『주역』을 연구하는 근본적인 목적은 그 내용체계를 온전히 이해하기 위한 것이라 할 수 있다. 그리고 이를 온전히 이해한다는 것은 일관된 논리체계로 통섭할 수 있어야 한다는 것이다. 그러기 위해서는 그 내용체계를 기본공리(axiomxiom)에서부터 연역하여 모순 없는 논리구조로 재구성할 수 있어야 한다. 『주역』의 기본공리라 할 수 있는 것은 ‘도(道)’의 개념이다. 왜냐하면 『주역』은 변화를 말하는 저서인데, 이는 “한번 음하고 한번 양한다(一陰一陽).”로 표현되는 것으로 그러한 변화의 이치를 가장 함축성 있게 드러내 주고 있기 때문이다. 따라서 이 논문은 이러한 연구과정에 있어서의 첫 작업으로, ‘도’의 개념을 구체화시키고, 이로부터 연역하여 (...) 태극(太極)·양의(兩義)·사상(四象)·팔괘(八卦)의 개념을 명확히 하고자 하였다. 즉 이 논문에서는 먼저 ‘도’를 ‘도’ 자체와 존재로서의 ‘도’로 구별하여 설명한다. ‘도’ 자체는 ‘음양(陰陽)’이 상호 지속적으로 변화하는 것이며, 존재로서의 ‘도’는 자신과 대대하는 존재인 ‘기(器)’와 더불어 ‘음양’의 두 쌍이 된다. ‘기’는 ‘음양’의 개념에 함축된다. ‘음양’은 대대관계에 있으면서 실재하는 대상들이며, 이 두 쌍의 형태와 이 두 쌍이 상호 변화하는 형태는 각각 네 가지 유형으로 분류될 수 있다. 그리고 이 논문에서는 태극·양의·사상·팔괘의 개념을 ‘도’ 자체와의 관계적으로 풀이하고 있으며, 그 결과 이 개념들이 모두 존재를 말하고 있다는 관점에서 상호 동치관계로 규정될 수 있음을 밝힌다. 즉 태극은 ‘음양’의 합이며, 양의는 곧 ‘음양’이며, 사상은 ‘음양’을 네 가지 형상으로 구분한 것이며, 팔괘는 사상을 여덟 가지 괘의 형상으로 구분한 것이다. (shrink)

本书通过对中国古代文化现象中的火与天文,《周易》,五行,丹道,中医,哲学方面联系的研究,阐述了"火"作为特殊哲学范畴所经历的漫长发展和演变过程.全书再现了中国人传统思维的特点,以及人类文明中独特的中国 智慧.

本书共有五章,内容包括精神科学的缘起、精神科学的体系、精神科学的基本对象、精神科学的认识逻辑、狄尔泰与现代西方哲学。.

朱熹是宋代理学的集大成者，也是成就斐然的礼学大家。他一生议礼、考礼，对礼的本质、价值、结构、功能进行了具有理学特色的阐述，对古代礼制也悉心潜玩，博考深辨，其见解多为后代礼学家所称引。朱熹礼学是其宏大的 理学体系的重要组成部分，在经学思想史上具有非常重要的地位，对宋元以降的中国乃至整个东亚社会产生了深刻的影响。本书从朱熹的三《礼》学思想入手，从学、理、用三个层面对朱熹礼学进行了系统论述，将文本分析与思 想、社会、政治的互动结合起来，考察了朱熹礼学思想形成的背景、内容及其特点。对困惑学界多年的朱熹晚年思想转型、朱熹为何要编撰《仪礼经传通解》、朱熹如何处理礼学与理学的关系等重要学术问题也作了进一步的探索 。.

