Results for ' civic equality'

948 found
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  1. Civic equality as a democratic basis for public reason.Henrik D. Kugelberg - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):133-155.
    Many democratic theorists hold that when a decision is collectively made in the right kind of way, in accordance with the right procedure, it is permissible to enforce it. They deny that there are further requirements on the type of reasons that can permissibly be used to justify laws and policies. In this paper, I argue that democratic theorists are mistaken about this. So-called public reason requirements follow from commitments that most of them already hold. Drawing on the democratic ideal (...)
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  2.  15
    Retrieving Democracy: In Search of Civic Equality.B. H. Baxter - 1986 - Philosophical Books 27 (4):244-246.
  3.  18
    Retrieving Democracy: In Search of Civic Equality.Philip Green - 1985 - Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
    'A brilliant, utterly persuasive argument for genuine democracy in our own country...The proposals...are bound to be inspiring to anyone who takes politics, in the largest sense of the word, seriously.'-Barbara Ehrenreich.
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  4.  22
    Religion, civic values, and equal citizenship in the liberal democratic polity.Emily R. Gill - 2013 - The Politics and Religion Journal 7 (2):235-260.
    Whether religious and other voluntary associations should reflect public values is a subject of controversy. Corey Brettschneider argues that the state should assert its own values of free and equal citizenship, deliberately attempting to transform the beliefs of illiberal groups through court decisions and through selective withdrawal of tax exemptions. I argue, however, that as long as individuals and groups comply with the law, it is not the business of the state to change their beliefs. Moreover, public authority itself does (...)
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  5.  25
    Gender equality in the name of the state: state feminism or femonationalism in civic orientation for newly arrived migrants in Sweden?Simon Bauer, Tommaso M. Milani, Kerstin von Brömssen & Andrea Spehar - 2024 - Critical Discourse Studies 21 (5):591-609.
    This article contributes to ongoing discussions in the social sciences about how to interpret the incorporation of gender equality into integration policies – is it a form of state feminism or femonationalism? Drawing upon intersectionality, we analyse how gender equality is presented, discussed and negotiated in relation to ethnicity and nationality in Sweden. Methodologically, we employ a bifocal lens that combines (1) a quantitative investigation of representations of civic orientation programmes in Swedish policy documents and mainstream media, (...)
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  6.  28
    Sexual Ethics: A Theological Introduction. By Todd A. Salzman and Michael G. Lawler. Pp. xxix, 250, Washington, DC, Georgetown University Press, 2012, $18.75. An Argument for Same‐Sex Marriage: Religious Freedom, Sexual Freedom and Public Expressions of Civic Equality . By Emily R. Gill. Pp. x, 276, Washington, DC, Georgetown University Press, 2012, $20.75. [REVIEW]John R. Williams - 2015 - Heythrop Journal 56 (5):876-878.
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  7.  8
    Liberal Equality and the Justification of Multicultural, Civic Education.J. S. Andrews - 1994 - Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 7 (1):111-126.
    The central feature of modern liberal political morality is the principle of equal respect for persons. According to Ronald Dworkin, governments have an obligation to treat each person as an equal, with equal concern and respect. In distributive contexts, this principle stipulates that each individual is entitled to an “equal” share of social resources, where equal is a function of what is required by the abstract principle of equal concern and respect. For Dworkin, this requirement means that liberal justice is (...)
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  8.  6
    US Higher Education's Civic Responsibility to Educate for Informal Political Representation.Caitlin Murphy Brust & Hannah Widmaier - 2024 - Educational Theory 74 (5):715-734.
    In this paper, Caitlin Murphy Brust and Hannah Widmaier begin with the assumption that highly selective institutions of higher education in the United States have a duty to promote civic equality. They employ Wendy Salkin's theory of informal political representation to examine how highly selective institutions should go about promoting civic equality. According to Salkin's theory, someone serves as an informal political representative (IPR) when they speak or act on behalf of others, without having been selected (...)
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  9.  10
    Framing and Claiming “Gender Equality”: A Multi-level Analysis of the French Civic Integration Program.Elizabeth Onasch - 2020 - Gender and Society 34 (3):496-518.
