German philosopher and social critic Theodor Adorno (1903--1969) is widely regarded as one of the twentieth century's most influential thinkers. A leading member of the Frankfurt School, Adorno advanced an unconventional type of Marxist analysis in books such as Dialectic of Enlightenment (1944), Minima Moralia (1951), and Negative Dialectics (1966). Forced out of Nazi Germany because of his Jewish heritage, Adorno lived in exile in the United States for nearly fifteen years. In Adorno and Democracy, Shannon Mariotti explores how (...) this extended visit prompted a concern for and commitment to democracy that shaped the rest of his work. Mariotti analyzes the extensive and undervalued works Adorno composed in English for an American audience and traces the development of his political theory during the World War II era. Her unique study examines how Adorno changed his writing style while in the United States in order to directly address the public, which lay at the heart of his theoretical concerns. Despite his apparent contempt for popular culture, his work during this period clearly engages with a broader public in ways that reflect a deep desire to understand the problems and possibilities of democracy as enacted through the customs and habits of Americans. Ultimately, Adorno advances a theory of democratic leadership that works through pedagogy to cultivate a more robust and meaningful practice of citizenship. Mariotti incisively demonstrates how Adorno's unconventional and challenging interpretations of US culture can add conceptual rigor to political theory and remind Americans of the normative promise of democracy. Adorno and Democracy is an innovative contribution to critical debates about contemporary US politics. (shrink)

This essay explores the political significance of two largely unexplored texts on American radio that Adorno originally composed in English after emigrating to the United States: Current of Music: Elements of a Radio Theory and The Psychological Technique of Martin Luther Thomas’ Radio Addresses. Here, productively complicating the traditional image of him, Adorno translates his theory to a broader public in ways that reflect a desire to understand and inform democratic citizenship as enacted at the level of the everyday customs, (...) conventions, and habits of the people. Ultimately, Adorno’s writings on radio in the United States show how he tries to strengthen the substantive practice of democracy through a unique form of democratic leadership as democratic pedagogy that represents the practical enactment of an early version of negative dialectics. With this justification for Adorno’s complicated commitments to democracy in mind, we might begin to read him as a twentieth-century democratic theorist and productively turn to an unlikely thinker, not just to read a message in a bottle but to help us chart our current position and navigate our future course. (shrink)

In recent years, contemplative practices of meditation have become increasingly mainstream in American culture, part of a phenomenon that scholars call “Buddhist modernism.” Connecting the embodied practice of meditation with the embodied practice of democracy in everyday life, this essay puts the radical democratic theory of Jacques Rancière into conversation with the Zen writings of Shunryu Suzuki and Thomas Merton. I show how meditation can be understood as an aesthetic practice that cultivates modes of experience, perception, thinking, and feeling that (...) further radical democratic projects at the most fundamental level. Reading the landscape of Buddhist modernism to draw out democratic possibilities, we can understand contemplative practices like meditation as a form of political theorizing in a vernacular register. Buddhist modernism works as a practice of everyday life that ordinary users can employ to get through their days with more awareness and attentiveness, to reclaim and reauthorize their experience, and to generate more care and compassion in ways that enable, enact, and extend the project of democracy itself. (shrink)

This paper provides an ethical intepretation of the Nash choice rule. In a setting in which (cardinal) utilities are interpersonally comparable, this procedure is characterised by an impartiality requirement and by the assumption that choices are not responsive to the agents' relative ability to convert resources into utility.

In the aphorism “The Health Unto Death,” in Minima Moralia: Reflections from Damaged Life, Adorno issues a provocation and a challenge: “If such a thing as a psycho-analysis of today's prototypical culture were possible,” it would need to “show the sickness proper to the time to consist precisely in normality.”1 Investigating this unique form of illness would require questioning the traditional markers of health: “unruffled calm,” an “unhampered capacity for happiness,” “exuberant vitality,” and even the “champagne jollity” of “the regular (...) guy” and the “popular girl” (MM 58, 63). Hence, Adorno identifies a need to explore “the inferno in which…. (shrink)

We propose a new principle of 'non-interference' applied to social welfare orderings. The principle, together with two other standard requirements, implies a strong egalitarian conclusion: the ordering must lexicographically maximize the welfare of the worst off.