本书分四章,包括:时代政治环境与士人心态;时代学术的发展;清代学者的反思及以礼代理的出现;儒学由内到外的转变及其影响等内容.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:A Leaky Boat Holding Wine: A Study of the Word-Meaning Debate in Wei-Jin Six Dynasties Period Thought by Jing YuanRun Gu (bio)Lou Chuan Zai Jiu: Yanyi zhi Bian yu Wei-Jin Liu Chao Sixiang Xueshu Yangjiu 漏船载酒: 言意之辨与魏晋六朝思想学术研究 (A Leaky Boat Holding Wine: A Study of the Word-Meaning Debate in Wei-Jin Six Dynasties Period Thought). By Jing Yuan 袁晶. Shanghai: Shanghai People's Press, 2022. Pp. 247. Paperback RMB23.93, isbn (...) 978-7-208-17567-9.In A Leaky Boat Holding Wine: A Study of the Word-Meaning Debate in Wei-Jin Six Dynasties Period Thought (hereafter A Leaky Boat Holding Wine), Jing Yuan offers a careful review and critical evaluation of one of the major philosophical topics in the Wei-Jin period, namely, the word-meaning (Yanyi 言意) debate. In several previous publications, Yuan has addressed the word-meaning controversy from different angles and in various classics, including Prajnaparamita and The Analects.The word-meaning debate, as Yuan explains, can be interpreted as a conflict between cognition and expression, and reveals a series of contradictions and conflicts in ontology, epistemology, and philosophy of life among scholars in the Wei-Jin period. The debate refers to the controversy on whether words can fully express meaning or not. It departs from the relationships between word and meaning to critically evaluate their functions and limitations, and mainly consists of two ways of thinking: "distinguishing names, analyzing principles" (bian ming xi li 辯名析理) and "getting the meaning, forgetting the words" (de yi wang yan 得意忘言). Although this debate had already developed in China for quite some time, it was only prevalent as a common philosophical theme in the Wei-Jin period, a time characterized by social disorder and endless war. The metaphor in the book title, "a leaky boat holding wine," is from one of Lu Xun's (1881) poems, illustrating that although people use words as a tool to express meaning, it is impossible for words to convey all meaning. Yuan uses the metaphor to refer to the capacity of a word to carry meaning, and indicates that human thought and expression are inseparable from words, but cannot be entirely restricted to them.The book is organized in chronological order, and readers can easily grasp how the word-meaning debate was developed and reshaped in different periods, responding to various social-political contexts. Chapter 1 starts with the origin of the debate in the early Qin period. The author provides a solid examination of relevant theories and high-quality secondary literature. She clearly demonstrates that both early Daoist and Confucian thinkers were involved in the debate, and [End Page 1] that it aimed to describe a core ontology--or a search for the principles of the cosmos--and understand various other aspects of the world, including natural cycles and social ethics. Confucius advocated a metaphorical grasp of the Dao, transforming epistemology into practical philosophy. He held a critical attitude toward the relationship of word and meaning, arguing that words could express meaning because people could use them to influence the state and society. Confucius also believed that Dao, as an imaginative and contextual concept, could not be expressed through words.In contrast, Zhuangzi--"the most significant source of inspiration for Neo-Daoism (Metaphysics) in the Wei-Jin period" (p. 70)--focuses on the limitations of the function of words to convey meaning, highlighting the ineffable nature of Dao. Zhuangzi's concept of Dao, according to Yuan, is always beyond the reach of our senses and can only be attained through an intuitive grasp of reality: through the ability to reach an epiphany and perceive through the mind, even when not observing through physical means. It is only with an intuitive way of thinking that one can identify the ultimate noumenon and grasp the idea of Dao when words cannot contain it. In Zhuangzi's epistemology, Dao is grasped using a method of knowing that transcends ordinary sense perception, knowledge or rationality, and provides a non-logical intuition and an experience of a practical nature that transcends knowing.On this basis, the author brings together ancient and current research on the word-meaning debate, to critically assess the impact of Zhuangzi... