks about ISAs (and the state) withering; at other times, they are merely reformed. Sometimes, ISAs are described as having an inescapable repressive dimension; on other occasions, they are a perfectly acceptable tool for the reproduction of socialism. In this paper, I offer a way of thinking (...) through this confusion that draws on the thought of the Daoist philosopher, Zhuangzi. I argue that Zhuangzian friendship represents a kind of radical equality that is reproducible without the traditional kind of ideological interpellation of ISAs, thereby allowing Althusser explain post-capitalist ideological reproduction. It is worth noting that in this paper, I am not engaging in a textual exegesis of the Zhuangzi. My primary interest is in using the contemporary literature on the Zhuangzi to think through a problem in Althusser’s philosophical system. (shrink)

Gandhara, an area that welcomed Buddhism and where the earliest monasteries are found from the late third century BC, was also a ‘land of immigration’.With the aim of converting the Greco-Iranian peoples to Buddhism, the dignitaries in charge of these provinces under Asoka had identified in Greek and Aramaic vocabulary equivalents of Hindu or Buddhist themes. But the Gandhara Buddhists seem not to have continued this attempt to translate their sacred texts into Greek, Aramaic and probably Middle Iranian. On the (...) other hand the Buddhists from Bactrian, Sogdian and Xinjiang translated the great texts of Buddhism from Sanskrit into the indigenous languages. (shrink)

This essay explores ‘design for sustainability’ in terms of two aspects of Slavoj Žižek’s thinking that are intricately interwoven, namely his thinking on ideology, as that which regulates the relationship between the visible and the invisible, and ecology, as that which must nullify the usual conceptions of nature in order to function. In so doing, and with reference to key texts on ecologically intentional design, I aim to set out the three key co-ordinates within which designing for sustainability functions as (...) an ideological category. The first two of these co-ordinates, I argue, are untenable. The third, however, may be taken as the central point of departure for rethinking the place of design within debates around ecology. (shrink)

‘가치독립적 개념으로서의 질병’과 ‘가치함축적 개념으로서의 질병’은 질병을 이해하는 의철학의 대표적인 두 입장이다. 그리고 각각의 입장을 대변하는 자연주의와 규범주의 사이의 논쟁은 의철학의 전통적인 논쟁 중 하나로서 오늘날까지도 계속되고 있다. 특히 1974년부터 1981년까지 다수의 논문을 통해 이루어진 부어스와 엥겔하르트간의 철학적 대화는 의철학의 역사와 함께 할 이 논쟁의 기본 골격을 마련한 것으로 평가받고 있다. 본 논문은 부어스와 엥겔하르트의 논쟁을 중심으로 질병과 건강 개념을 둘러싼 자연주의와 규범주의의 대립이 내포하고 있는 철학적 의미, 특히 의철학의 가능성과 관련된 의미를 조명하고자한다. 논문이 입증하고자하는 주장은 다음의 세 가지다. 1)질병개념을 (...) 둘러싼 논쟁은 의철학의 가능성 문제와 불가분적으로 연결되어 있다. 실제로 2)질병을 가치독립적 개념으로 확립하고자하는 부어스의 노력은 의철학을 생물학의 철학에, 보다 근본적으로는, 의학을 생물학에 종속시키는 결과를 가져올 것이다. 그런데 3)질병을 가치독립적 개념으로 확립하려는 부어스의 노력은 다분히 의도적이고, 따라서 가치함축적이다. 부어스의 가치독립적 질병개념은 가치함축적 개념이다. 즉 모순이다. (shrink)

It is customary to apply the term “ideology” to political statements and statements about politics believed to be saturated with irrational elements. Since more often than not it is applied to the political science and policies of parties of the extreme, one may suspect that this usage is itself colored by political interests. However, “ideology” can be redefined at the level of a meta-science that reduces, though it cannot altogether eliminate, the partisan function of language about politics. Ideological thinking (...) can then be shown to involve a logical error that is the counterpart of the genetic fallacy. Surprisingly, in this usage liberal political science, or that with liberal preconceptions, is a more frequent offender against the logic of science than a science of politics with illiberal preconceptions. (shrink)

Questions pertaining to socialist democracy and human rights and freedoms have now been advanced to the front lines of the ideological struggle between the forces of socialism, peace, and democracy, on the one hand, and those of imperialism, war, and reaction, on the other. This is due to the content and features of the worldwide development of societies today, one direction of which is a universal increase in the political self-awareness and social activity of the working class and the (...) entire mass of the toiling population. The final document of the 1976 Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties of Europe emphasizes: "The historical necessity of replacing capitalist society with a socialist society established in accordance with the will of each people is becoming evident to ever broader strata of the public." The great achievements of socialism and the successes of socialist democracy serve as an inspiring example in the heroic struggle of the working class and its allies for peace and social progress. (shrink)

Theoretical research into the emotional attributes of ideological and political education can improve our ability to understand human emotion and solve socio-emotional problems. To that end, this study undertook an analysis of emotion in ideological and political education by integrating a gate recurrent unit with an attention mechanism. Based on the good results achieved by BERT in the downstream network, we use the long focusing attention mechanism assisted by two-way GRU to extract relevant information and global information of (...) ideological and political education and emotion analysis, respectively. The two kinds of information complement each other, and the accuracy of emotion information can be further improved by combining neural network model. Finally, the validity and domain adaptability of the model were verified using several publicly available, fine-grained emotion datasets. (shrink)