This ambitious book looks into the reasons for the exceptional durability of the Chinese empire, which lasted for more than two millennia (221 B.C.E. - 1911 C.E.). Yuri Pines identifies the roots of the empire's longevity in the activities of thinkers of the Warring States period (453-221 B.C.E.), who, in their search for solutions to an ongoing political crisis, developed ideals, values, and perceptions that would become essential for the future imperial polity. In marked distinction to similar empires worldwide, the (...) Chinese empire was envisioned and to a certain extent 'preplanned' long before it came into being. As a result, it was not only a military and administrative construct, but also an intellectual one. Pines makes the argument that it was precisely its ideological appeal that allowed the survival and regeneration of the empire after repeated periods of turmoil. "Envisioning Eternal Empire" presents a panoptic survey of philosophical and social conflicts in Warring States political culture. By examining the extant corpus of preimperial literature, including transmitted texts and manuscripts uncovered at archaeological sites, Pines locates the common ideas of competing thinkers that underlie their ideological controversies. This bold approach allows him to transcend the once fashionable perspective of competing 'schools of thought' and show that beneath the immense pluralism of Warring States thought one may identify common ideological choices that eventually shaped traditional Chinese political culture. The result is a refreshingly novel look at the foundational period in Chinese intellectual history. (shrink)

_Ideology of Power and Power of Ideology in Early China_ explores Chinese political thought during the centuries surrounding the formation of the empire in 221 BCE, examining devices of legitimation, views of rulers and ministers, economic thought, and administrative practices.

Among the many strengths of Tao Jiang's magnum opus, Origins of Moral-Political Philosophy in Early China, his analysis of the fa tradition (or the fa school, fajia 法家, often misleadingly dubbed Legalists)1 stands out as a major achievement. This achievement is immediately observable from the depth and seriousness with which the fa tradition is covered. Two out of the book's seven chapters (nine if we count Introduction and Conclusion) deal with fa thinkers: chapter 4 is dedicated to Shen Buhai 申不害 (...) (d. 337 b.c.e.), Shang Yang 商鞅 (d. 338 b.c.e.), and Shen Dao 慎到 (fourth century b.c.e.?); chapter 7 deals with Han Fei 韓非 (d. 233 b.c.e.). These chapters account for 112 pages out of the book's 476 (excluding... Read More. (shrink)

Antony Barbieri-Low presents an engaging and well researched analysis of the changing image of the First Emperor of Qin throughout centuries. Yet the study suffers from insufficient attention to nuances of Chinese political culture, from outright dismission of looted manuscripts (some of which are essential for understanding the Qin), and, primarily, from the author’s own biases. Do these biases suggest the author’s desire to use the First Emperor as a foil in U.S. political debates?

Legalism is a popular—albeit quite inaccurate—designation of an intellectual current that gained considerable popularity in the latter half of the Warring States period (Zhanguo, 453–221 BCE). Legalists were political realists who sought to attain a “rich state with powerful army” and to ensure domestic stability in an age marked by intense inter- and intra-state competition. They believed that human beings—commoners and elites alike—will forever remain selfish and covetous of riches and fame, and one should not expect them to behave morally. (...) Rather, a viable sociopolitical system should allow individuals to pursue their selfish interests exclusively in ways that benefit the state, viz. agriculture and warfare; while a proper administrative system should allow officials to benefit from ranks and emoluments, but also prevent them from subverting the ruler’s power. Both systems are unconcerned with individual morality of the rulers and the ruled; rather they should be based on impersonal norms and standards: laws, administrative regulations, clearly defined rules of promotion and demotion, and the like. -/- Legalist thinkers contributed greatly to the formation of China’s empire both on the theoretical level and as political practitioners; and many of their ideas continued to be employed throughout China’s history. Yet their derisive views of moralizing discourse of their rivals, their haughty stance toward fellow intellectuals, and their pronouncedly anti-ministerial rhetoric all gained them immense dislike among the imperial literati. From China’s second imperial dynasty, the Han (206 BCE–220 CE) on, the prestige of Legalism declined; only a few texts associated with this current survived intact; and even in the modern period, notwithstanding sporadic outbursts of interest in Legalism, this current has not received adequate scholarly attention. (shrink)