    The recent construction of “gender equality” as a defining value of European societies has shaped the policy goals of immigrant integration programs. This focus on “gender equality” may function, paradoxically, to exclude immigrants, if immigrant integration policies rely on stereotypical representations of immigrants and fail to acknowledge the multiple, intersecting forms of inequality that immigrant women face. This article contributes to the critical scholarship on the role of “gender equality” in the field of immigrant integration policy by (...)
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  10.  52
    Integrations: The Struggle for Racial Equality and Civic Renewal in Public Schools (2021).Lawrence Blum & Zoë Burkholder - 2021 - Chicago: University of Chicago.
    The promise of a free, high-quality public education is supposed to guarantee every child a shot at the American dream. But our widely segregated schools mean that many children of color do not have access to educational opportunities equal to those of their white peers. In Integrations, historian Zoë Burkholder and philosopher Lawrence Blum investigate what this country’s long history of school segregation means for achieving just and equitable educational opportunities in the United States. Integrations focuses on multiple marginalized groups (...)
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  11. Neo-republicanism and the civic economy.Richard Dagger - 2006 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (2):151-173.
    It is clear that a revival of republicanism is under way, but it is not clear that the republican tradition truly speaks to contemporary concerns. In particular, it is not clear that republicanism has anything of value to say about economic matters in the early 21st century. I respond to this worry by delineating the main features of a neo-republican civic economy that is, I argue, reasonably coherent and attractive. Such an economy will preserve the market, while constraining it (...)
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  12. (1 other version)Civic respect, civic education, and the family.Blain Neufeld & Gordon Davis - 2010 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (1):94-111.
    We formulate a distinctly 'political liberal' conception of mutual respect, which we call 'civic respect', appropriate for governing the public political relations of citizens in pluralist democratic societies. A political liberal account of education should aim at ensuring that students, as future citizens, learn to interact with other citizens on the basis of civic respect. While children should be required to attend educational institutions that will inculcate in them the skills and concepts necessary for them to be free (...)
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  13. Civic respect, political liberalism, and non-liberal societies.Blain Neufeld - 2005 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (3):275-299.
    One prominent criticism of John Rawls’s The Law of Peoples is that it treats certain non-liberal societies, what Rawls calls ‘decent hierarchical societies’, as equal participants in a just international system. Rawls claims that these non-liberal societies should be respected as equals by liberal democratic societies, even though they do not grant their citizens the basic rights of democratic citizenship. This is presented by Rawls as a consequence of liberalism’s commitment to the principle of toleration. A number of critics have (...)
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  14.  23
    Civic Excellence: Citizen Virtue and Contemporary Liberal Democratic Community.Angela Wentz Faulconer - 2004 - Dissertation, University of Notre Dame
    In this dissertation I seek to answer the question, “What are the virtues of the excellent citizen in a liberal democracy?" This question is important on three levels. First, if civic virtue is as important to the perpetuation of liberal democratic community as neo-liberal and communitarian thinkers have argued, then curiosity alone should motivate us. Second, if projects to foster the virtues are critical, then we must understand the virtues in order to foster them effectively and appropriately. Third, those (...)
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  15.  29
    Civic Meaningfulness ‘Revisited’: A Final Reply to Honohan and Dekker.Erik Claes - 2016 - Foundations of Science 21 (2):381-384.
    This final reply responds to Honohan’s invitation to articulate the Arendtian tone of the key-note paper. It spells out the philosophical intuition that the political life of citizens, at least potentially, is capable of making visible what makes human life worthwhile and fully meaningful, and the philosophical curiosity to see whether traces of this deep political awareness can be retrieved in dialogues with volunteers. In response to Dekker’s critical doubts, this final reply clarifies the central stakes of Claes’s paper. The (...)
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  16.  49
    Antiracist Moral and Civic Education.Lawrence Blum - 2024 - In Sheron Fraser-Burgess, Jessica Heybach & Dini Metro-Roland, The Cambridge Handbook of Ethics and Education. Cambridge University Press. pp. 657-675.
