A study of the tradition of ethical socialism, its successes, its failures, and its relevance to contemporary Britain. It focuses on a group of writers who, although separated by time, all promoted this brand of socialism. It chronicles their thoughts and theories, and examines their intentions.

This study argues for three main theses: (1) Immanuel Kant’s ethics is a social ethics; (2) the basic premises of his social ethics point to a socialist ethics; and (3) this socialist ethics constitutes a suitable platform for criticizing and improving Karl Marx’s view of morality. -/- Some crucial aspects of Kant’s social ethics are that we must promote the “realm of ends” as a moral society of co-legislators who assist each other (...) in the pursuit of their individual ends, which requires in turn that we seek the realization of the republican state and peace between the nations. Thus, hope for progress, as supported by the enthusiasm engendered among the spectators of the French Revolution, becomes pivotal to Kant’s ethics as well as other moral feelings such as moral indignation and solidarity with the victims of oppression. -/- Kant views the moral society in the final instance as an “inner” unification of good wills. In a decisive elaboration of Kant, the neo-Kantian Hermann Cohen argues that all our social institutions, and notably economic enterprises, must instantiate the “realm of ends,” leading him to support cooperative socialism in Wilhelmine Germany. In his own words, Kant “is the true and real originator of German socialism” (1896). -/- There are important evaluative similarities between Kantian socialist ethics and Marx, such as a condemnation of capitalism as a system of servitude and an understanding of the ideal society as a cooperative society, but only Marx contends that the ideal society does not set a moral task and that there is a dialectic operative in human history that inevitably leads to communist society. This dogmatic Hegelian understanding of history must be replaced by Kantian regulative understanding of progress in support of revolutionary praxis as moral praxis. -/- We need a “Kantianization” of Marx, as Cohen and other neo-Kantian socialists also proclaimed in the three decades leading up to World War I. This study concludes with “A Historical Note on Kantian Ethical Socialism,” addressing, among others, Cohen, Karl Vorländer, Eduard Bernstein, and Kurt Eisner and the Munich Revolution of 1918. Their voices were largely silenced by the rise of fascism, and this study hopes to show that their voices still need to be heard. -/- Awarded the 1985 Johnsonian Prize in Philosophy. (shrink)

The article traces possible channels of influence of a religious factor on the formation of a specific Russian version of socialism. Using the logics of the M. Weber?s work?The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism?, I. Zabaev reveals the categories that played a dominating role in the people?s consciousness in the pre-revolutionary Russia. According to his conclusion, these categories were?obedience? and?resignation?. It was obedience and resignation that assured the salvation of an Orthodox person. In everyday life such orientations were (...) easily transformed into the readiness to obey the?superior?. Once elaborated, they turned to be quite stable and, being separated from their religious roots, ensured a sort of asceticism on the secular path. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be (...) preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. To ensure a quality reading experience, this work has been proofread and republished using a format that seamlessly blends the original graphical elements with text in an easy-to-read typeface. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

The building of a socialist society requires a personality developed in all respects, active in the social sense, possessing a scientific world-view, and capable of mastering the process of its own life. At the Eighth Congress of the Socialist Unity Party and at subsequent plenums of the Central Committee, these questions attracted very great attention. The task of our Party lies in indissolubly associating the further development of the socialist personality with the growth of the productive forces, (...) the continuing improvement of socialist relationships, and the total flourishing of socialist culture. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain (...) in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

Making use of capital to develop China’s socialist market economy requires China not only to fully recognize the tendency of capital civilization but also to realize its intrinsic limitations and to seek conditions and a path for overcoming contradictions in the mode of capitalist production. Karl Marx’s theory of capital provides us with a key to understanding and dealing properly with problems of capital. At the same time we should also pay heed to Western research on, experience with, and (...) lessons from capitalist economies developed over the past four centuries summarized in the field of “business ethics”. (shrink)

As the title of his book indicates, van der Linden is concerned with the relevance to socialism of certain themes that might be extrapolated from Kant's writings. More specifically, he argues that the kind of socialist ethics developed by Hermann Cohen and other neo-Kantians provides an essential corrective to tendencies present in Marxism. His book outlines how the social dimension in Kant's ethics might be developed, considers Cohen's "transformation" of "Kantian social ethics" into "Kantian socialist (...) ethics," distinguishes Kantian and Hegelian elements in Marxism, attributing its basic flaws to reliance on Hegel's philosophy of history, and adds, by way of an appendix, a history of "Kantian socialism" in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Germany. (shrink)

