The article is devoted to defining the essence of security, particularly national security, its interpretation, main features, structure, and factors. The research focuses on the main concepts of the modern understanding of national security and defines national security according to recent research. The authors have performed a structural and functional analysis of the system of national security of Ukraine, which would be an adequate counteraction to threats to vital national interests. The article examines the multi-vector interpretation and representation of the (...) security phenomenon with an increased focus on the axiological paradigm of postmodern society analysis. The cardinal role of postmodernism is considered as a manifestation of postmodern culture in the value dimension of social-political existence. Postmodernism, on the one hand, enabled new vectors of analytical understanding and perception of the security phenomenon. On the other hand, it introduced an imbalance and determined the crisis factor in the space of classical perception of security guarantors due to violating the established foundations and traditions. The rejection factor is seen as a core feature of postmodern social-political reality. The emphasis is given to the problem of the security standard in the security studies and the idea of the mutual determination of both national interests and national values. The article states the importance and priority of historical memory and the phenomenon of mentality in the context of future analytical discourses in the scope of Ukrainian security studies. (shrink)

The essence of Nietzscheanism as a philosophical doctrine has never been characterized by a definite consistency or certainty. Instead "indirect followers" and interpreters of Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy (since this thinker did not have direct followers or a particular school) resorted to a variety of interpretations of his concepts. Considering that, the hermeneutic aspect of the study not only of Nietzsche's texts, but also of his interpreters allows us to look at the hidden potential of the concepts of the German philosopher (...) from a new point of view. In this research, we seek to focus on looking for Nietzschean roots in Ernst Jünger's creative legacy, tracing the transformation of his ideas along the author's intellectual path and showing how those ideas correlate with those of Friedrich Nietzsche himself and how they differ. As a reference point for any study of interpretations of Nietzsche's philosophy, the author singles out many German philosopher concepts at the edge of various interpretations. Such central concepts in the article include the idea of "Apollonian" and "Dionysian" principles (the first), the anthropological idea of " Overhuman" and the interrelated metaphysical triad of "will to power," "reevaluation of all values," and "eternal return." In addition, one of the leading motives of the 20th century, which can be traced to an attempt to read Nietzschean ideas, postulates their location at the junction of philosophical and political-ideological concepts. Analyzing the peculiar hermeneutic conflict of Nietzschean philosophy based on this phenomenon, the author turns to early attempts to understand and implement the ideas of the German thinker, which were carried out directly in Germany. This context is connected in the article with the formation of the foundations of the conservative revolution and the figure of Ernst Jünger since the interpretation of this thinker, to some extent, can be considered one of the first and, undoubtedly, the most resonant. In the course of the research, the author turns to Nietzsche's original texts, forming a kind of hermeneutic circle of the author and interpreters, interpreters and the interpreted, ultimately obtaining in this system the opportunity for a thorough and as independent as possible analysis of the original ideas, counting on the probability of reducing the error of one's interpretation due to paying attention to the entire interpretive field texts The considered ideas of Ernst Jünger demonstrate this thesis, expanding the contextual field of the Nietzschean Overman and the metaphysics of the Will to Power and giving these concepts in an interpreted form a particular social dimension along with the philosophical one, which provides a new context for the interpretation of the ideas of Friedrich Nietzsche. (shrink)

The turn of the 20th and the 21st century is a very interesting period. On the one hand, there is a growth of internationalist tendencies, which make us look for common values and universal culture, and on the other hand, the centrifugal tendencies lead to the revival of new forms of nationalism and national and religious conflicts. Integrative tendencies are an unquestioned fact of every aspect of societal life: economic, political, and in culture, which succumbs to a tendency to create (...) global and universal mass culture. It turns out, however, that neither international commerce, nor the blossoming systems of communication and transport, provide us with the common feeling of identity or belonging. At the same time the need for those does not cease to exist. As a result, “people rediscover or create new historical identity”, since they feel uprooted and “need new sources of identity and new forms of stable community, new systems of moral imperatives, which could give them a sense of meaningful and purpose life”. One of the most important forms of collective and cultural identity still turns out to be the national one. The prophecies of the end of the era of nations have not come true. “The strength of national sentiments – writes Jerzy Szacki – even if changeable in time and diverse in space, does not show any symptoms of clear decline, the era of nations keeps lasting and nothing predicts it will end soon.”. (shrink)

