The fear of “communist subversion” in Thailand from the 1950s to the 1970s played a crucial role in the ongoing government control of public knowledge and the anti-communist propaganda. The companion piece novellas Made in USA and A Complete Idiot by Sujit Wongthes, a leading independent writer, disclosed the truth about the Vietnam War and challenged the pro-American hype in the context of 1970s Thailand. Made in USA achieved this through a blend of travelogue and journalist distance; A Complete (...) Idiot through a portrayal of the internal struggle of a young Thai man who grew up under the extensive influence of the Thai state’s pro-American, anti-communist propaganda. In A Complete Idiot, the protagonist’s state of blissful ignorance crumbles when his old “knowledge” of the “evil communist” and Thai-American relations are juxtaposed with new information about the 1971 reconciliation between the US and the People’s Republic of China. Reading the two novellas critically, this article investigates how the state-instilled perceptions of communism and propaganda construct a Thai identity that becomes inadequate vis-à-vis a different set of information. It also looks at the extent to which Thai internal politics was subsumed into the international politics of the Cold War and how such an entanglement informed Thai national identity. Finally, this article argues that the two novellas at once challenge the Thai government at the time and subvert its projection of the US. In doing so, the novellas open up a new space for alternative Thai cultural identities. (shrink)

This article deals with the role of the political print media popular with communists in Mexico when anti-fascism became the code for the behaviour of democratic forces in the face of the provocation of Hitler’s fascism. Under the facade of anti-fascist unity, the German-speaking communist exiles established a publishing culture, from which Hannes Meyer and Lena Meyer-Bergner, who had come to Mexico from Soviet exile and who committed themselves to proletarian internationalism, soon separated or were excluded. Independent of (...) the group, they developed strategies in accord ance with their anti-imperialist mission, from propaganda media for the Soviet state to the implementation of a sign language that would enable communication across borders: the International System of Typographic Picture Education (Isotype). The goal of my analysis is to provide a starting point for classifying Meyer and Meyer-Bergner’s work in print media, beyond the extensively researched Taller de Gráfica Popular context, but within the polarization of international opposition to fascism and totalitarian regimes during the Second World War. (shrink)

The Soviet Union's successful test of an atomic bomb in 1949 altered Russell's outlook on international politics. But there was a considerable delay between this critical juncture of the Cold War and any perceptible softening of Russell's anti-Communism. Even after a muted optimism about the possibility of improvement in the foreign and domestic policies of the Soviet Union entered Russell's writing, he remained apprehensive about campaigning for peace alongside western Communists and fellow-travellers. He disliked the central thrust of pro-Soviet (...) peace propaganda but regarded ideological diversity as a vital prerequisite for meaningful peace work. Russell also understood that such an approach carried with it a risk that his efforts might be tarnished by association with the Communist-aligned peace movement. His dilemma was eased not by a shift in his own tactics, but by external factors: a crisis within western Communism and the emergence of broadly based movements for peace that could not easily be tainted by their critics as "pro-Soviet". (shrink)

Within cognitive science, narratives are regarded as crucial and fundamental cognitive instruments or tools. As Roger Schank suggests, the identity of (sub-)cultures is to a considerable extent based upon the sharing of narrative structures (Schank. 1995.Tell me a story: Narrative and intelligence. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press.). According to Schank, culturally shared stories, as do many other stories, occur frequently in highly abbreviated form, as “skeleton stories” or “gists.” Collective identities are conveyed in and between cultures not only through verbal (...) discourse, but also by pictorial means. Many pictures and visual artworks have indeed been produced in order to establish and to consolidate a home-culture and to demarcate it from conceived extra-cultural counterparts.Some of my previous work on these lines has been concerned with demarcation efforts in visual media of “Jews” as extra-cultural, since the Middle Ages onwards, in the Third Reich’s iconography, as well as in modern, radicalized forms of anti-Semitic picturing in Arab media (Ranta. 2016. The (pictorial) construction of collective identities in the Third Reich.Language and Semiotic Studies2(3). 107–124, Ranta. 2017. Master narratives and the (pictorial) construction of otherness: Anti-semitic images in the Third Reich and beyond.Contemporary Aesthetics15.https://contempaesthetics.org/newvolume/pages/article.php?articleID=765(accessed 17 November 2019.). In building upon and extending this work, I shall focus in the current paper upon attempts of creating cultural and political cohesion by means of pictorial propaganda in post-war China from the early 1950’s onwards, as promoted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) under the leadership by Mao Zedong. Some concrete pictorial examples indicating these attempts will be discussed from a narratological and cultural semiotic perspective. (shrink)

In academic writing, facts about the past generally require the citation of relevant sources unless the fact or idea is considered?common knowledge:? bits of information or dates upon which there is a wide scholarly consensus. This brief article reflects on the use of?common knowledge? claims in contemporary scholarship about women, families, and sexuality as experienced during 20th century, East European, state socialist regimes. We focus on several key stereotypes about the communist state and the situation of women that are often (...) asserted in the scholarly literature, and argue that many of these ideas uncannily resemble American anti-communist propaganda. When contemporary scholars make claims about communist intrusions into the private sphere to effect social engineering or the inefficacy of state socialist mass organizations or communist efforts to break up the family or indoctrinate the young, they often do so without citation to previous sources or empirical evidence supporting their claims, thereby suggesting that such claims are?common knowledge.? We believe that those wishing to assert such claims should link these assertions to concrete originating sources, lest it turn out the?common knowledge? derives, in fact, from western Cold War rhetoric. nema. (shrink)