We study a principle of ‘Non-Interference’ in social welfare judgements. Non-Interference captures aspects of liberal approaches (particularly a Millian approach) to social decision making. In its full generality, Non-Interference produces an impossibility result: together with Weak Pareto Optimality, it implies that a social welfare ordering must be dictatorial. However, interesting restricted versions of Non-Interference are compatible with standard social welfare orderings.

We model opportunities in society as ‘chances of success’, that is as they are commonly described by practitioners. We show that a classical liberal principle of justice together with a limited principle of social rationality imply that the social objective should be to maximise the chance that everybody in society succeeds. Technically, this means using a ‘Nash’ welfare criterion. A particular consequence is that the failure of even only one individual must be considered maximally detrimental. We also study a refinement (...) of this criterion and its extension to problems of intergenerational justice. (shrink)

We analyse the liberal ethics of noninterference in social choice. A liberal principle, capturing noninterfering views of society and inspired by John Stuart Mill's conception of liberty, is examined. The principle expresses the idea that society should not penalise individuals after changes in their situation that do not affect others. An impossibility for liberal approaches is highlighted: every social decision rule that satisfies unanimity and a general principle of noninterference must be dictatorial. This raises some important issues for liberal approaches (...) in social choice and political philosophy. (shrink)

Both Ralph Waldo Emerson's and W. E. B. Du Bois' firstborn sons tragically died at very young ages. Drawing from the essays where they write about their grief, I explore Du Bois' "subversion" and "revision" of Emerson's thought by contrasting their visual metaphors: Emerson's "focal distancing" and Du Bois' practice of "second sight" and seeing through "the Veil." I show how the disruptive particular event of the deaths of their sons causes both to challenge the idealist elements of their respective (...) gazes. I draw upon Theodor Adorno to explore the larger lessons of these reconsiderations. In recognizing the seductive dangers of the idealist gaze and the value of the disruptive particular, Adorno explicitly theorizes what Emerson and Du Bois also come to appreciate, in a less overt way, in their moments of loss. (shrink)

We study preferences over lotteries which do not necessarily satisfy completeness. We provide a characterization which generalizes Expected Utility theory. We show in particular that various sure-thing axioms are needed to guaranteee the representability in terms of utility intervals rather than numbers, and to provide a linear interval order representation which is very much in the spirit of Expected Utility theory.

This essay explores Adorno's neglected writings on democracy in the United States, composed in English and directed toward an American audience, to illuminate a democratic theory and practice oriented around the concepts of “democratic leadership,” “democratic pedagogy,” and “democratic enlightenment.” Bridging disciplinary divides, this essay brings the lens of artistic modernism to bear on Adorno's writings on democracy in America to illuminate the distinctive contributions of a political theory that might only appear partial and preliminary when analyzed through the lens (...) of conventional politics. Adorno's understanding of “democratic enlightenment” resonates with the modernist concept of epiphany and represents a translation of artistic modernism to the political realm. Reworking traditional readings of Adorno's politics and his relationship with the United States, this essay reads him as a democratic modernist whose lessons on the meaningful practice of democracy still speak powerfully and practically to Americans today. (shrink)

Sufficientarianism is a prominent approach to distributive justice in political philosophy and in policy analyses. However, it is virtually absent from the formal normative economics literature. We analyze sufficientarianism axiomatically in the context of the allocation of 0–1 normalized well-being in society. We present three characterizations of the core sufficientarian criterion, which counts the number of agents who attain a “good enough” level of well-being. The main characterization captures the “hybrid” nature of the criterion, which embodies at the same time (...) a threshold around which the worst off in society is prioritized, and an indifference to equality in other regions. The other two characterizations relate sufficientarianism, respectively, to a liberal principle of noninterference and to a classic neutrality property. (shrink)

In this paper we deal with the extension of Nash bargaining theory to nonconvex problems. By focussing on the Social Welfare Ordering associated with a bargaining solution, we characterize the symmetric Nash Bargaining Solution (NBS). Moreover, we obtain a unified method of proof of recent characterization results for the asymmetric single-valued NBS and the symmetric multivalued NBS, as well as their extensions to different domains.