    The years since the world-wide demonstrations in the wake of George Floyd’s murder in 2020 have seen a significant embrace of antiracist education as part of moral education, followed by conservative rollback of such efforts. The article discusses both, and is applicable to the further retrenchment in the second Trump administration (in 2025). Antiracist moral and civic education should educate about both interpersonal racism (racism of individuals toward other individuals) and institutional racism (systemic racial injustices). Each of those areas (...)
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  17. For-Profit Business as Civic Virtue.Jason Brennan - 2012 - Journal of Business Ethics 106 (3):313-324.
    According to the commonsense view of civic virtue, the places to exercise civic virtue are largely restricted to politics. In this article, I argue for a more expansive view of civic virtue, and argue that one can exercise civic virtue equally well through working for or running a for-profit business. I argue that this conclusion follows from four relatively uncontroversial premises: (1) the consensus definition of “civic virtue”, (2) the standard, most popular theory of virtuous (...)
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  18.  13
    Neo-republican Civic Economy. 신중섭 - 2019 - Journal of the Daedong Philosophical Association 89:227-252.
    이 글의 목적은 자유주의의 대안으로 제시된 신공화주의의 정치경제학을 비판적으로 검토하는 것이다. 현대 공화주의는 ‘신-아테네 공화주의’와 ‘신-로마 공화주의’로 구분된다. 이 논문은 이렇게 구분되는 현대 공화주의의 특징을 간단하게 요약하고, 이러한 신공화주의가 갖는 경제적 함의를 탐구함으로써 자유주의 경제와 다른, 공화주의의 정치경제학을 탐구하려고 한다. 공화주의의 핵심인 정치적 평등, 자치, 시민적 덕을 중시하는 신공화주의의 정치경제학은 효율과 생산성에 초점을 맞춘 자유주의 정치경제학과 구별된다. 신공화주의는 사유재산과 시장의 교환을 신뢰하지만, 시장의 원리가 사회의 모든 부분에 적용되는 것에는 반대한다. 그러나 신공화주의자들 사이에서도 공화주의의 가장 중요한 원리를 무엇으로 파악하느냐에 따라 공화주의의 (...)
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  19. Political Equality and Epistemic Constraints on Voting.Michele Giavazzi - 2024 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 52 (2):147-176.
    As part of recent epistemic challenges to democracy, some have endorsed the implementation of epistemic constraints on voting, institutional mechanisms that bar incompetent voters from participating in public decision-making procedures. This proposal is often considered incompatible with a commitment to political equality. In this paper, I aim to dispute the strength of this latter claim by offering a theoretical justification for epistemic constraints on voting that does not rest on antiegalitarian commitments. Call this the civic accountability justification for (...)
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  20.  9
    Civic Friendship, Capabilities and Affiliation.Ana Gavran Miloš & Nebojša Zelič - 2024 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 71 (179):53-76.
    In The New Religious Intolerance, Martha Nussbaum addresses rising intolerance and fear of difference in contemporary societies. She suggests overcoming these issues through ethical consistency, equality, and the cultivation of sympathetic imagination. Nussbaum views this imaginative engagement as a form of civic friendship essential for societal transformation. However, we argue that her concept of civic friendship is problematic. First, Nussbaum's criteria do not suffice to define friendship. Second, this thin concept of civic friendship is unlikely to (...)
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  21.  52
    Florentine civic humanism and the emergence of modern ideology.Hanan Yoran - 2007 - History and Theory 46 (3):326–344.
    This article revisits the question of the modernity of the Renaissance by examining the political language of Florentine civic humanism and by critically analyzing the debate over Hans Baron’s interpretation of the movement. It engages two debates that are usually conducted separately: one concerning the originality of civic humanism in comparison to medieval thought, and the other concerning the political and social function of the civic humanists’ political republicanism in fifteenth-century Florence. The article’s main contention is that (...)
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  22.  66
    II—John Skorupski: Equality and Bureaucracy.John Skorupski - 2008 - Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 82 (1):161-178.