Sidney Hook's intellectual legacy is steeped in controversy. Matthew Bagger calls Hook "an unjustly neglected figure [whose] relative obscurity owes [in part] to his renown as a cold warrior, which repelled the generation of scholars that came of age in the late nineteen sixties and seventies."1 Indeed, for many scholars, a first point of reference for Sidney Hook is not pragmatism, nor even Hook's teacher and mentor John Dewey, but Hook's staunch commitment to anti-Communism. In 2004, Richard Rorty wrote (...) of him that "at the present time our major interest in Hook will be in his crusade against the influence of Stalinism on US intellectual and political life,"2 an assertion that has yet to... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:RUSSEL:rS ANTI-COMMUNIST RHETORIC BEFORE AND AFTER STALIN'S DEATH STEPHEN HAYHURST History / Copenhagen International School Copenhagen, Denmark 1100 A communist regimes collapse in Eastern Europe, and the rhetoric of the Cold War is at last abandoned, it seems an appropriate time to examine an aspect of Bertrand Russell's political life and thought which has not been as well documented as, for example, his activities in the First World (...) War or the 1960s. In the decade following the end of the Second World War Russell could, with some justification, be accused of contributing to Cold War mistrust, and even of playing the role of a "Cold War Warrior". Between 1945 and 1953 not only was Russell, as he himself later admitted, well entrenched as part of the "Establishment", but he was also actively involved in denouncing Communism, Stalin, the Soviet Union, and at times even the Russian people. Russell's Cold War invective intruded into his private letters, newspaper and magazine articles, public lectures and some of his books during this period. For example, What is Freedom? and What is Democracy?, whilst not the best remembered of Russell's books, are illustrative of his vehement hatred of Stalin's regime, and are of especial interest because they underwent small but significant revisions after Stalin's death. This brief survey of Russell's anti-Stalinism is, by necessity, highly selective, and has intentionally focussed on some of Russell's more extreme statements. A much more comprehensive study would be necessary to analyze the overall significance of Russell's anti-Stalinism. Russell's political thought in the years immediately after the end of the Second World War is dominated by what has been called his "preventative war phase". His proposal that the Soviet Union should be ru II: the Journal of the Bertrand Russell Archives McM rer University Libraty Press n.s. II (summer 1991): 67-81 ISSN 0031>-01631 68 STEPHEN HAYHURST pressured into signing the Baruch Plan for the international control of nuclear weapons, was made on at least twelve separate occasions between 1945 and 1949 and was, he later confessed, "the worst thing" he ever said.I This episode, characterized by controversy, proposals, denials and counter-denials, and reasonably well discussed by both critics and commentators, has direct relevance to Russell's anti-communist rhetoric.2 His prescient awareness of the staggering implications of nuclear weapons led him to demand, within two weeks of the destruction of Hiroshima, the urgent implementation of some procedure of international control.3 Since the First World War Russell had always maintained a vigorous belief in the long-term necessity of world government. Although this internationalism had been a central component of Russell's political thought, it had remained at least until 1945, at the level of a political ideal rather than a concrete proposal. In his more pessimistic moods, Russell had maintained that it would only arise through American hegemony, and at all times he had argued that a world government would only be effective if it possessed a monopoly ofweapons.4 Suddenly with the development of the atomic bomb, conditions had changed. Until 1949 the United States had a monopoly of this new monstrous weapon. Despite his very mixed views about both American political ideology and practice, Russell now clearly looked to the United States for international leadership. From the outset he accepted that international control of the bomb may not arise voluntarily. In October 1945 he wrote, "I think a world government supremely important, and I do not expect to see it established without I The twelve occasions are set out in I. F. Stone, "Bertrand Russell as a Moral Force in World Politics", Russell, n.s. I (1981): 7-25. Interview by Cedric Belfrage in the National Guardian, New York, 8, no. 35 (18 June 1956): 6. 2 Clark: D. P. Lackey, "Russell's Contribution to the Study of Nuclear Weapons Policy", Russell, n.s. 4 (1984): 243-52; Alan Ryan, Bertrand Russell, a Political Lift (London: Allen Lane the Penguin P., 1988): Stone, "Bertrand Russell as a Moral Force in World Politics~'. l "The Bomb and Civilization", Forward. Glasgow, 39, no. 33 (18 Aug. 1945): I, 3... (shrink)

Following the rift with China, Albania found itself on a lonely road towards pretending to protect the purity of the Marxism-Leninism in Europe. Although diplomatic relations with the West were restricted only to trade, the Albanian Communist leader, Enver Hoxha, was interested in recent developments inside Western Communist parties. Through Eurocommunist theorizations, the parties in Italy, France and Spain abandoned revolutionary aims, incorporated democracy in their ideology and tried to build electoral coalitions with socialist parties and other left-wing forces. By (...) contrast, the Albanian Enver Hoxha considered that Communist revolution was still possible in the world, and the Communist parties still acted as Leninist revolutionary vanguards. From this perspective, he denounced Eurocommunism as a continuation of “revisionism”. This paper will present the attitude of the Party of Labour of Albania about Western Communism by placing it in its historical context and framing it in light of broader debates inside the European Communist movement. (shrink)