Best known for his two-year sojourn at Walden Pond in Massachusetts, Henry David Thoreau is often considered a recluse who emerged from solitude only occasionally to take a stand on the issues of his day. In _Thoreau’s Democratic Withdrawal_, Shannon L. Mariotti explores Thoreau’s nature writings to offer a new way of understanding the unique politics of the so-called hermit of Walden Pond. Drawing imaginatively from the twentieth-century German social theorist Theodor W. Adorno, she shows how withdrawal from the (...) public sphere can paradoxically be a valuable part of democratic politics. Separated by time, space, and context, Thoreau and Adorno share a common belief that critical inquiry is essential to democracy but threatened by modern society. While walking, huckleberrying, and picking wild apples, Thoreau tries to recover the capacities for independent perception and thought that are blunted by “Main Street,” conventional society, and the rapidly industrializing world that surrounded him. Adorno’s thoughts on particularity and the microscopic gaze he employs to work against the alienated experience of modernity help us better understand the value of Thoreau’s excursions into nature. Reading Thoreau with Adorno, we see how periodic withdrawals from public spaces are not necessarily apolitical or apathetic but can revitalize our capacity for the critical thought that truly defines democracy. In graceful, readable prose, Mariotti reintroduces us to a celebrated American thinker, offers new insights on Adorno, and highlights the striking common ground they share. Their provocative and challenging ideas, she shows, still hold lessons on how we can be responsible citizens in a society that often discourages original, critical analysis of public issues. (shrink)

In this paper, we examine the problems facing a policy maker who observes inconsistent choices made by agents who are boundedly rational. We contrast a model-less and a model-based approach to welfare economics. We make the case for the model-based approach and examine its advantages as well as some problematic issues associated with it.

We formulate and investigate experimentally a model of how individuals choose between time sequences of monetary outcomes. The model assumes that a decision maker uses, sequentially, two criteria to screen options. Each criterion only permits a decision between some pairs of options, while the other options are incomparable according to that criterion. When the first criterion is not decisive, the decision maker resorts to the second criterion to select an alternative. We find that: (1) traditional economic models based on discounting (...) alone cannot explain a significant (almost 30%) proportion of the data no matter how much variability in the discount functions is allowed; (2) our model, despite considering only a specific (exponential) form of discounting, can explain the data much better solely thanks to the use of the secondary criterion; (3) our model explains certain specific patterns in the choices of the “irrational” people. We reject the hypothesis that anomalous behavior is due simply to random “mistakes” around the basic predictions of discounting theories: deviations are not random and there are clear systematic patterns of association between “irrational” choices. (shrink)

Home and place are two interrelated concepts that have overlapping meanings. They are both referring to physical spaces that have meanings and feelings, spaces where common experiences shape and identities are formed. The concepts of home and place are intrinsically linked and are used interchangeably but the most important line that ties these two together is through the notion of belonging and attachment that bind individuals to meaningful spaces. However, there is a gap in the home and place literature about (...) understanding these meanings through negative attributes. This chapter explores the similarities and differences of home and place through negative experiences of two groups of vulnerable people: homeless people and migrants. In this chapter we examine how a lack of physical attachments leads to a lack of belonging and how, together, they create ruptures that ironically help to understanding of the meanings of home and place by separating them from the notion of space. The chapter acknowledges that not all places are called home and not all spaces have the capacity to be made into meaningful places, but that one must focus on the theoretical distinctions underpinning the two terms. The authors suggest that focusing on two vulnerable populations (migrants and homeless people) can offer a pathway towards a theoretical understanding of these two generic concepts. By examining the negative experiences of marginalization and exclusion, in relation to the meanings of home and place, the chapter discusses how negative experiences of displacement and homelessness can offer valuable insights into further theorization of the concepts of home and place. (shrink)