    Elizabeth Anderson argues for civic as against distributive egalitarianism. I agree with civic egalitarianism understood as a public ideal, and welcome her interest in the sociological conditions under which it may best flourish. But I argue that she is mistaken in opposing what she calls 'hierarchies of esteem' and proposing that where the egalitarian ideal has insufficient hold on civil society it should be implemented by an efficient bureaucracy. We should learn a different lesson from Max Weber. What (...)
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  23.  93
    Crime, Freedom and Civic Bonds: Arthur Ripstein’s Force and Freedom: Kant’s Legal and Political Philosophy. [REVIEW]Ekow N. Yankah - 2012 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 6 (2):255-272.
    There is no question Arthur Ripstein’s Force and Freedom is an engaging and powerful book which will inform legal philosophy, particularly Kantian theories, for years to come. The text explores with care Kant’s legal and political philosophy, distinguishing it from his better known moral theory. Nor is Ripstein’s book simply a recounting of Kant’s legal and political theory. Ripstein develops Kant’s views in his own unique vision illustrating fresh ways of viewing the entire Kantian project. But the same strength and (...)
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  24. (1 other version)The Distinctiveness of Relational Equality.Devon Cass - 2024 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics.
    In recent years, a distinction between two concepts of equality has been much discussed: 'distributive’ equality involves people having equal amounts of a good such as welfare or resources, and ‘social’ or ‘relational’ equality involves the absence of social hierarchy and the presence of equal social relations. This contrast is commonly thought to have important implications for our understanding of the relationship between equality and justice. But the nature and significance of the distinction is far from (...)
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  25.  82
    ‘Equal though different’: laboratories, museums and the institutional development of biology in late-Victorian Northern England.Alison Kraft & Samuel J. M. M. Alberti - 2003 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 34 (2):203-236.
    Traditional accounts of the emergence of professional biology have privileged not only metropolis over province, but research over teaching and laboratory over museum. This paper seeks to supplement earlier studies of the ‘transformation of biology’ in the late nineteenth century by exploring in detail the developments within three biology departments in Northern English civic colleges. By outlining changes in the teaching practices, research topics and the accommodation of the departments, the authors demonstrate both locally contingent factors in their development (...)
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  26.  33
    Aligning Civic and Corporate Leadership with Human Dignity: Activism at the Intersection of Business and Government.Knut Kipper - 2017 - Journal of Business Ethics 146 (1):125-133.
    From a tradition of discourse ethics, human dignity can be defined as “being an equal member in the realm of subjects and authorities of justification.” Additionally, “to act with dignity means being able to justify oneself to others; to be treated in accordance with this dignity means being respected as such an equal member.” Conversely, “to treat others in ways that violate their dignity means regarding them as lacking any justification authority”. The guidelines found in Habermas’s “ideal speech situation” are (...)
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  27.  36
    Civic Conscience, Selective Conscientious Objection and Lack of Choice.Yossi Nehushtan - 2017 - Ratio Juris 30 (4):433-450.
    Most democratic states tolerate, to various extents, conscientious objection. The same states tend not to tolerate acts of civil disobedience and what they perceive as selective conscientious objection. In this paper it is claimed that the dichotomy between civil disobedience and conscientious objection is often misguided; that the existence of a “civic conscience” makes it impossible to differentiate between conscientious objection and civil disobedience; and that there is no such thing as “selective” conscientious objection—or that classifying an objection as (...)
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  28.  31
    Civic Dignity in the Age of Donald Trump: A Kantian Perspective.Susan Meld Shell - 2018 - In Marc Benjamin Sable & Angel Jaramillo Torres, Trump and Political Philosophy: Patriotism, Cosmopolitanism, and Civic Virtue. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 177-192.
    If there is one generally acknowledged “take away” from the election of Trump, it may well be that the old divisions between right and left no longer hold. Trump supporters were seemingly moved less by traditional conservative appeals to free markets and small government than by anger against perceived condescension and indifference on the part of the cultural elite to their own deeply held moral beliefs and sense of personal dignity. Kant offers both insight into and potential remedies for the (...)
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  29.  34
    'Equal though different': Laboratories, museums and the institutional development of biology in late-Victorian northern England.A. Kraft & M. M. - 2003 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 34 (2):203-236.