Normal 0 false false false MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 st1:*{behavior:url(#ieooui) } /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:#0400; mso-fareast-language:#0400; mso-bidi-language:#0400;} The article analyzes the relationship between the dominant Churches from Hungary, Poland and Romania and the opposition to Communist regimes. The Churches – seen as institutional actors of civil society – are analyzed in terms of their material and symbolic resources which may act as prerequisites for the (...) initiation or support of oppositional activities. The relation of accommodation between the Church and the Communist regimes installed in the three countries are also analysed comparatively. The analysis follows the politically significant behaviour of the three Churches and the corresponding attitudes and measures developed by the Communist authorities. The article discusses Poland as the only case where the Church has been actively involved, on multiple levels, in oppositional activities. The distinctive feature in the Polish case is given by the complex ties developed by the Church with the remaining actors of the anti-Communist opposition, as well as by the enduring presence of religious imagery within the Polish society. Hungary and Romania displayed only a modest activity in the direction of religion-based opposition, being marked by isolated acts of defiance from individual members of the clergy in the context of an overall passivity of the Churches. (shrink)

Examples of "anti-Soviet" behavior of schoolchildren in Ukraine during the 1960-1970s are analyzed in the article based on the materials of the State Archives Department of the Security Service of Ukraine and interviews conducted by the author. The ambivalence of family and school education as factors of upbringing of "Homo Sovieticus" is characterized. Communist education set an ambitious goal to form a generalized canonical image of the "respectable person". Standing out was not only condemned, but also attracted attention of (...) the Committee for State Security, regardless the child's age. Among the unauthorized actions there are the following: distribution of leaflets, inscriptions on the walls, anonymous letters, condemnation of the foreign policy of the USSR, display of Ukrainian symbols, stylisation, membership in religious communities, disruption or distortion of portraits of leaders and visual agitation, creation of unauthorized organizations, clubs, groups. The forms and methods of the Committee for State Security, in combating anti-Soviet behavior of schoolchildren are revealed in the article. The Committee for State Security, found various reasons to explain the students' anti-Soviet behavior, such as medical diagnoses, games of children, lack of ideological education at school, negative influence of family, watching foreign films, listening to prohibited media channels, influence of bourgeois propaganda, nationalist ideas and religious views. These motives would have to show that deviations from the norm associated with insignificant short-term influences, are not an indicator of the mistakes in the policy of juvenile communist education. However, each document of the Committee for State Security, about "anti-Soviet behavior" has personal resolution of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, regardless the age of the child who committed the action. The utopia of attempts to educate appropriate Soviet schoolchild under the conditions of "Khrushchev Thaw" and "Era of Stagnation" is stipulated. It has been argued that anti-Soviet behavior of schoolchildren was not only manifestation of juvenile maximalism, but also evidence of more significant socio-political crisis in the Soviet society of the 1960 -1970s, including those related to national issues. (shrink)

During Socialism, the “women’s issue” was among the key state policies in Albania. The emancipation issue followed a pattern similar to other socialist countries, called the “women’s emancipation model”. It was part both of the state rhetoric and the general need to include women in the “socialist transformative processes”. This involved policies that supported women’s participation in the productive labour force, as well as the introduction of new laws that promoted the equality between men and women. A reconfiguration of gender (...) roles and the gender division of tasks occurred during socialism. In Albania, this process had two distinct phases. From 1944 onward women’s emancipation was thought of in terms of their participation as an additional force in the post-war reconstruction effort, even though sporadic and aligned with the primary political needs of the regime. The second phase occurred during the ‘60s following the Party’s directive “For the complete emancipation of women”. This phase was considered strategic as it coincided with the efforts to industrialize the country and to eventually fully centralize the control over the territory. This paper aims to investigate the entanglements between gender propaganda and gender practices. For this purpose, we analyse various party speeches and policies as well as examples of “heroines” and propaganda movies. A thorough analysis of State Archives and other documents was undertaken to substantiate this investigation. (shrink)