In the sixth chapter of his study, Wirtschaft, Demokratie und liberaler Sozialismus, Hannes Kuch examines moral pathologies of capitalist society. He argues that such pathologies arise when learning experiences in the market lead to attitudes that have negative effects on other social spheres and undermine the democratic ethos. In this comment, I address two aspects of his thesis: its empirical foundations in behavioural economics, and the new analysis of authoritarianism that it proposes. Kuch’s diagnosis of the moral pathologies of capitalism (...) is based in part on studies in behavioural economics about the moral consequences of market relations. These studies show that market relations can lead to the erosion of moral motives for action in the long term. This tendency can be counteracted if market relations are embedded in constitutional institutions and a trust-building culture. However, the studies that Kuch discusses relate to decisions in which subjects have to choose between money and moral action or have to distribute money, and not to market relations in which competition and rivalry play a role. I argue that such competitive situations can be particularly erosive to moral relations because they pit subjects against each other. The question is whether it is possible to find effective antidotes to this erosion of moral motives. Kuch’s analysis of authoritarianism suggests that people in capitalism learn that the right of the strongest is a legitimate principle of action, and that the normalization of such principles in dealing with weaker groups plays an essential role in explaining the new authoritarianism. This is plausible. In particular, I believe that a neoliberal version of the meritocratic idea underlies this development. Subjects see themselves as winners or losers in constant status competitions, and if they are on the losing side, they compensate for the impending loss of status by oppressing weaker groups. The question is whether a less radical reaction of this kind could also threaten market socialism, because it shows subjects even more transparently than capitalism how much value their own social contribution has. Can market socialism counteract such a development? (shrink)

This study examines the enduring influence of Confucian ethics on Vietnam’s new morality, shaped by revolutionary and socialist ideals. Confucianism, with its emphasis on moral values, social harmony, and hierarchical relationships, provided the foundation for Vietnam’s traditional morality during the feudal era. However, its remnants, including patriarchal structures and rigid hierarchies, present challenges to modern democratic and socialist aspirations. Employing a qualitative research design, this study analyzes primary texts, including Confucian classics and Hồ Chí Minh’s writings, alongside (...) secondary academic sources. Through thematic content analysis, the research explores the interplay between traditional Confucian values and modern ethical constructs, highlighting their dual role as both a moral cornerstone and a potential barrier to progress. The findings underscore that while Confucian ethics offer valuable guidance for governance, education, and societal cohesion, their feudal origins must be critically reevaluated to align with contemporary goals of equality and social justice. The study concludes by proposing strategies to retain the strengths of Confucian ethics while addressing their limitations, demonstrating how Vietnam can integrate its cultural heritage with revolutionary and modern principles to build a harmonious and progressive society. (shrink)

The debate that raged in the interwar period between the Austrian economists and socialist economists was, narrowly conceived, a debate in positive economics. What was being discussed was certainly not the morality of capitalism or of socialism. Nor, strictly speaking, was the debate even about society's economic well-being under socialism; it concerned the ability of central planners to make decisions that take appropriate account of relevant resource scarcities, in the light of consumer preference rankings. To be sure, the extraordinary (...) interest which surrounded the debate and the passions that lurked barely below its surface testified to the powerful implications of the debate for crucial issues in welfare economics. The Austrians were not merely exploring the economies of socialism; they were in effect demonstrating that, as an economic system attempting to serve the needs of its citizens, socialism must inevitably fail. But, even if the debate is interpreted in its broadest terms, as a debate in welfare economics, it represented a sharp break widi traditional polemics relating to the socialism-capitalism issue. Traditionally the arguments for or against capitalism had, until 1920, been deeply involved in ediical questions. Mises's 1920 challenge to socialism, in contrast, was explicit in making no attempt to address any claims concerning the alleged moral superiority of socialism. He simply argued that, as an economic system, socialism was inherendy incapable of fulfilling the objectives of its proponents; central planners are unable to plan centrally. (shrink)