Several charters of rights have been issued in Europe to solemnly proclaim the rights of children during their hospital stay. However, notwithstanding such general declarations, the actual implementation of hospitalized children’s rights is unclear. The purpose of this study was to understand to which extent such rights, as established by the two main existing charters of rights, are actually implemented and respected in Italian pediatric hospitals and the pediatric units of Italian general hospitals, as perceived by the nurses working in (...) them. (shrink)

Patientia, the virtue of enduring physiological pain, poses a problem for Roman elite masculinities. The male body is supposed to be unpenetrated, but when pain is inflicted the body is often cut and pierced. This paper looks at literary and philosophical representations of the moral exemplar Mucius Scaevola to see how Roman writers and philosophers deal with this dilemma.

The fifth scene represented on the Shield of Aeneas describes Porsenna's siege of Rome and the resistance of the Romans, with the two classicexemplaof Horatius Cocles and Cloelia (Verg.Aen. 8.646–51):nec non Tarquinium eiectum Porsenna iubebataccipere ingentique urbem obsidione premebat;Aeneadae in ferrum pro libertate ruebant.illum indignanti similem similemque minantiaspiceres, pontem auderet quia uellere Cocles 650et fluuium uinclis innaret Cloelia ruptis.According to Roman mainstream tradition, at the beginning of the Republic, Porsenna, an Etruscan king of Clusium, tried to reinstate the exiled Tarquinius (...) Superbus by besieging Rome, but the heroism of Romans such as Horatius Cocles, C. Mucius Scaevola and Cloelia impressed him so much that he decided to give up the siege and make peace with his enemies. He then sent his army against the Latins and was finally defeated at the battle of Aricia by the joint forces of the Latin League and their allies from Cumae. However, there circulated also less flattering versions of the story: Tacitus (Hist. 3.72,Porsenna dedita urbe) hints at the fact that the Romans had in fact surrendered to Porsenna, and Pliny refers to a humiliating treaty imposed on them by the Etruscan king (HN34.139). (shrink)

Pour faire l'histoire des fondements philosophiques et politiques de l'engagement civique et humanitaire, ce livre part de l'invention des héros civiques à Rome à la fin de la République. C'est alors que sont recensés et décrits de manière insistante les exploits vertueux de quelques personnages qui se sacrifièrent ou sacrifièrent leur confort pour le bien de tous : Scaevola, Marcus Curtius, P. Decius Mus et d'autres encore, dont le souvenir s'estompa, jusqu'à ressurgir soudainement dans le contexte des républiques italiennes (...) du Moyen Age.0Cette enquête analyse la façon dont ces héros civiques ont été utilisés à travers l'histoire, depuis l'humanisme italien jusqu'à l'activisme révolutionnaire en passant par le culte de la gloire des monarchies européennes et la naissance du concept d'humanité. Elle dévoile par là les origines de l'engagement politique moderne. (shrink)

Ever since Mommsen’s magisterial 1863 edition, the extortion law of the Tabula Bembina has been seen as a law of Gaius Gracchus. Since Mommsen’s intervention, only Carcopino and myself have seriously challenged the consensus. However, the sources imply that Gaius proposed a lex iudiciaria, not an extortion law, and, further, the role of the iudices editicii and the probability that chapters from the Lex Repetundarum on the reward for successful prosecutors were repeated in the Lex Tarentina of 104/3 BC together (...) suggest that Klenze was right after all in identifying the law as the law of C. Servilius Glaucia. Lucilius’ apparent connection of the fierce Lex Calpurnia with Q. Scaevola’s trial in 119 or 118 BC seems to be the clinching evidence. (shrink)

This note analyses the significance of the name Laelia in Martial 10.68. It is argued that the name evokes Laelia, wife of Scaevola Augur and mother-in-law of Crassus Orator, who was famed for her elegant Latin. The punch line of Martial’s epigram is that his Laelia, conversely to the above, speaks like the Greek prostitute Lais.

