1. Ḳlorshṭeln dem emes̀'n Toyrehdign 'ṿeg tsu a gliḳlikh leb' durkh arbeṭn af di mides̀ on darfn nutsn profesyonale ṭerapi. Ṿen darfn yo nutsn ṭerapi un ṿos iz der rikhṭiger tsugang dertsu. A breyṭe erḳlerung iber di yesoydes̀ fun Idishḳeyṭ.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The Coherence of a Mind: John Locke and the Law of Nature*Alex Tucknessit is almost thirty years since John Dunn’s book, The Political Thought of John Locke, argued that a more coherent understanding of Locke was possible if his religious beliefs were taken to play a crucial role in his political theory.1 Since that time many scholars have expanded our historical knowledge of the role of religion in Locke’s (...) political thought.2 This article will not use a historical methodology, but will rather take the claim that religion is crucial to Locke’s thought as a starting point. When one combines this assumption with a careful reading of the Two Treatises of Government (Two Treatises), The Reasonableness of Christianity as Delivered in Scripture (The Reasonableness), and the Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Essay), significant progress in resolving many of the long-standing difficulties in Locke’s theory of natural law is possible.The difficulties are indeed serious. Prior to Locke there was a long standing theological debate about whether the laws of nature were binding because they were the command of God (voluntarism) or binding because of their intrinsic compatibility with reason (“rationalism” or “intellectualism”). There has been much dispute about whether Locke was consistently a voluntarist or not.3 Second, Locke argues in the Essay that the principles of morality are [End Page 73] capable of proof just like principles of geometry, yet Locke never produced a proof of the law of nature. In the Second Treatise the laws of nature are more asserted than defended, as if they were self-evident, yet in The Reasonableness Locke says that it is exceedingly difficult to discover the moral law through reason alone and says that no one has ever discovered the complete law of nature through unaided reason. It appears that Locke “… went on believing the arguments of the Second Treatise were plainly true even after he knew he could not properly ground them in natural law….”4Third, Straussians have been quick to point out that Locke adopted a hedonistic theory of human motivation and of good and evil, a position which seems to sit poorly with a Christian theory of natural law. Locke claimed that men5 were motivated to obey the law of nature by their perception of future pleasure or pain and that divine sanctions in the next life were necessary for the law of nature to be a proper law, yet later in life Locke admitted his inability to prove the existence of an afterlife.6 Fourth, the account of moral knowledge in the Essay seems to sit poorly with Locke’s account of natural law in the Two Treatises; his commitment in the latter to empiricism is questionable and the law of nature is presented with little argument as if it were obvious. Laslett has argued that the difficulties are so severe that Locke the philosopher of knowledge and Locke the political thinker should be kept very separate.7 This article will respond to each of these difficulties in order to show that Locke’s theory of natural law is more coherent than his critics have allowed.1. the ground of natural law: rationalism and voluntarismThe early Essays on the Law of Nature of Locke link morality to conformity with the rule of a superior; it is the will of God which provides the essential binding force of the law of nature. (ELN 183–185)8 In the Essay Concerning Human [End Page 74] Understanding, this theme continues. “I grant the existence of God, is so many ways manifest, and the Obedience we owe him, so congruous to the Light of Reason, that a great part of Mankind give Testimony to the Law of Nature”: But nonetheless many affirm these principles not “admitting the true ground of Morality; which can only be the Will and Law of a God, who sees Men in the dark, has in his Hand Rewards and Punishments, and Power enough to call to account the Proudest Offender” (Essay 1.3.6).There are, however, passages which seem to point to a more rationalist account of morality. When Locke writes in the Two Treatises that... (shrink)

Vom Fuchs und den Trauben Wie bei anderen Autoren der Antike ist die historische Person des Aisopus kaum greifbar, Berichte über sein Leben erscheinen selbst als Fabeln, etwa seine Hinrichtung wegen Tempeldiebstahls in Delphi. Die 231 unter seinem Namen überlieferten Geschichten verleihen Naturwesen, besonders Tieren, Vernunft und Sprache. Sie lassen sie somit zum Spiegel des Menschlichen werden, um Schwächen zu geißeln und Moral und Lebensklugheit zu vermitteln. Die Fabeln wurden gemäß der heute international maßgeblichen Ausgabe von Ben Edwin Perry ediert (...) und liegen nun in moderner Neuübersetzung vor. (shrink)

„...nem egy általában vett szerző -/- szól az általában vett olvasóhoz..." -/- Fehér M. István1 -/- -/- „A filozófia a legmélyebb, legfölkavaróbb -/- kérdésekkel hivatott foglalkozni. -/- Végleges megoldásukat nehezen élné túl." -/- Hajós József 2 -/- -/- -/- Egyre több írás – iromány – hermeneutikai szituáltságát konstituálják manapság a „tudományos konferenciák". Gyakran persze ezek „helyettesítik" be a tapasztalatot, a tapasztalat élő kihívásait is. Úgyhogy meglehetősen ritkaságszámba megy az olyan esemény, amikor egy-egy előadás valóságos konferencia-szerű alkalma és tényleges visszhangja igazán (...) találkoznak azzal a szervességgel, amelynek a lehetőségeit rajtuk – azaz, voltaképpen: esetlegességükön – kívül mindig sok más egyéb vonatkozás is artikulál. (shrink)