    Traditional accounts of the emergence of professional biology have privileged not only metropolis over province, but research over teaching and laboratory over museum. This paper seeks to supplement earlier studies of the 'transformation of biology' in the late nineteenth century by exploring in detail the developments within three biology departments in Northern English civic colleges. By outlining changes in the teaching practices, research topics and the accommodation of the departments, the authors demonstrate both locally contingent factors in their development (...)
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  30.  23
    Civic Personae: Macintyre, Cicero and moral personality.D. Burchell - 1998 - History of Political Thought 19 (1):101-118.
    Alisdair ManIntyre's well-known criticism of modern moral philosophy contrasts what he sees as the moral vacuity of modern culture with a ‘classical tradition' in ethical thought depicted as restoring cohesion and coherence to social striving and ethical life. MacIntyre's stress on the culturally specific circumstances within which ethical imperatives derive their force provides a corrective to unworldly tendancies within post-Kantian moral philosophy, yet his ‘classical’ ethical landscape possesses an equally striking kind of unworldliness. His image of a life lived as (...)
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  31.  83
    Republicanism, Deliberative Democracy, and Equality of Access and Deliberation.Donald Bello Hutt - 2018 - Theoria 84 (1):83-111.
    The article elaborates an original intertwined reading of republican theory, deliberative democracy and political equality. It argues that republicans, deliberative democrats and egalitarian scholars have not paid sufficient attention to a number of features present in these bodies of scholarships that relate them in mutually beneficial ways. It shows that republicanism and deliberative democracy are related in mutually beneficial ways, it makes those relations explicit, and it deals with potential objections against them. Additionally, it elaborates an egalitarian principle underpinning (...)
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  32. Community networks and the evolution of civic intelligence.Douglas Schuler - 2010 - AI and Society 25 (3):291-307.
    Although the intrinsic physicality of human beings has not changed in millennia, the species has managed to profoundly reconstitute the physical and social world it inhabits. Although the word “profound” is insufficient to describe the vast changes our world has undergone, it is sufficiently neutral to encompass both the opportunities—and the challenges—that our age provides. It is a premise of my work that technology, particularly information and communication technology (ICT), offers spectacular opportunities for humankind to address its collective problems. The (...)
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  33.  7
    Taking offence as a civic virtue, on and offline.Miriam Ronzoni - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    This paper critically assesses Chapters 6 and 7 of On Taking Offence. Chapter 6 defends the idea that an inclination to take offence can be a ‘corrective civic virtue’ against threats to social equality. Chapter 7 argues that the practice of taking offence does not change much when we turn to analysing our lives online. With respect to Chapter 6, I argue that the instrumental vindication of offence-taking as a virtue is in tension with arguments earlier in the (...)
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  34.  62
    Public Reason and Political Autonomy: Realizing the Ideal of a Civic People.Blain Neufeld - 2022 - London, UK: Routledge.
    This book advances a novel justification for the idea of "public reason": citizens within diverse societies can realize the ideal of shared political autonomy, despite their adherence to different religious and philosophical views, by deciding fundamental political questions with "public reasons." Public reasons draw upon or are derived from ecumenical political ideas, such as toleration and equal citizenship, and mutually acceptable forms of reasoning, like those of the sciences. This book explains that if citizens share equal political autonomy—and thereby constitute (...)
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  35.  48
    Solidarity: From Civic Friendship to a Global Legal Community.Jeffrey Flynn (ed.) - 2005 - MIT Press.
    In Solidarity, Hauke Brunkhorst brings a powerful combination of theoretical perspectives to bear on the concept of "democratic solidarity," the bond among free and equal citizens. Drawing on the disciplines of history, political philosophy, and political sociology, Brunkhorst traces the historical development of the idea of universal, egalitarian citizenship and analyzes the prospects for democratic solidarity at the international level, within a global community under law. His historical account of the concept outlines its development out of, and its departure from, (...)
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  36.  44
    Civic Freedom in Plato’s Laws.Susan Sauvé Meyer - 2021 - Polis 38 (3):512-534.