Ser. Sulpicius Rufus has seldom gone short of approbation: not only noble and patrician but the first jurist to reach the consulate since Q. Scaevola. When Cicero in 63 spoke in defence of Murena he deprecated and derided the claims of legal erudition. Seventeen years later, composing in dialogue form a history of Roman eloquence, he made handsome amends to Servius, at some length . After matching M. Antonius with L. Crassus, the pair of masters who dominated the epoch (...) preceding his own, the expositor brings Crassus into comparison with the jurist Q. Mucius Scaevola . Each was far from incompetent in the science professed by the other. Whereupon the alert Brutus was moved to intervene with a question: might not a similar parallel for excellence obtain between Cicero and Ser. Sulpicius, likewise coeval? The artful device insinuates a long excursus, breaking the chronological order of the whole treatise. Together from early youth and together at Rhodes, the two friends practised the same ‘exercitationes’. In oratory Servius might perhaps have become ‘par principibus’. He preferred the law: in fact he excelled Scaevola and all predecessors, so Cicero affirms, to the ingenuous surprise of the interlocutor. Servius had made a sagacious choice between the two civilian arts. In oratory Servius achieved enough for a lawyer and a consul: ‘quantum esset et ad tuendum ius civile et ad obtinendam consularem dignitatem satis’ . The Brutus furnishes ready and vivid verdicts on speakers of the time. Five consular Lentuli are put on show for style and manner, from Clodianus and Sura to the savage and minatory Crus. All dead, it is true, and they benefit from much indulgence. For Servius no writing of Cicero acclaims a public occasion when the consul displayed his talent – and no appeal to an oration of any kind. For the eloquence of Servius the friend falls back on what the legal works disclose: ‘et litterarum scientiam et loquendi elegantiam’ . Posterity is defrauded, the earnest student at a loss. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:American Journal of Philology 121.2 (2000) 237-258 [Access article in PDF] The Inauguration of Lentulus Niger Patrick Tansey AppendicesMore than half a century ago, in the course of a groundbreaking article in this journal on the composition of the pontifical college in the first century B.C., Lily Ross Taylor attempted to fix the date of the banquet held in honor of the inauguration of L. Cornelius Lentulus Niger as (...) flamen Martialis. 1 She was partially successful, but the precise date eluded her. Her article remains fundamental, but the question of the date of the banquet can be profitably reconsidered. It so happens that a precise date is not beyond our grasp. What is more, we shall see that once the date of the banquet has been established, a number of important consequences follow.Macrobius preserves a remarkably detailed account of the banquet. For present purposes the guest list will suffice: refero enim pontificis vetustissimam cenam quae scripta est in indice quarto Metelli illius pontificis maximi in haec verba: ante diem nonum kalendas Septembres, quo die Lentulus flamen Martialis inauguratus est, domus ornata fuit, triclinia lectis eburneis strata fuerunt, duobus tricliniis pontifices cubuerunt, Q. Catulus, M. Aemilius Lepidus, D. Silanus, C. Caesar, rex sacrorum, P. Scaevola Sextus, Q. Cornelius, P. Volumnius, P. Albinovanus et L. Iulius Caesar augur qui eum inauguravit; in tertio triclinio Popilia, Perpennia, Licinia, Arruntia virgines Vestales, et ipsius uxor Publicia flaminica et Sempronia socrus eius. 2The passage contains a number of vital clues as to the date of the event. Macrobius states that he derived his account from the index quartus of the pontifex maximus Metellus--that is, Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius (cos. 80), pontifex maximus from 81 until his death in 64 or 63. We are also told that the banquet took place ante diem nonum kalendas Septembres [End Page 237] (22 August), though the year is not specified. In a brief note Mommsen elucidated a further clue and established the basic chronological parameters. He observed that among the pontifices in attendance was the young C. Caesar and that as a consequence the banquet must be dated after Caesar's entry into the pontifical college, which Mommsen placed in 74. 3 He also noted that the mention of Metellus Pius entailed that the banquet could be dated no later than Pius' death in 63. 4 He concluded that the banquet probably occurred not long before 63. 5There matters rested until, many years later, Taylor reconsidered the question at length. She acknowledged that the banquet must date between the years 74/73 and 64/63. However, she employed a complex and ingenious argument to show that the terminus post quem non for the banquet should be set back from 63 to 69. Following a suggestion of Marquardt and Wissowa, she argued that the lists in Macrobius' Saturnalia (3.13.10-11) and in Cicero's De Haruspicum Responsis (12) register the members of the pontifical college in order of their entry into the college. 6 Therefore, since the pontifex P. Sulpicius Galba does not appear [End Page 238] in Macrobius' list and is named after Lentulus Niger by Cicero, it follows that Niger's inauguration must have preceded the co-optation of Galba. Taylor argued further that the date of Galba's entry into the pontifical college could be fixed approximately, as Galba issued coins when curule aedile depicting the emblems of the pontificate, which suggests that he was already a pontifex by the time he held the aedileship. Finally, as Galba was an unsuccessful consular candidate for 63, and hence praetor by 66, Taylor contended that he was aedile at the latest in 69. Thus according to her chain of reasoning, Galba was a pontifex by 69, and the banquet in honor of Niger's inauguration must be dated no later than that year. Hence Taylor dated the banquet between the years 74/73 and 69. 7More recently Marinone used a novel argument in an attempt to fix the date of the banquet more precisely. He argued that Macrobius found the account of the banquet in... (shrink)