WHAT IS THE ROLE OF MORAL VALUES IN SOCIALISM? CAN SOCIALISM BE 'SCIENTIFIC' OR IS IT ESSENTIALLY AN ETHICAL DOCTRINE? IS THERE ANY PLACE FOR mORALITY IN Marxism? THESE QUESTIONS ARE CENTRAL TO MUCH RECENT CONTROVERSY ON THE LEFT. 'SOCIALISM AND MORALITY' CONTAINS A VARIETY OF ORIGINAL AND IMPORTANT CONTRIBUTIONS TO THESE DEBATES BY A DISTINGUISHED GROUP OF PHILOSOPHERS AND POLITICAL THEORISTS. ALL THE PAPERS WERE SPECIALLY WRITTEN FOR THIS VOLUME AND MAKE A LIVELY, WIDE-RANGING AND VALUABLE CONTRIBUTION TO THE (...) CURRENT DEBATE. (shrink)

The neo-Kantian Hermann Cohen famously wrote that Kant “is the true and real originator of German socialism.” This paper seeks to explicate Cohen’s socialist reconstruction of Kant’s ethics and show that this reconstruction overcomes some weaknesses of Kant’s ethics. In conclusion, the paper discusses the contemporary relevance of Cohen’s cooperative socialism.

The paper explores the possibility to develop organizational trust in companies operating in a post-socialist society where trust is rather low due to certain socio-historical processes. They determined a number of ethical problems which diminish trust both at the societal and the organizational levels. It is argued that trust can be advanced by organizational efforts, namely, ethical organizational practices. The interrelations among organizational trust, ethical problems and ethical organizational practices are empirically tested, the primary findings and directions for further (...) research are discussed. (shrink)

This paper offers an exploration of the socialist principle “From each according to their abilities, to each according to their needs.” The Abilities/Needs Principle is arguably the ethical heart of socialism but, surprisingly, has received almost no attention by political philosophers. I propose an interpretation of the principle and argue that it involves appealing ideas of solidarity, fair reciprocity, recognition of individual differences, and meaningful work. The paper proceeds as follows. First, I analyze Marx’s formulation of the Abilities/Needs Principle. (...) Second, I identify the principle’s initial plausibility, but show that it faces serious problems that cannot be addressed without developing a fresh interpretation of it. Third, I provide an interpretation of the principle that highlights demands concerning opportunities for self-realization in work, positive duties of solidarity, sensitivity to individual differences, and mechanisms of fair reciprocity. Fourth, I discuss a possible institutional implementation of the Abilities/Needs Principle. Finally, I identify some normative puzzles about the transition from capitalism to socialism, and suggest how the Abilities/Needs Principle might gain motivational traction by mobilizing the powerful idea of human dignity. (shrink)

This paper presents an examination of the Fellowship of the New Life, a pioneering British socialist organization from the 1880s and 1890s. The paper outlines the organizations and some of the prominent individuals involved in the Fellowship, presents an overview of Fellowship analyses of existing society, and details their political programmes and actions. It shows that in both their analysis and their activities the Fellowship were very much of the socialist mainstream in their day. They rejected the dichotomies (...) of their society, such as individual-society, ends-means and materialism- ethicalism, and they sought to combine these facets of life in both their thought and their political campaigns. The conclusion reached is that this complex, resourceful and potent group have been ill-served by being given the simplistic and pejorative label of 'ethical' socialism. (shrink)

The paper highlights the dependence of the level of organizational trust on work ethic and aims to show that development of trust in organizations can be stimulated by raising the level of work ethic with organizational practices. Based on the framework by Kanungo, R. N. and A. M. Jaeger, Management in Developing Countries, pp. 1-23), historical-cultural analysis of the Lithuanian context is carried out. The country is chosen as an example of a post-socialist context where work ethic and trust (...) in the society tended to be rather low. The authors discuss organizational practices, particularly the ones related to people management, which can facilitate development of work ethic, and thus, trust in organizations operating in a post-socialist context. The importance of a processual approach to the development of organizational trust and the ethical content of organizational practices, which are aimed at developing organizational trust is highlighted. Directions for further research are indicated. (shrink)

Derrida's reading of Heidegger in Of Spirit provides an excellent opportunity to assess the ethical and political value of each of their works. Derrida uncovers a slippage in Heidegger during the 1930s in which Heidegger ?forgot to forget? the dangers of the ?spirit? he had disavowed in Being and Time. This reveals a substantial early investment in the National Socialist project from which Heidegger never adequately recovered. Even in his attempts to distance himself from his Nazi past, Heidegger was (...) still caught up in a metaphysical, though not a racial?biological, gesture and while Heidegger may have written at the end of philosophy, it was an end never come. One cannot stop reading Heidegger on this account. Rather, one is all the more compelled to read him, and after him Derrida. In Derrida's reading of Heidegger, we see the ways in which Heidegger opened up for Derrida an alternative space for the ethical ? in ?The call of Being? before any decision ? in the obligation to the other. However, this ethical possibility of deconstruction is only a space of undecideabiliry and questioning, never a space for political comportment; that is, it is ontological?existential, not ontical?existentiell. In this, while deconstruction opens up a space for ethics, it is never to guide, only to expose. (shrink)