Questions of the history of the struggle against the Jewish national tradition were considered in many works of the Soviet authors of the 20-ies of the twentieth century. Among them, first of all, are those who studied various problems of the theory and practice of anti-religious propaganda in Soviet Ukraine, the history of the development of atheism. This is a monograph by Boris Zavadovsky "Moses or Darwin" and M. Sheynman "On Rabbis and Synagogues". In the late 20's and early (...) 1930's, collections entitled "Antireligiozer Lerwukh", "Komsomolisha Agada" appeared, in which issues of the history of Judaism were considered, its main sources, criticism of its main elements from the point of view of materialistic approaches was carried out. One of the main tasks formulated by the authors of these studies was the opposition of the Jewish tradition to the new communist ideology, the hegemony of which at that time was an important part of the realities of the sociopolitical life of Ukraine. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Chinese Science Fiction during the Post-Mao Cultural Thaw by Hua LiShaoming DuanHua Li. Chinese Science Fiction during the Post-Mao Cultural Thaw. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2021. 248 pp., hardcover, $68.00. ISBN 9781487508234.Chinese Science Fiction during the Post-Mao Cultural Thaw focuses on the years after Mao Zedong's demise, from 1976 to 1983, during which China's politics and culture underwent unusual changes. Li's book is a laudable scholarly endeavor (...) that provides readers with a new interpretation of science fiction (SF) during the post-Mao era. Li connects the production of Chinese SF to a wider context, including mainstream literary perspectives, domestic political demands and predicaments, changing international relations, and Western SF traditions. From my point of view, this book contributes to existing scholarship in four different ways.First, Li offers an explanation for the launching of the "Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign" in 1983, and for the withering of SF in the 1980s, that is different from that of many other scholars. According to Zhan Ling, Chinese [End Page 270] officials liked art that closely connected to politics in the 1980s.1 Yet SF writers were very interested in thriller themes during this period, pursuing literary value while neglecting political significance. Science fiction deviated from reality, which went against Deng Xiaoping's idea of "seeking truth from facts," proposed in 1978. For these reasons, Zhan argues, SF was labeled as "bourgeois literature" in the Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign and severely criticized.2 Wu Yan offers another explanation, focusing on how, in 1983, renowned scientist Qian Xuesen published an article in People's Daily that accuses then-current SF of being "specimens of pseudoscience" and misleading teenagers.3 Qian's viewpoint caught Deng's attention; he claimed in the same year that SF was a pollution of science.4 Moreover, a growing number of books and films promoted sexual liberation and Western democracy at this time. Faced with this "crisis," Deng called on all levels of judicial and propaganda departments to thwart the spread of these ideas and works in society. This campaign lasted for three years, with approximately twenty-four thousand people being executed for "mental impurity." It dealt a heavy blow to SF as well, causing the number of SF writers as well as the social impact of SF to decline significantly.5Compared to Zhan and Wu, Li places more emphasis on the fact that Deng wanted to achieve political and ideological unity through this campaign. In the 1980s, many voices were opposing Deng at the top of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Although Deng was not the highest leader of the CPC in name, he controlled the standing of the CPC. Many high-level officials accused Deng of destroying socialist democracy. Deng launched the Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign under the pretext of fighting the spread of "Western-inspired liberal ideas among the Chinese Populace" (14), while aiming to purge high-level dissidents from the CPC. This campaign, like Mao's Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s and 1970s, became increasingly violent and difficult to control as it went on. Many officials in the CPC took advantage of the campaign to attack people, policies, and behavior that they disliked (15). Li's account is very convincing because it aligns with the political changes that have occurred since then. Hu Yaobang was dismissed in January 1987 due to "indulging bourgeois liberalization and weakening the Party's leadership."6 As the general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPC, Hu admired the Western political system with its separation of powers and intended to establish such a system in China to achieve democratic modernization. However, his efforts were obstructed by Deng. The establishment of a modern democratic system would have signified the end of the CPC dictatorship. [End Page 271]Further, Li points out that SF in the post-Mao era lacked a critical awareness of ethical problems. SF writers of this era tended to ignore the moral and ethical implications of the use of modern technology, or they took up modern technology without the reflectiveness and attention to detail that makes modern technology something more than a normative... (shrink)

The article highlights processes that took place among Ukrainian community during pre-election campaign in the People's Republic of Poland in 1989. The events that, certainly, became a turning point in the history of the state and influenced on the set up of another approach on issues of national minorities in communist Poland are reconstructed. The importance of Ukrainian community candidate participation in parliamentary elections is determined, including the win of one of them. This success was achieved owing to the common (...) objective of different groups of society to overcome the communist regime in country. Those Ukrainians, who helped and supported their candidates, including Volodymyr Mokryy, invoked the Ukrainian community to support the opposition representatives as well. It should be noted that one of most significant challenges for them was struggle against anti-Ukrainian stereotypes. The latter were firmly engrained into Polish society consciousness. In its turn, communist propaganda throughout the period of pre-election campaign, tried to provoke a new wave of hatred to Ukrainians, reminding about the sources of conflicts in Ukrainian-Polish relationship. (shrink)

Using the concept of postmemory—coined by Mariane Hirsch—this paper explores the role of photographs in recalling past trauma in two families who participated in the anticommunist armed resistance in Romania. Members of these families were executed and the survivors had to endure further persecution. The interviews revealed that some pictures offer the frame for remembering suppressed memories. The images have peculiar meanings for different generations of the same family. For the participants in this study, seeing the photographs equates to reliving (...) a past trauma and giving a new meaning to it. Pictures function as realms of encounter and reconciliation between present and past generations of the same family. The first outcome of the process is memory recovery; in this, people also recover their identity and the result is transgenerational healing. Some of the interviews discussed in this paper were done with members of my family. (shrink)

Conspiracist antisemitism was an integral part of national-socialist propaganda in Norway between 1940 and 1945. An imaginary entity called ‘International Jewry’ was represented as the sinister force behind phenomena such as Communism, liberalism, capitalism and cultural decadence. This article analyses the argumentation and functions of conspiracist antisemitism as it was disseminated by three journals in Nazi-occupied Norway: the Norwegian edition of the German antisemitic journal _Welt-Dienst_ (_Verdens-Tjenesten_), the weekly _Hirdmannen_ and the antisemitic periodical _Nationalt Tidsskrift_. While these publications represented history (...) and politics as an apocalyptic battle between the so-called Nordic-Germanic peoples and an alleged ‘Jewish conspiracy’, their argumentation differed in several aspects. Whereas _Verdens-tjenesten_ was first and foremost an anti-Jewish news agency, _Nationalt Tidsskrift_ and _Hirdmannen_ were more focused on attacking the Norwegian Jews directly. However, according to all three journals, the national-socialist revolution was an act of redemption, from Jews as well as from ‘Jewish ideas’. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to outline the history of anticommunist legislation in interwar Yugoslavia and to bring to the fore its key phases. This approach is employed to re-examine the effectiveness of the introduced laws, to pinpoint their shortcomings, but also their strong points. Virtually from its creation, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) was hostile to communism. Anticommunist convictions of the ruling elites influ­enced many aspects of governance, not only internal affairs, as the outlawing of (...) the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in December 1920, but also foreign policy, as postponing the recognition of the Soviet Union to 1940. There are three distinct phases of anticommunist legislation, each clearly marked by a key anticommunist law. During the first phase (1918-1921), there were few legal instruments for combating left-wing radicalism. The second phase (1921-1929) was marked by the introduction of a highly controversial Law on the Protection of Public Security and State Order, which gave previous unprecedented powers to the prosecutors and police to crush the emerging communist movement. This legal framework was further expanded after the proclamation of the King`s dictatorship in 1929, and the overhaul of the Law, as well as the introduction of a special tribunal – The State Court for the Protection of the State. (shrink)