These words occur in Appian's account of the riot which led to the death of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus in 133 B.C. The tribunician elections had been adjourned from the previous day, and Gracchus, who irregularly sought re-election, had with his supporters taken possession of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol. The assembly broke up in disorder amid wild rumours that Gracchus had deposed all his colleagues or had declared himself tribune for the following year without election or had actually (...) demanded the diadem. The Senate meanwhile had been in session in the temple of Fides, and upon receipt of the news from the Capitol Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio urged the consul, Publius Mucius Scaevola, to crush the tyrant. When he declared that he would not put any citizen to death without trial, Nasica, calling loudly upon those who desired the safety of their country to follow him, mounted the Capitol at the head of a considerable body of Senators and led the attack on Gracchus and his partisans. (shrink)

Cicero’s first criminal speech, Pro Roscio Amerino, gained acquittal for his client but also presented Cicero himself as an advocate of legality at a time of great political turmoil and uncertainty. He emphasizes the importance of good-faith contracts to the maintenance of civil society, while demonstrating that his opponents have abused the contracts of societas and mandatum in persecuting Roscius. Cicero’s positive model is his teacher Scaevola—murdered during the civil war and advocate of good-faith contracts and of the broader (...) ideal of vitae societas, a metaphorical contract that embodies the values of civil society which Cicero shares. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Social Evasion and Aristocratic Manners in Cicero’s De OratoreJon HallThe importance of Cicero’s De oratore as a source for Roman aristocratic manners has long been recognized. In particular, the participants in the dialogue have often been regarded as providing a model of the sophisticated ideal of humanitas and its associated qualities. 1 The aim of the present paper is likewise to examine Cicero’s portrayal of Roman manners, but from (...) a rather different point of view. The traditional emphasis on humanitas has one important shortcoming: it encourages us to view the characters as idealized, and consequently rather remote from the social realities of Cicero’s day. In what follows, I would like to suggest that De oratore, despite the element of idealization that is undeniably present, also depicts many of the practical problems of everyday aristocratic interaction with which Cicero himself was well acquainted. And, moreover, that in his depiction of these problems, Cicero successfully captures the real flavor of Roman manners. Such an approach to the work helps to shed light both on the intricacies of Roman behavior and on Cicero’s artistic achievement in the dialogue.The method adopted in the following discussion is a simple but hopefully enlightening one. We shall begin with Cicero’s portrayal of social manners in several scenes from De oratore itself, and then move on to consider how these fictional episodes compare with certain real-life situations that come to light in his correspondence. The similarities that arise will demonstrate that his literary portrayal in the dialogue is much more than an idealized fiction.The Theme of Evasion in De OratoreThe main focus of our discussion is the theme of evasion that runs throughout the first two books of De oratore. On repeated occasions L. Crassus is depicted