Стаття присвячена геополітичному вибору Республіки Польща в пострадянський період, її військовій політиці. Проаналізовано повноваження Президента та законодавчого органу з питань безпеки та оборони. Розглянуто виборчі симпатії під час парламентських та президентських виборів за останні 20 років. Охарактеризовані оборонна доктрина, Стратегія безпеки та оборони. Дано характеристику Збройним силам. Розглянуто відносини з країнами-сусідами, ЄС, США та Росією. Досліджено основні напрямки східної політики Республіки Польща.

The author traces some forms of underground anti-Soviet activities of students of the Lviv Polytechnic Institute, currently the National University 'Lviv Politekhnika'. The rest of Lviv higher education establishments were also engaged in such activities. The research is based on scientific studies, recollections, archive materials and records of the Ukrainian Rebel Army, which cover the period of 1944-1953. The paper is timed to the bicentenary of the Lviv Politekhnika foundation and aims to demonstrate fortitude of Ukrainian spirit of young people (...) who sought after their independent Ukrainian state. A list of Politekhnika students is given, who displayed their bravery in individual anti-Soviet actions, as well as some underground independent student organizations and representatives of the national underground which considered youth development its priority since 1948 are indicated. Anti-Soviet activities of the student milieu included the making of politically focused leaflets and their distribution among city-folk and at higher education establishments. Despite a small time of underground activities because of frequent arrests, Lviv students continued their work up to 1953. All detected members of clandestine organizations were sentenced by the Military Tribunal of the Ministry for State Security to the terms of 10 - 25 years in correctional labor camps of the GULAG. Some of the released returned to their native land and managed to get across their viewpoint and motivation of their actions over the above period to new generations. (shrink)

Стаття присвячена незалежній Республіці Туркменистан, досвіду будівництва національної системи безпеки, чинного законодавства з питань військової політики, особливостям набуття постійного нейтралітету, готовності до подолання сучасних військових загроз, ролі представницького, законодавчого, виконавчих органів влади та Президента в державному забезпеченні захисту національних інтересів у пострадянський період історії.

The conditions for development of a regional system of national security in Central Asia in the post-Soviet period are reviewed in a new geopolitical context. The emergence in the region of new political actors of the first echelon - the USA, the European Union and the People's Republic of China as well as the second echelon - Turkey, the Islamic republic of Iran, India and Pakistan is emphasized. The role of the above countries in ensuring political and economic security is (...) traced. The regional integration situation is analyzed. Available regional threats, some of them of global nature, are looked into, their characteristic features described for each New Independent State. Interstate conflicts and their resolution potentiality in the current situation are investigated. The unity of the region in combatting international terrorism and extremism is pointed out. Regional threats which endanger the West are identified. Special attention is given to politicization of Islam, radical fundamentalism and their belligerent manifestations which took place in Central Asia. The membership of Central Asian countries in such security-focused interstate organizations as the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as well as relations with the UN and the NATO are laid stress on. A great military and technical dependence of the armed forces of Central Asian countries on the Russian factor is pointed out. Some facts of the geopolitical confrontation between Russia, the EU, the USA and China are referred to. Conclusions are drawn as to incapability of countries of the Central Asian region to stand up to current geopolitical challenges on their own and the lack of a regional security system. The necessity of multi-vector foreign policy as a form of guarantee against external aggression is brought into focus. (shrink)