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 61.2 (2000) 241-261 [Access article in PDF] Should We All Be More English? Liang Qichao, Rudolf von Jhering, and Rights Stephen C. Angle [T]he Celestial Empire, with its bamboo, the rod for its adult children, and its hundreds of millions of inhabitants, will never attain, in the eyes of foreign nations, the respected position of little Switzerland. The natural disposition of the Swiss (...) in the matter of art and poetry is anything but ideal. It is sober and practical, like that of the Romans. But, in the sense in which I have thus far used the expression "ideal," in its relation to rights, it is just as applicable to the Swiss as to the Englishman. 1Rudolf von Jhering (1818-92) published Der Kampf ums Recht (The Struggle for Law) in 1872. He was already regarded as one of Germany's most important legal philosophers, and Der Kampf helped to ensure a world-wide reputation. His argument that people should be less like the "adult children" of China and more like the English found audiences everywhere, including China, where Der Kampf was translated between 1900 and 1901. Jhering's doctrines stimulated Liang Qichao (1873-1929), one of China's leading thinkers, to publish "Lun Quanli Sixiang (On Rights Consciousness)," in 1902 as part of his manifesto On the New People. Liang tells us that the "essential points" of his essay, which is among the earliest and most sustained treatments of the concept of rights to appear in Chinese, are mostly taken from Der Kampf. 2 We will see that there are indeed certain similarities that make Liang's "quanli" 3 (the standard Chinese translation of "rights") resonate with Jhering's notion of "Recht," and these similarities--chief among which is a kind of individual assertiveness--help to explain [End Page 241] Liang's interest in Jhering. My discussion of the two thinkers will offer at least the beginnings of an explanation of why German conceptions of law and rights were so attractive to Chinese intellectuals.As is often the case with cross-cultural comparisons, we will also see that these similarities mask some less obvious but deeply important differences. For Jhering the relation between following the procedures of the law and exercising one's Recht is crucial; for Liang, in contrast, quanli are deeply related to ethical concerns. This difference in turn colors their respective notions of assertiveness, which thus turn out not to resemble one another as closely as first appeared. When we see Recht and quanli as separate concepts emerging from separate discourse contexts, these differences will make sense.In "On Quanli Consciousness" Liang regularly quotes Jhering, often at some length. One important passage reads as follows: In ancient times, Lin Xiangru scolded the King of Qin saying: "Smash both my head and the jade disk!" 4 Now given the size of the state of Zhao, how could such love be expressed for a tiny thing like a jade disk? He was saying that Qin could smash the disk, kill him, invade his territory, endanger his state, and still he would not surrender. Ah! This was nothing other than "quanli"! Jhering has also said: "If an Englishman traveling to the European continent is one day asked to pay an irrational charge by the hotel's carriage driver, in every case he will resolutely scold [the driver]. If the driver won't heed his scolding, the Englishman will struggle for justice without tiring, always preferring to extend his stay; even if his traveling expenses were to increase as much as ten-fold, he would not cease. Unknowing people all laugh at this great fool, but none of them understand that this person's struggle over a few shillings is in fact a vital part of what allows the nation of England to stand tall by itself in the world. This abundance of quanli consciousness and sharpness of feelings of quanli are the great reasons behind the ability of the English to establish their state. Now let... (shrink)

The title of Gao Xinhua's 高新華 work contains two somewhat distinct elements: "Huang-Lao thought" (huanglao sixiang 黃老思想) and "Warring States to Early Han" (zhanguo zhi Han chu 戰國至漢初). They are distinct insofar as "Huang-Lao" takes on a different meaning when described based on the works of political philosophy--the task of roughly the first half of the book--and when traced through history in the thought of the political elite, as is the focus of the second half. Of course, they are not (...) entirely distinct and to some extent the historical Huang-Lao is a manifestation of the philosophical works. As Gao shows, however, the relationship between the two is far from simple. The book consists of an Introduction, four chapters--each containing three to five sections--and a short Conclusion. (shrink)