Although in theory social justice is considered as a core dimension of agroecological transitions, alternative food initiatives related to agroecology have been criticised for their exclusionary practices based on important social and economic biases. In this article, we adopt the lens of political intersectionality to study two cases of Agroecology-oriented Food Redistribution Coalitions in Spain that emerged to address the rising levels of food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that the coalitions represent a convergence of diverse social struggles, (...) placing intersectionally marginalized groups at the centre of their activism. However, we also uncover that coalition members participate in different ways depending on their socioeconomic profiles, which could perpetuate inequalities in organizational practices. One major point of tension is the need to balance the goal of providing access to healthy and sustainable food with the affordability of such produce. This leads to the adoption of hybrid food networks that include conventionally produced food. We also highlight that while the predominance of women in these coalitions reflects the unequal distribution of food-related care work in society, the collectivization of such work through AFRCs practices points to a transformation of gender relations. Territorialized alliances between actors from urban and rural settings and between urban centers and peripheries are established through the coalitions. However, such networks fall short on involving large numbers of agroecology-oriented initiatives and providing direct encounters between consumers and producers. Overall, the article underscores the importance of addressing intersecting inequalities within alternative food initiatives and argues that intersectional coalitions offer an intriguing example of how to promote such understanding and pave the way towards (more) just agroecological transitions. (shrink)

This article studies the impact of a credit expansion monetary policy on output and unemployment rate. In the introduction the history of the Phillips curve and its interpretation are presented to understand why New Consensus Macroeconomics argues that monetary policy is neutral in long-run i. e. has no effect on economic activity and natural unemployment rate. This New Consensus Macroeconomics supports the independence of the Central Bank, inflation-targeting and the strategy of constrained discretion model and influences strongly the monetary policy (...) of central bank today. The second section critics these three principles of the new consensus. It opposes free-banking to central banking system, and takes the defense of deflation to critic the inflation-targeting. Then the third section deals with long-run neutrality of monetary policy. In an Austrian Business Cycle perspective, there is neutrality of monetary only if the production structure must always return exactly to its level of before the boom. It is improbable, because the monetary policy via tax inflation and artificial variation of real interest rate has a long-run effects on the conditions of financing of entrepreneurial project and in fine all the market process dynamic. (shrink)

Cet article étudie les effets de l’absence de prix monétaires sur la coordination des actions individuelles sur le marché politique. Il s’articule autour de deux parties. Il rappelle, dans la première, que le prix monétaire est une condition nécessaire du calcul économique et qu’il est un pré-requis institutionnel de la coordination des anticipations opérée par l’entrepreneur sur le marché. La deuxième partie se cale sur ce résultat. Elle expose, tout d’abord, les conséquences sur la formation des préférences politiques de l’impossibilité (...) pour les électeurs de pratiquer un calcul monétaire et expl ique, ensui te, comment malgré l’absence de prix monétaire, l’entrepreneur politique ajuste l’offre à la demande politique. Nous montrons que la coordination politique se fait autour de l’activité de l’entrepreneur politique, mais que le processus de reconnaissance des préférences politiques passe par la prise de parole et la normalisation idéologique du discours politique et non par le système des prix et la normalisation monétaire des préférences économiques. La coordination politique possède, pour cette raison, une moindre efficacité cognitive que la coordination économique.This paper studies the implications of the lack of monetary prices for the modes of individuals calculus’ coordination on the “political market”. On the economic market, the evaluation of decision costs is based on monetary prices. The entrepreneurs’ decisions are led by the profit expectations they build on the information embodied in market prices. Given that there is no price on the “political market”, how are individuals informed? What are their incentives to act? And how are their actions coordinated? It is argued that 1) the electoral system provides information on the individuals’ preferences between “being candidate” and “being represented”, 2) the individuals are induced to be candidate since the existing political supply does not meet their expectations, and 3) the coordination is achieved through ideology that acts as a signaling mechanism. (shrink)