Based on a multivariate analysis of the involvement of post-Soviet republics in UN and NATO peacekeeping operations, the author explores the integration of New Independent States into UN and NATO international organizations. Chronology of some peace-support and peace-enforcement operations is given. Of special focus is participation of special units of armed forces in such operations. Logical sequence of intrastate agreement on engagement of the military of independent Ukraine in international operations under the mandate of the United Nations Security Council is (...) traced. A respective decision-making process of the Lithuanian Parliament is examined for comparison purposes. Specific laws of Ukraine, which regulate such decisions, are indicated. The author offers concrete examples and describes the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in implementation of the UN peace-support mission. The paper cites Russian legislation governing cooperation with the UN and NATO in peacekeeping operations. By the example of formation of interstate military units between Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania ('Ukrpolitbat'), the Baltic Republics (the 'Baltic Battalion') and Central Asian Republics ('Kazbat'), the author shows the initiative of post-Communism republics in preservation of peace and stability in the world. Specific examples of involvement of the armed units of such post-Soviet republics as Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kirgizia in UN international operations are given. The paper describes the operations in Kosovo (1999), the Mediterranean Sea (2001), Turkey (2003), Iraq (2004), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1996-2004) as well as Sudan (2005). Attention is drawn to reorientation of the NATO from the collective defence strategy to that of common security and execution of mostly international operations with domination of police functions, technical assistance in the postwar period and coping with technogenic catastrophes. (shrink)

Jean Mitry _The Aesthetics and Psychology of the Cinema_ Translated by Christopher King London: Athlone Press, 1998 ISBN: 0-485-30084-2 403 pp.

This article presents the psychological meaning of school-to-work transition. Transition to taking up new social roles entails numerous difficulties, and that is why young people see it as a crisis point. According to researchers one of the predictors of effective transition to the labour market is self-efficacy. This article presents the two obtaining approaches to the psychology of self-efficacy beliefs. Both specific and generalized self-efficacy belief are good predictors of human behaviour, which has been repeatedly confirmed in the studies. The (...) authors of this compilation have integrated the two dominating approaches into one theoretical model, taking account of the three levels of generality proposed by Rosch. By doing that, a theoretical model has been created which allows for organising self-efficacy beliefs relating to life roles into a three-level hierarchical structure. (shrink)

The article considers one of the most significant concepts in Aristotelian philosophy: the concept of substance and its interpretation in the works of existential Thomists. The emphasis is placed on the fact that the doctrine of substance is first and foremost to be considered in the context of the identification of the subject of scientific knowledge and in the context of the way of knowing this subject. In order to illustrate the epistemological realism, which, according to Thomists, inheres in Aristotle’s (...) philosophy the article analyzes the previous philosophers’ views on the true subject of scientific knowledge. This subject is individual being, which forms the basis of philosophical understanding of things, as a subject of scientific knowledge. It should be noted that the method of constructing of Aristotle’s science general theory is finding reasons why something is just what it is from the viewpoint of necessity. Krąpiec believes that the way Aristotle comes to the formation of the four causes is related to the specificity of the question διὰ τί. This analysis through causes allows us to understand that each single entity has a composite structure. Furthermore, Aristotle considers substance as a logical and grammatical category and as a main category in the ontological sense, as the mode of the initial being of things. Therefore, categories reflect the actual structure of things, namely the way of its existence on the essential and accidental levels. The very substance itself is recognizable only through the accidents associated with it and represents itself through them. However, the substance precedes its accidents in three meanings: ontological, definitive, and epistemological. (shrink)