Phenomenal socialism says that what we actually, directly, literally perceive is only or primarily instances of high-level phenomenal properties; this paper argues for phenomenal socialism in the weaker, primarily version. Phenomenal socialism is the philosophy of perception that goes with recognitionalism, which is the metaethics that goes with epiphanies. The first part states the recognitionalist manifesto. The second part situates this manifesto relative to some more global concerns, about naturalism, perception, the metaphysics of value, and theory vs. anti-theory in (...) class='Hi'>ethics. The third part rehearses two familiar views about the possible contents of perceptual experience, Phenomenal Conservativism and Phenomenal Liberalism. It notes that the usual catalogue omits two other theoretical possibilities, Phenomenal Socialism and Phenomenal Nihilism, and it defends a watered-down form of Phenomenal Socialism from four main objections. The fourth part makes some connections with the epistemology of modality and with the role of the imagination. (shrink)

This first book-length study of Paul Tillich's ethics is drawn from research in the Harvard Archives and fifty years of teaching Tillich's social-political thought. In Ronald H. Stone's fourth work on Tillich's philosophy the ethic is examined from the early ontological to socialist ethics to his own final principled-situationalist ethic in late life. Unique to this study is the in-depth inquiry into Tillich's courageous social action correlated with his own philosophical-theological ethic. The book moves from an early (...) socialist rally in Berlin, through the wars, dialogue with John Foster Dulles about post-war planning, debates about nuclear deterrence, to Buddhist Christian dialogue. The author's own preference for the late ethic of the philosopher informs the inquiries into the earlier radical Tillich. The conclusion provides a synthesis of the vast sources of Tillich's ethics and presents twelve themes summarizing sources and future resources for ethics from his life's work. (shrink)

Genocide denialism is an understudied topic in the epistemic injustice scholarship; so are epistemic relations outside of the Euro-American context. This article proposes to bring the literature into contact with an underexplored topic in a ‘distant’ setting: Turkey. Here, I explore the ethical and epistemological implications of the Turkish denial of the Armenian genocide as a pervasive and systematic epistemic harm. Using an interdisciplinary methodology, I argue that a philosophical exploration of genocide denialism requires examining the role of institutions (...) and ideology in relation to the epistemic harm done by individual perpetrators. More specifically, I suggest that the individual, ideological, and institutional roots of genocide denialism constitute a regime of epistemic injustice in Turkey. (shrink)

The article examines the attitude of Nikolai Aleksandrovich Berdyaev (1874–1948) to the main features of socialism and his criticism of the weaknesses of the socialist so­cial order (the idea of equality, ineffective work ethic, chiliastic sentiments, profanation of Christian values, etc.). It is noted that Berdyaev is undoubtedly a socialist-oriented thinker, and his critical attitude towards the forms of socialist manifestation is associated with the fact that Berdyaev had his own vision of the “target” state of the (...) socialist sys­tem, that may be called “personalistic socialism”. The article examines the main features of personalistic socialism proposed by Berdyaev: justification of inequality and defense of the principle of hierarchism, protection of personal freedom, proper attitude towards work (labor as service to one’s neighbor, as the revelation of the creative potential), “new economic psychology”, and, in contrast to already embodied forms of socialism, Berdyaev declares, that the goal of personalistic socialism is the creation of a classless society. The third part of the article attempts to reconstruct Berdyaev’s “social-philoso­phical dream”, while substantiating the philosopher’s lack of ambition for political action and the creation of a political project of personalistic socialism. In order to reconstruct the ideas of Berdyaev, the author uses texts from different periods of his work: “New Re­ligious Consciousness and Society” (1907), “Philosophy of Inequality” (1918), “Self-Knowledge” (1949), as well as articles from the 1930s: “On Social Personalism (1933), “Personalism and Marxism” (1935), “On modern nationalism” (1938), etc. (shrink)