In the United States there have been brilliant examples of anti-racist struggle-black soldiers in the Civil War, coal miners of Alabama, and especially the anti-racist working-class struggles led by the Communist Party. Yet racism persists: Jim Crow replaced racial slavery, and mass incarceration has replaced Jim Crow. Why? Paul Gomberg argues that racism is functional for capitalism, supplying low-wage, vulnerable labor and driving down conditions for all workers. How can anti-racists put an end to racist society? Gomberg (...) argues for race-centered Marxism: anti-racism must lead working-class struggle, but racism will end only in a communist society that creates opportunity for all. (shrink)

This article examines a case study of international Communist propaganda during the Cold War. The Institute of Historical and Socio-Political Research, a historical propaganda organization affiliated to the Romanian Communist Party, succeeded in penetrating the Iron Curtain by distributing its works through a social network provided by the Italian Liberation Movement Institute, and in publishing its works in Italy, with the help of the Gramsci Institute, as well as publishers like Editori Riuniti and Nicola Teti. The ISISP established a mutually (...) beneficial partnership with various Italian actors: ISISP and the regime succeeded in publishing international propaganda; the Italian publishing houses were paid by ISISP to print and distribute their edited volumes, with the double advantage of keeping political ties with the RCP while also protecting their own limited finances. (shrink)

Makale, yirminci yüzyılın 30’lu yıllarında Özbekistan’da ateizmin gelişme yollarının, mekanizmalarının ve yöntemlerinin geriye dönük bir analizini sunmaktadır. Özellikle o dönemin komünist dünya görüşünün insanların bilincini nasıl etkilediği ve SSCB'nin eski devletlerinin halklarının ateist eğitiminin ne kadar önemli bir rol oynadığı makalenin ana içeriğini oluşturmaktadır. Dinle mücadele, sosyalist bir toplum inşa etmek için gerekli bir durumdur. O dönemde dini fanatizm ve hurafeler kitlelerin siyasi bilincinin yükselmesine ve sosyalist inşaya aktif katılımlarına engel oluyormuş gibi gösteriliyordu. Modern Sovyet ateist literatüründe, bilimsel ateizm konusunun (...) daha derinlemesine anlaşılması ve sosyal ve doğa bilimleri sistemindeki, özellikle felsefi bilgi sistemindeki yerinin kesin bir tanımına yönelik çalışmalar yer almaktaydı. Bilimsel ateizm teorisinin sorunlarını inceleyen Sovyet filozofları sonuç olarak zor bir zorlukla karşı karşıyadır: Bilimsel ateizmin içeriğinin, yayılma biçimlerinin ve yöntemlerinin, gelişmiş bir dünyada meydana gelen insanların yaşamlarının tüm alanlarındaki derin dönüşümleri nasıl yansıttığını bulmak sosyalist toplum için önemliydi. Ülkemizin muazzam sosyo-ekonomik ve kültürel dönüşümleri önceden belirleyen sosyalist yolda gelişmesinin sonuçlarından biri de kitlesel ateizmin oluşması ve istikrarlı bir şekilde büyümesidir. Sovyetler Birliği'nde karşıt sınıfların ortadan kalkması, sınıf mücadelesinin sınırlarının dışa dönük olmasına yol açmıştır. Bilimsel ateizmin yayılmasında Komünist Partinin ideolojik faaliyeti çok büyük bir rol oynuyor. Son olarak, kitlesel ateizmin gelişiminin doğası, propagandasının içeriği, biçimleri ve yöntemleri, dini örgütlerin siyasi konumu tarafından uygulanmış ve uygulanmakta ve uygulanmaya devam etmektedir. Marksist-Leninist dünya görüşünün oluşumuna ilişkin sorunlar, önemli bir kısmı ateist eğitim olan Partinin ideolojik ve eğitimsel çalışmasının sürekli merkezinde yer almaktadır. Ateizmin gelişmesi sırasında ‘Tanrısızlar’ gazetesinin dostları topluluğunun hücrelerinden doğan Militan Ateistler Birliği’nin faaliyetleriyle ilişkilendirildi. Militan Ateistler Birliği, din karşıtı propagandanın teori ve pratiğinin geliştirilmesine büyük katkı sağladı. Problemin ele alınışı: Makale şu ana soruya odaklanıyor: Komünist Partinin ateist ideolojiyi geliştirmedeki amacı neydi? Orta Asya halklarının ideolojik dünya görüşünü hangi yöntem ve mekanizmalarla bozmak istediler? Özbekistan aydınları ateist ideolojilerin yayılmasında nasıl bir rol oynadı? Amaç: Özbekistan’da ateist ideolojinin yayılmasının sosyo-politik sonuçlarının incelenmesi ve analizi. Ateist ideolojinin Özbekistan halkının bilinci üzerindeki psikolojik etkisinin araştırmak. Özbekistan'daki kitlesel ateizmin sosyal epistemolojik ve psikolojik kökenlerinin araştırılması. Çalışmanın amacı, Ateizm kavramının kendisini belirlemek, bugüne kadar yeterince çalışılmamış olan laik ve dini kültür, bilim, felsefe, dini hoşgörü, özgür düşünce, hümanizm, şüphecilik, materyalizm kavramlarıyla ilişkisini ve karşılıklı etkisini kurmak. Yöntem ve çıktılar. Komünist Parti liderliğinin ataksik dünya görüşünü ve ideolojiyi hangi yöntem ve mekanizmalarla yaydığını analiz etme. Bunu açıklığa kavuşturmak için analiz, sentez, genelleme, tümevarım ve tümdengelim yöntemleri kullanıldı. (shrink)