    In Book 3 of Plato’s Laws, we read that a legislator must aim to endow the polis with a trio of properties: freedom, wisdom, and internal friendship. This paper explores what such freedom consists in, with a focus on the so-called doctrine of the mixed constitution. It argues that such freedom is a constitutional matter; that it is not to be identified with ‘voluntary servitude to the laws’ cultivated by persuasive preludes to the laws; nor is it the rational self-control (...)
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  37.  8
    Neither beasts nor gods: civic life and the public good.Francis Kane - 1998 - Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press.
    Contemporary Americans often view politics as a necessary evil. This cogent and original work uses the ancient philosophical/political tradition of the West to rehabilitate the high vocation of the politician and the citizen in the modern world. Kane seeks to locate human beings and such philosophical notions as the public good, public virtue, public speech, and public action in the complicated middle between the bestial and the divine. To live as best we can on that middle path is, he believes, (...)
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  38. Equality, Liberty and the Limits of Person-centred Care’s Principle of Co-production.Gabriele Badano - 2019 - Public Health Ethics 12 (2):176-187.
    The idea that healthcare should become more person-centred is extremely influential. By using recent English policy developments as a case study, this article aims to critically analyse an important element of person-centred care, namely, the belief that to treat patients as persons is to think that care should be ‘co-produced’ by formal healthcare providers and patients together with unpaid carers and voluntary organizations. I draw on insights from political philosophy to highlight overlooked tensions between co-production and values like equality (...)
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  39.  34
    Building the civic consciousness of the socialist rule of law in Vietnam nowadays.Dung Bui Xuan - 2024 - Aufklärung 10 (3):67-80.
    Vietnam is implementing global socio-economic integration, so the law must also be renovated to meet the requirements of international integration. Because the law is attached to the country's institutions, it shows the consistency in Vietnam's politics, economy, and diplomacy. In the world, the rule of law is a typical value that humanity aims for because it upholds the law, expressing our nation's aspiration for a democratic and equal society. Therefore, Vietnam has built a socialist rule of law. To achieve this, (...)
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  40.  32
    Integrations: The Struggle for Racial Equality and Civic Renewal in Public Education; Larry Blum and Zoë Burkholder; University of Chicago Press, 2021, Pp. 280. [REVIEW]Sheron Fraser-Burgess - 2024 - Educational Theory 74 (2):264-273.
  41.  36
    Cultivating citizenship, equity, and social inclusion? Putting civic agriculture into practice through urban farming.Melissa N. Poulsen - 2017 - Agriculture and Human Values 34 (1):135-148.
    Civic agriculture is an approach to agriculture and food production that—in contrast with the industrial food system—is embedded in local environmental, social, and economic contexts. Alongside proliferation of the alternative food projects that characterize civic agriculture, growing literature critiques how their implementation runs counter to the ideal of civic agriculture. This study assesses the relevance of three such critiques to urban farming, aiming to understand how different farming models balance civic and economic exchange, prioritize food justice, (...)
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  42. Liberalism, perfectionism, and civic virtue.Herlinde Pauer–Studer - 2001 - Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):174 – 192.
    This paper explores the question whether perfectionism amounts to a political doctrine that is more attractive than liberalism. I try to show that an egalitarian liberalism that is open to questions of value and that holds a conception of limited neutrality can meet the perfectionist challenge. My thesis is that liberalism can be reconciled easily with perfectionism read as a moral doctrine. Perfectionism as a political doctrine equally stays within the value framework of liberalism. Finally, I try to show that (...)
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  43.  52
    Solidarity: From Civic Friendship to a Global Legal Community (review).Paul Hendrickson - 2006 - Philosophy and Rhetoric 39 (4):343-346.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Solidarity: From Civic Friendship to a Global Legal CommunityPaul HendricksonThe University of South Carolina. Hauke Brunkhorst. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2005. Pp. xxv + 262. $42.50, hardcover.Public appeals to solidarity have been pervasive throughout the storied history of political dissent and democratic politics. From the French Revolution and the European revolutions of 1848 to decolonization, Polish Solidarność, and the antiglobalization movement, solidarity has been invoked as a means (...)