У статті здійснено аналіз досвіду античної Греції у напрацюваннях Платона та Арістотеля щодо державної, а спочатку громадянської, цензури щодо виробів мистецтва, а також роль чуттєвого сприйняття, образу, суспільного ідеалу, цілісності оформлення свідомості людини на спосіб її існування у суспільстві. У статті показані дві основні тенденції щодо первинності чи вторинності мистецького виховання в державі. Розглянуто теоретичне осмислення ролі образної чуттєвості в побудові свідомості народу, яке було зроблено Г. Лессінгом в аналізі меж між мистецтвом скульптури та поезії. Як висновок, ми маємо узагальнення (...) у вигляді чуттєвості, образу, мислення відносно індивіда, а також досвіду, мистецтва, науки відносно становлення культури взагалі як суспільних форм діяльності індивідів. У зв’язку з нерівномірністю складу самого суспільства, поглибленням розподілу праці у ньому, ми маємо і розчленованість, різноманітність чуттєвості, образності мислення в різних прошарках суспільства, що і призводить до появи інституцій цензури як зовнішнього закону стосовно громадян. Ця проблематика дає нам змогу виявити суспільну сутність чуттєвості індивіда, а цензуру – як спробу зовнішнього утримання цілісності світобачення індивіда всередині держави. (shrink)

Книга Об’явлення містить незвичайні та символічні образи. В центральній частині книги розміщені уривки про антихриста. Число 666 є однією із його характеристик і завжди привертало увагу коментаторів. Протягом церковної історії було застосовано багато різноманітних герменевтичних методів для визначення значення числа 666. Церква Адвентистів сьомого дня виникла в XIX столітті на основі досліджень пророчих текстів апокаліптичних книг Даниїла та Обʼявлення. Відсутність герменевтичного аналізу тлумачення числа 666 серед ранніх адвентистів зумовлює необхідність цього дослідження. Стаття присвячена визначенню та аналізу особливостей герменевтики ранніх адвентистів (...) при тлумаченні числа 666. В першій частині дослідження проаналізовано тлумачення числа 666 в міллеритському русі з 1833 по 1844 роки, а в другій частині – в адвентистському русі з 1844 по 1888 роки. Герменевтика коментаторів міллеритського та адвентистського рухів була основана на історицизмі. Вони тлумачили біблійні пророцтва в контексті конкретних історичних подій. Були сформовані три основні тлумачення числа 666: 1) 666 років; 2) 666 церковних організацій; 3) Титул Vicarius Filii Dei. Завдяки впливу Вільяма Міллера серед міллеритів стала поширеною думка про те, що число 666 означає проміжок часу 666 років. 666 років було включено в хронологічні обчислення інших пророчих періодів з біблійних апокаліптичних книг: 2300, 1260, 1290 і 1335. Ранні адвентисти проігнорували тлумачення Вільяма Міллера і популяризували другу інтерпретацію, згідно якої число 666 символізує 666 церковних організацій, які є частиною духовного Вавилону. Третю інтерпретацію запровадив Урія Сміт, який використав герменевтичний метод гематрії. Урія Сміт популяризував інтерпретацію, згідно якої латинський титул папи Vicarius Filii Dei має числове значення 666. (shrink)

У статті аналізуються основні риси соціального вчення Вселенського патріархату щодо проблеми бідності. Застосовано герменевтичний (аналіз окремих документів соціальної доктрини Константинопольського патріархату) і компаративний методи з метою вивчення різних інтерпретацій сучасного соціального вчення християнських церков щодо ставлення до проблеми бідності та шляхів її подолання. Досліджується соціальне вчення Вселенського патріархату про подолання бідності, яке залежить від уявлень сучасної теології про необхідність радикальної етичної солідарності з маргінальними й експлуатованими верствами населення. З’ясовано, що соціальне вчення Вселенського патріархату пропонує національним державам здійснювати політику соціального захисту, (...) виходячи з визнання абсолютної гідності кожної особистості та спираючись на досвід практики соціальної дияконії і критичну аналітику сучасного глобалізованого капіталізму. Доведено, що соціальне вчення Вселенського патріархату є аналогічним до ідей соціальної доктрини папи Франциска, але при цьому залишається більш реалістичним та не ставить під сумнів сучасний капіталізм у цілому, а пропонує його реформування в напрямі розвитку культури спільнотності на основі застосування християнського морально-правового розуміння прав особистості. У соціальному вченні Вселенського патріархату значна увага приділяється моральним обов’язкам особистостей та спільнот щодо солідарності з бідними, мігрантами, постраждалими від соціальних викликів сьогодення. Капіталістичний етос пропонується гуманізувати через прийняття моральної регуляції з боку вищих етичних цінностей християнських спільнот, а не замінювати на посткапіталістичний етос християнського соціалізму. Таким чином, соціальна доктрина Вселенського патріархату стає виявом солідаризму, більш консервативного і прокапіталістичного, ніж соціальне вчення папи Франциска та політична теологія Джона Мілбанка. (shrink)