: Undoubtedly, in the formation of history, relations between religious structures and political powers, which are shaped within certain principles, have an important place. The course of these relations determines the strength and domain of both sides. This form of relationship, in some cases, evolves in favor of political power, and sometimes manifests itself as a political direction of religious interests. It is possible to see politics as a direction of religion or to use it in the direction of its (...) own interests in the politics that the Soviet Union has implemented since the Second World War. As a matter of fact, the Soviet Union, which has embraced the ideology of official atheism and struggled against religious beliefs, did not stop using religion/church for conjuration in its own interests. In this context, The Soviet leader Stalin has almost reconstructed the Russian Orthodox Church, which he had been trying to destroy since the early years of the Second World War. Even, Moscow has made serious attempts to make Patriarchate the pioneer of the Orthodox world. In this article, we aim to emphasize Stalin’s church politics and reasons. We will also stress the reasons behind the Council of the Orthodox Churches, which Stalin sought to achieve through the Moscow Patriarchate in 1947. Finally, we will touch on the policy of the Fener Greek Patriarch against these developments. Summary: Throughout history, politics of states have been under the influence of religion. Likewise, religions have directed political authority in the direction of their own interests. Sometimes a religion takes the state under its influence; sometimes under a state takes a religion under the influence and they try to use the other one in the interests of itself. Concepts that define religion-state relations have emerged under the influence of experiences experienced over time. Secularism is at the head of the concepts that determine religion-state relations today. What secularism is and how it is practiced is much debated in the scientific circles. Despite all these struggles, however, no binding definition has been reached for all political issues. Certainly, the subjective structure of states plays an important role in regulating religion-state relations. The political ideology adopted by this political structure and the world view varies. Sometimes political structures with official atheist ideology can break the principle of secularism. While these ideologies are ungodly in their nature, they benefit from political interests. As an example, it is possible to show the Soviet Union with an atheist ideology. Because the Soviet regime used religion in the direction of political interests between 1943-1948. The Russian Orthodox Church, which was very active and competent during the reign of Tsarist Russia, lost its power with the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. The Soviet regime has made the Russian Orthodox Church an illegal institution. The struggle against the church by the regime continued until the Second World War. With the Second World War, Stalin's church politics changed. There is no doubt that this political change has become more than one reason. The first is that the state has entered into a war. Stalin did not want to continue the struggle with religion while the war was going on. Another reason for pushing Stalin for a policy change towards the Church is the anti-Soviet propaganda carried out by the Germans. As a matter of fact, the Germans defined themselves as the savior of the Russian people. It was also alleged that Germany was waging a war against the Soviets in order to free Russian people from communism. Even brochures were taken from the airplanes in this frame. The Germans aimed to break the resistance of the Russian people with this method. Stalin acted to ward off this propaganda of the Germans. Stalin therefore had to keep an eye on church politics and stopped the oppression against the church. In this framework, opportunities were provided for the Russian Orthodox Church. For example, have been approved to organize rites in churches. The priests are encouraged to strengthen hand the people. Also closed churches have been reopened by Stalin. In this way the German propaganda has been wasted. The Second World War ended with the victory of the Soviet Union. Stalin, however, continued to use the church after the war was over. So why did Stalin continue to support the church as an atheist? What were the reasons for pushing Stalin into this policy? Stalin's post-war church policy has multiple causes. The most important of these is spreading the Soviet influence over the entire Balkans and Middle East geography through the Russian Orthodox Church. Undoubtedly this is related to the long-term policies of the Soviets. Because the war has changed all the balances in the world. This has given new opportunities to the Soviets. At the beginning of these, the Orthodox world comes to the Soviet influence. It seems that the steps towards this have been started to be started from 1945. In this context, the Russian Orthodox Church found important activities. For example, the Moscow Patriarch has established relations with other Orthodox Churches. Jerusalem, Athens, Cyprus, Antakya churches were visited. In the end, an attempt was made to collect the Orthodox Council. The struggle of the Western and Eastern bloc emerged after the Second World War divided the Orthodox world into two camps. In this process, the Greek, Cyprus and Jerusalem Orthodox churches under the leadership of the Fener Patriarchate were under American influence. The Serbian, Bulgarian and Antiochian Orthodox Churches under the leadership of the Moscow Patriarchate were under Soviet influence. For these reasons, the Soviet regime, which has been fighting for the Church since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, has given up its position. It is understood from this historical fact that a regime adopting irreligion as an official ideology uses religion in its own interests as needed. This indicates that secularism is relative. This study will try to show how the Soviet Union uses the Russian Orthodox Church in its own interests despite the atheism ideology. (shrink)