as trying to sidestep the suggestion that he take part in a disputatio on the subject of oratory. The more his guests at Tusculum [End Page 95] urge him to speak, the more determinedly, it seems, he tries to evade the obligation. Indeed, there are some nine conversational exchanges where such attempts at evasion arise. On several occasions in Book 1 Scaevola, Sulpicius and Cotta have to cajole him to make some contribution (1.96–107, 1.133–34, 1.160–65, 1.205–7), while in Book 2 Antonius and Catulus repeatedly attempt the same task (2.13–27, 2.121–28, 2.233–34, 2.350–51, 2.361–67). 2This theme reveals much about Roman attitudes to the evasion and imposition of social obligations. The central place in Roman life of such obligations (or officia) has of course been much discussed, but surprisingly little has been said about how they were invoked or avoided. 3 The issue at stake in De oratore is hardly one of high ethical importance. Nevertheless, it involves complex social expectations. The great advantage of De oratore over non-dramatic treatises such as De officiis is that its depiction of Roman aristocrats in conversation offers direct evidence for the strategies that such men developed in order to ease the tensions that inevitably arise in social interaction.Before we explore this aspect of the theme, however, it is important to note that Cicero has several reasons for portraying Crassus as reluctant to take part in the discussion. One aim, as the most recent commentators astutely note, is to counteract the conventional Roman suspicion of philosophical debate. 4 Since such discourses were regarded as typically Greek, Crassus’ reluctance is intended to distinguish him from the more loquacious, tongue-wagging Greekling. There is a certain sleight of hand in all this, of course. Cicero ultimately intends for Crassus to embark in Book 3 upon an extensive and sophisticated analysis of oratorical style, including an emphatic plea for a synthesis of oratory and philosophy. But the character’s initial resistance goes some way to disarming the cultural prejudices of the Roman reader. In what seems to have been the Latin language’s first literary dialogue, Cicero wants to [End Page 96] suggest that Roman aristocrats do not engage in earnest theoretical discussion in the same way as the Greeks. 5Crassus’ evasion also functions as... (shrink)

This piece explores possible reasons for Lucilius’ suggestive reference to worms,emblemate uermiculato, in the famous comment (about speech arranged akin to mosaics) which has survived from Book 2 of the satirist. The fragment can be set metatextually amid other extracts of Lucilius to show the poet's agency and skill, considered as having influenced aspects of its own afterlife (especially in Hor.Sat. 2.4) and appreciated in its historical context as a hit at Publius Mucius Scaevola, who died from phthiriasis.

This paper extends the analysis of liberal principles in social choice recently proposed by Mariotti and Veneziani (2009a) to infinitely-lived societies. First, some novel characterisations of inegalitarian leximax social welfare relations are derived based on the Individual Benefit Principle (IBP), which incorporates a liberal, non-interfering view of society. This is surprising because the IBP does not explicitly incorporate any preference for inequality, nor does it assign priority to well-off members of society. Second, some impossibility results are derived that highlight (...) a general tension between standard fairness and efficiency axioms in social choice, and a liberal Principle of Non-Interference that generalises IBP. (shrink)