The author reviews some archival documents and materials of Pavlo P. Skoropadskyi, Hetman of the Ukrainian state, his personal memoirs and executive decisions on foreign policy issues over a period of April-December 1918. Pavlo Skoropadskyi's stand as to building the state and his commitment to the pro-Russian vector are demonstrated. Some examples of practical steps taken by Pavlo Skoropadskyi's government to gain understanding with the Entente countries after Germany and Austria-Hungary lost the war are given. Based on its organizational structure, (...) the type of the Hetman state is defined. An example of rapport with new temporary state formations on the Don and Kuban Rivers is given. The paper describes radical and prompt actions of the Hetman government, taken to draw the Crimea under the dominion of Ukraine. The fallacy of the pro-Russian line of policy of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi in the context of the German and Austro-Hungarian occupation is pointed out. The ambiguous course of Ukraine is exemplified by the formation of its Armed Forces, Cabinet of Ministers and delaying in the implementation of the agrarian reform. The attitude of Pavlo Skoropadskyi to the Ukrainians and the Galicians is demonstrated through specific references to his statements. The paper shows some practical steps in opening embassy missions and consular agencies in European countries, which point to the efforts of the Cabinet of Ministers to win international recognition and authority for the Ukrainian state. A situational geopolitical change of the diplomatic relations is demonstrated by the example of Romania. The main causes of the anti-Hetman uprising are defined as the lack of a negotiation process with representatives of socialist and democratic forces of Ukraine, incapability to enlist the support of rural masses and inferior moods in respect of Russia. (shrink)

The paper reviews for the first time criminal case No.1339 inrespect of Stanislav S. Frize, Professor, Doctor of Engineering and the Head of the General Electrical Engineering Department of the Lviv Polytechnic. From January to August 1945 the researcher was kept in special camp No. 0310 of the People's State Security Commissariat in the town of Krasnodon of the Voroshilovgrad Region. He was put there without any trial and relevant proofs of his guilt towards Soviet law. Frise was accused of (...) teaching electrical engineering and physics at courses for electricians in 1942-1944 under constraint of the German occupation authorities. People's State Security Commissariat bodies regarded the fact as cooperation with the Germans and betrayal of the Motherland, which fell under definitions of Article 54-1a of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. They disregarded complete political apathy of the Professor, his straightforwardness and outspokenness in expressing his views of the events. Having refused to sign an appeal to Stalin, Frize laid himself open to suspicions of anti-Soviet agitation. His lack of knowledge of the Ukrainian and Russian languages and teaching in Polish was considered as sabotage of Soviet power efforts aimed at restoration of education at higher schools. Only testimonies of the Department staff in July 1945 and vigorous activity of his wife Anna Y. Krypiakevych convinced the Soviet punitive system of Stanislav Frize's innocence. (shrink)

A comparison of the maps of Europe from 1935 and 1867 is the best testimony to the importance of his life’s societal creations: Piłsudski and the political side he had formed established a state that was missing on the maps of the 19th century. And yet, when describing Piłsudski’s activities, is it right to apply the category of creating, understood so broadly as to encompass military concepts alongside the economic reconstruction of the country? This question must be answered with another (...) question: whatever other category is adequate? Piłsudski himself said: Human soul is meant to create: conceptions is sudden creativity, a kind of inspiration. Allow us to inquire about Poland, an organized creative effort that would eventually result in notonly a state but also an organized nation. What we are dealing with here, then, is a creator and his associates. Any creation is self-creation. (shrink)