The study deals with one of the most important episodes of the history of the twentieth century - the beginning of the Cold War. The focus is on the peculiarities of the formation of the image of the external enemy for the USSR on the pages of periodical media, namely, the political cartoon magazine "Perets". It is revealed that the main ideological adversaries of the Soviet apparatus of propaganda were the United States and Great Britain, the countries that formed the (...) basis of the anti-Hitler coalition. Due to the analysis of materials of the publication - political cartoons, short stories, satirical poems - the characteristic features of the image of these two states are revealed. It is proved that the images of the opposing countries were filed by the magazine "Perets'" in the form of three categories. The first block is the image of the American and English leaders, which began to appear massively in the journal in connection with the Fulton speech of Churchill and the implementation of the "Marshall Plan". The emphasis is placed on political cartoonists' tendency to compare the leaders of the United States and Great Britain with the leaders of Nazi Germany. The second unit features personalized images of the United States and the Britain. A characteristic feature of this group is the demonstration of the domination of American symbols over the British, which was to show the Soviet reader an American-dependent position of the United Kingdom and other Western European countries. The last block of images combines works that demonstrate the relations between "capitalist" countries. In order to create the desired effect on the reader, the Soviet propaganda machine emphasized the emergence of territorial or economic disputes between the United States and Britain, presenting this as a stage of aggravation of relations between "imperialist countries." All of these features in the images of external enemies were aimed at elevating patriotic sentiment among the Soviet society and confidence in the actions of the ruling Communist Party. (shrink)

This article considers Sartre's relations with the French Communist Party (PCF) in the years immediately following the Liberation when the PCF considered that, of all the prominent French intellectuals, it was Sartre who posed the greatest threat. This article opens by situating the PCF within the French political landscape immediately after the Liberation and addressing its attitudes towards intellectuals. It then examines the main themes of the attacks launched by the PCF, between 1944 and the staging of Les Mains sales (...) ( Dirty Hands ) in 1948, on both Sartre and existentialism and the reasons for these attacks. It concludes by noting the differences between the PCF and Sartre on three specific political issues during this period. (shrink)

This paper contains a historical introduction and an edition of a hitherto unpublished manuscript of Wittgenstein's that was found among G. H. von Wright's materials kept in Helsinki. The document concentrates on British anti-Nazi propaganda and was written in 1945. Wittgenstein's criticism of this kind of propaganda, such as that promoted by Robert Vansittart, is also present in other sources of this period belonging to both the _Nachlass _and the correspondence.

Scholarly treatments of conspiracy theories and of rumours tend to follow a similar pattern. In both cases they usually begin by presupposing that the phenomena in question (conspiracy theories or rumours) should not be believed. They then seek to explain the puzzling fact that many people (though not of course the author or reader) are nonetheless inclined to believe them. I will argue that this is all wrong. Neither rumours nor conspiracy theories deserve their bad reputation. I will also argue (...) that rumours and conspiracy theories have a bad reputation because of a certain kind of propaganda. Not all propaganda is objectionable, but this propaganda is objectionable, because it is anti-democratic propaganda. (shrink)

이 글은 한국현대사에서 가장 큰 비중을 차지했던 이승만의 자유주의에 대한 인식을 미군정기를 중심으로 고찰했다. 이승만은 미국 선교사가 세운 배재학당에서 입학하여 기독교와 미국식 근대 교육을 습득했고, 그 후로도 그들의 도움으로 투옥중임에도 독서와 집필을 할 수 있었으며 미국 유학을 통해 박사학위를 취득할 수 있었다. 이런 경험은 그가 전면적으로 미국식 사고방식을 수용하고 비판적 인식 없이 미국을 신뢰하게 만든 계기였다. 그의 독립운동방략인 외교론이 자력이 아닌 미국에 완전히 의존하는 논리라는 점은 그가 얼마나 미국을 신뢰했는지를 잘 보여준다. 자유민주주의와 관련하여 이승만은 미국식 민주주의를 독립한국의 정치체제로 도입하고 사상, (...) 언론, 출판의 보호 등 자유주의가 전제하는 개인의 기본권을 수용했다. 그러나 그는 개인을 우선하는 미국식의 개인주의를 비판하고 개인의 자유에 앞서 국가의 자주독립을 더 강조했다. 또한 경제부문에서도 미국식 자유주의와 달리 공익산업기관의 국유화와 상업의 정부검열 등 주장했다. 이러한 차이는 식민지의 경험과 혼란스러웠던 해방 직후의 상황에 기인한 것이었다. 이승만은 공산주의를 자유민주주의의 대립항으로 설정하고 강력한 반공주의를 내세웠다. 그는 루즈벨트 행정부의 대소 유화정책을 비판하고 군부 및 미군정과 같은 미국의 강경 반공세력과 보조를 맞추었다. 그의 반소반공 인식은 냉전이 격화되면서 정당성을 얻게 되었다. 미군정기 이승만에게 가장 중요한 과제는 공산주의의 침투를 방어하고 통일 국가를 수립하는 일이었다. 그에게 자유민주주의는 중요한 원리였지만 반공을 위해서라면 포기 또는 유보할 수 있는 원리였다. 따라서 자유주의에 대한 그의 인식은 반공에 종속된 자유주의, 곧 ‘반공적 자유주의’라고 말할 수 있다. 결국 반공적 자유주의가 미군정기 한국 자유주의를 대표하지는 않았지만 당시 한국 자유주의에서 가장 핵심적인 측면이었다. (shrink)