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  44.  17
    The Political Education of Democratus: Negotiating Civic Virtue During the Early Republic.Brian W. Dotts - 2012 - Lexington Books.
    The radical Democratic-Republican Societies that emerged during the 1790s not only challenged conventional interpretations of the civic republican tradition, they also adopted Enlightenment principles in their advocacy for universal public education. Brian W. Dotts’ The Political Education of Democratus: Negotiating Civic Virtue during the Early Republic shows that, unlike mainstream educational philosophy of the period, radical democrats supported universal political education as essential in protecting liberty and political equality.
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  45.  39
    Justice as Fairness, Civic Identity, and Patriotic Education.M. Victoria Costa - 2009 - Public Affairs Quarterly 23 (2):95-114.
    The ideal model of a just society defended by John Rawls entails the existence of certain institutions—those that form the basic structure of society—that guarantee citizens' basic rights and liberties, equality of opportunity, and access to material resources. Such a model also presupposes a certain account of reasonable citizenship. In particular, reasonable citizens will have a set of moral capacities and dispositions and will voluntarily support just institutions. According to Rawls, the need for such citizens is related to the (...)
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  46.  37
    Equality, Decadence and Modernity. [REVIEW]Jude P. Dougherty - 2005 - Review of Metaphysics 59 (2):456-457.
    The picture he paints is not a pretty one. “Societies,” he writes in the first section of the volume, “do not decay and fall into ruin because of what happens to them from the outside but rather as a result of an internal process.” One of the most important indicators of social decadence, Tonsor thinks, is the breakdown of traditional political forms, which is itself the result of the decay of aristocratic norms and republican virtue. The contemporary secular, anti-Christian culture (...)
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  47.  74
    Does acclamation equal agreement? Rethinking collective effervescence through the case of the presidential “tour de France” during the twentieth century.Nicolas Mariot - 2011 - Theory and Society 40 (2):191-221.
    This article discusses the integrative function frequently assigned to festive events by scholars. This function can be summed up in a proposition: experiencing similar emotions during collective gatherings is a powerful element of socialization. The article rejects this oft-developed idea according to which popular fervor could be an efficient tool to measure civic engagement. It raises the following question: what makes enthusiasm “civic”, “patriotic”, “republican” or simply “political”? Based on a study of French presidential tours in France from (...)
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  48.  40
    Understanding Reciprocity and the Importance of Civic Friendship.Catarina Neves - 2023 - Res Publica 29 (4):577-594.
    This article aims to contribute to the existing literature on the virtues and challenges of political liberalism. It argues that the principle of reciprocity can only sustain political agreement under pluralism, if citizens share a relationship of civic friends, based on mutual recognition as equals (Lister in Anal Kritik 2011, pp. 91–112), a non-prudential concern for the interest of others (Leland and van Wietmarschen in J Moral Philos 14, 2017, pp. 142–167) and shared experiences that can foster interpersonal trust. (...)
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  49.  62
    Bioethics as a prescription for civic action: The japanese interpretation.Rihito Kimura - 1987 - Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 12 (3):267-277.
    This paper reports on recent developments in the rise of bioethics in Japan. Much of the recent interest in bioethics in Japan is seen as a response to various civic movements. The women's liberation movement, access to equal opportunity, and the recognition of patients' rights and the importance of informed consent are among some of the movements influencing the development of bioethics in Japan. The author argues that this movement is to be encouraged and fostered by health care professionals, (...)
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  50.  20
    A Bioethics for Democracy: Restoring Civic Vision.Bruce Jennings - 2022 - Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 65 (4):646-653.
    ABSTRACT:Democracy—as a form of governance, a moral community, and a way of life—is under great stress. The prospects for democracy and bioethics are linked because bioethics relies on an open society and a democratic cultural environment in order to flourish. For its part, democracy can be restored and strengthened by widespread cultural and psychological support for the values of mutual recognition, equal dignity and respect for persons, and solidarity, interdependence, and the common good. Promoting values such as these is in (...)
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