This article discusses the chapter “Objection to Positional Power” (Nan shi 難勢) of Han Feizi 韓非子. It provides a full translation cum analysis of the text and explores systematically the chapter’s structure, rhetoric, and its political message. The discussion, which contextualizes the chapter’s message within broader trends of the Warring States-period political debates, demonstrates that beneath the surface of debates about “positional power” (shi 勢) versus “worth” (xian 賢), the chapter addresses one of the touchiest issues in Chinese political thought: (...) that of the intrinsic weakness of hereditary monarchy. Furthermore, “Objection to Positional Power” also addresses problems of the meritocratic system of rule and elucidates some of the reasons for Han Fei’s dislike of meritocratic discourse. By highlighting some of the chapter’s intellectual gems I hope to attract further attention to the immense richness of Han Feizi as one of the most sophisticated products of China’s political thought. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThe Book of Lord Shang attributed to Shang Yang is one of the most controversial products of ideological debates in pre-imperial China. Forty years ago, Li Yu-ning summarized previous rounds of debates that peaked with the Shang Yang fervor of the early 1970s. The present article takes over where she ended, further exploring trends in studies of the Book of Lord Shang since the Open-up-and-Reform Era. The paper shows that despite a clear tendency of depoliticization of these studies, scholars are (...) still deeply influenced by the tradition of using the figure of Shang Yang as a foil in contemporary political debates. In their evaluation of Shang Yang’s legacy, many contemporary Chinese scholars continue to use traditional views, but also modern ideas such as the “rule of law,” “progress,” “evolution,” “dialectic,” or the Marxist theory of distinct social stages. They all contribute to the ongoing relevance of Lord Shang to current China. (shrink)

This chapter aims to contextualize Confucius' elitism in a contemporaneous sociopolitical and intellectual situation, to distinguish between novel and traditional aspects of his views of the elite's belonging, and to analyze the possible impact of Confucius' ideas on subsequent conceptualizations of social and political hierarchy in late pre‐imperial (i.e., pre‐221 bce) and imperial China. It discusses two central concepts in Confucius' ethical and social thought: that of a “noble man” (junzi), and of a “petty man” (xiaoren). Both are among the (...) key terms in the Analects. By comparing the usages of both terms in the Analects with earlier texts, primarily the Zuo zhuan 左傳 (Zuo Commentary or Zuo Tradition), the chapter demonstrates that Confucius revolutionized the usage of the former term, expanding it to include members of his own shi 士 stratum. (shrink)

This article surveys the usages of the term de 德 in the Zuozhuan《左傳》. It demonstrates the term’s hermeneutical richness: de could refer to charismatic power, to political potency, to proper decorum, to mildness and kindness in domestic or interstate affairs, to individual morality, and so forth. Behind this richness, though, we may discern a clear predominance of political usages of de and paucity of references to de as personal moral virtue. Notably, Zuozhuan never refers to de in the context of (...) moral self-cultivation. The article discusses the reasons for this peculiarity. (shrink)

This introduction surveys the biography and major works of Liu Zehua, a leading scholar of China's intellectual history, political thought, and political culture. It explores the impact of Liu Zehua's personal experience, in particular the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, on his conceptualization of Chinese political culture as subjugated to the overarching principle of monarchism. Liu Zehua's critical engagement with China's past distinguishes him from proponents of revival of traditional values and makes him one of the powerful opponents of cultural (...) conservatives in China. (shrink)

This chapter explores Mencius’s political ideas, particularly his views of the ruler, the men-of-service (or intellectuals, shi 士), and the commoners. It highlights intrinsic tensions in Mencius’s thought, e.g. between his avowed commitment to the monarchic order (in which the intellectuals like himself should act as the ruler’s servitors) and his staunch belief that intellectuals are morally superior to the rulers and should act as their teachers. Another tension was between Mencius’s insistence on the commoners’ primary importance for the polity (...) and his equally strong opposition to their participation in political life. Tensions and frustrations aside, Mencius succeeded to position himself as the most devoted leader of the Warring States-period men-of-service. This ensured him the lasting role as a source of inspiration for the imperial literati. (shrink)

The Spring and Autumn Annals of Master Yan. Translated and annotated by Olivia Milburn. Sinica Leidensia, vol. 128. Leiden: Brill, 2016. Pp. xxx + 485. €161, $193.

This article explores textual, paleographic, and archeological evidence for the “Long Wall” of Qi, arguably one of the earliest long walls erected on Chinese soil. It analyzes the possible dates of the Wall’s constructions, its route, its defensive role, and its relation to military, political, economic, and administrative developments of the Warring States period. I argue that the Long Wall played a significant role in Qi’s military strategy in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE, bolstering its defensive capabilities. In the (...) long term, however, the Wall might have inadvertently hindered Qi’s southward expansion, placing it in a disadvantageous position versus its rivals. (shrink)

The chapter "Attracting the People" ("Lai min") of The Book of Lord Shang (Shangjun shu) was composed ca. 255-251 B.C.E. At that point, the Qin leaders were frustrated: despite a series of military victories, Qin was still unable to subjugate its eastern neighbors. The chapter's author suggests that to attain final success, Qin must shift its attention from the battlefield to a demographic balance of power with its rivals. To attract immigrants from the overpopulated states of Han and Wei, Qin (...) should abandon its rigid policies of turning every subject into a tiller-cum-soldier. Instead, the immigrants should be exempted from military service and granted economic privileges. In marked contrast to the rest of The Book of Lord Shang, the author of "Attracting the People" advocates dividing the population into tillers and soldiers. The new awareness of the economic and demographic costs of warfare reflects changes in Qin's military situation after a century of robust expansion and on the eve of its final drive toward the unification of "All-under-Heaven." -/- . (shrink)