This chapter focuses on two main points: early Africana public philosophy critiques of anti‐Black propaganda and how contemporary anti‐Black propaganda has legitimized violence against Africana public thinkers. Between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries, the propaganda that informed Western perceptions and expeditions to Africa was that Africa was a land full of cannibals and lawless kingdoms. Beginning with slavery, Africana public thinkers were the first to formulate slavery and its associated violence as crimes against humanity and construct more egalitarian (...) notions of human rights, citizenship, economic restitution, and respect for Black people to have self‐governance. The propaganda about the inability of Africans to self‐rule, be ethical, and be law‐abiding influenced the moral sentiments and policies that justified the enslavement of Africans. Lessons from Africana public philosophy warrant serious consideration of how anti‐Black propaganda impacts the future of Black people. (shrink)

The royalist nationalist propaganda writings of King Vajiravudh Rama VI—acclaimed author of the infamous Jews of the Orient, published originally in Thai since 1914—represent some of the finest examples of Anti-Chinese propaganda penned by major nationalist leaders of Thailand in the 20th century. Vajiravudh was a prolific author who produced more than a thousand fictional and non-fictional pieces within his lifetime literary oeuvre. A significant portion of these works was intended as political propaganda, many of which could be justifiably (...) categorized as anti-Chinese pieces. As much of Vajiravudh’s writings also serve as the core texts in much of Thailand’s nationalist propaganda campaigns through much of the early-20th century, it has also come to define the problematic relationship between the Thai conservative ruling class and their ethnic Chinese financial patrons. This makes for very complex national emotions—despise of ethnic Chinese capitalists while venerating royalist conservative political leaders, most of whom, in fact, are of Chinese descent. This also unavoidably bleeds into the realm of everyday social values and relations between ethnic Chinese and non-Chinese commoners in Thai society, their own interpretation of nationalist propaganda, and their own adapted emotions toward each other. This article provides a textual and historical analysis of such writings. (shrink)

Summary The article examines the figure of Tomás Carrascón de las Cortes y Medrano (1595–c. 1633) and his pamphleteering activity during the second decade of the seventeenth century in England. A close look at his anti-Catholic pamphlets, Hispanus conversus (London, 1623), Scrutamini Scripturas: The Exhortation of a Spanish Converted Monke (London, 1624), and Miracles Unmasked (London, 1625), reveals his astute use of Spanish and Portuguese Catholic sources against Rome. An examination of his reference lists and marginal annotations discloses a (...) new and heretofore forgotten canon of Iberian Catholic authors who exerted considerable influence during this period. The evidence demonstrates a concerted effort to counteract the exertions of Recusant printing presses in England and northern Europe. (shrink)

Post-communist anti-Semitism in Romania and elsewhere in East Central Europe is not necessarily driven by the same motivations. Basically, each of the categories I employ in the taxonomy (updating earlier endeavors) acts out of a different motivation and has a different temporal orientation. What they all share, however, is precisely the attempt to respond to the need to produce what Benedict Anderson called an “imagined community,” in albeit significantly different positive terms of reference. A distinction is made between the (...) following taxonomic categories of “producers” of anti-Semitism: a) “Selfexculpatory nostalgic anti-Semitism;” b) “Self-propelling anti-Semitism”; c) “Neo-populist mercantile anti-Semitism”: d) “Utilitarian anti-Semitism”; e) “Reactive anti-Semitism; and, finally, f) “Vengeance anti-Semitism.&rdquo. (shrink)

This paper issues a highly controversial point: is there possible that a concept of ‘revolution’ can legitimize the historical revolutionary action and, if yes, how could this be possible? This debate on revolution is a subsequent part of a larger puzzle: the hermeneutics of the historical fact. Roughly explained, the concept of ‘revolution’ is the major piece of a ’revolutionary rhetoric,’ which generates the interpretation of the historical fact. Samples are offered by means of the concept of ‘revolution’ issued by (...) modern historiography. The case focuses on three main parts: a brief debate on the concept of ‘revolution’ viewed by the apologists of the French Revolution and their adversaries; a critique of Marx’s and Lenin’s ideology of revolution; finally, an illustration of a rhetorical dismantle of ‘revolution’ at hand in Kenneth Burke’s comments on Marxist ‘revolution.’. (shrink)

In this essay, I want to explore one of the most ironic episodes in the history of propaganda, the attempt by various federal agencies to moderate American WWII anti-Japanese propaganda films. My texts will be four films, two produced by the military, and two by Hollywood: December 7th (1943), directed by Gregg Toland and revised by John Ford; Air Force (1943), directed Howard Hawks; Know Your Enemy: Japan (1945), directed by Frank Capra; and Betrayal for the East (1945), directed (...) by William Berke. As all of these films are readily available on YouTube, I will be brief in my description of them. Instead, I will focus on how they served to intensify racial hatred of Japanese in general and Japanese-Americans in particular, and how the federal government tried to control that propaganda—but was limited by its own policies regarding Japanese-Americans. (shrink)