The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail to fully capture the latter’s specific characteristics as a genuinely political and democratic practice of contestation that is not reducible to an ethical or legal understanding either in terms of individual conscience or of fidelity to the rule of law. In developing this account in more detail, I first define civil disobedience with an aim of spelling out why the standard liberal model, while providing (...) a useful starting point, ultimately leads to an overly constrained, domesticated and sanitized understanding of this complex political practice. Second, I place the political practice of civil disobedience between two opposing poles: symbolic politics and real confrontation. I argue that the irreducible tension between these poles precisely accounts for its politicizing and democratizing potential. Finally, I briefly examine the role of civil disobedience in representative democracies, addressing a series of recent challenges made in response to this radically democratic understanding of disobedience. (shrink)

This book provides an overview of recent debates about critical theory from Pierre Bourdieu via Luc Boltanski to the Frankfurt School. Robin Celikates investigates the relevance of the self-understanding of ordinary agents and of their practices of critique for the theoretical and emancipatory project of critical theory.

This article argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobedience is a much more radical political practice. It is transformative in that it aims at the politicization of questions that are excluded from the political domain and at reconfiguring public space and existing institutions, often in comprehensive ways. Focusing on the reconstitution of the political community also allows us to reconceptualize constituent power. Rather than portraying it as a quasi-mythical force erupting only in extraordinary (...) moments, constituent power can be conceptualized as a dynamic situated within established orders, transgressing their logic and reconfiguring them from within. Civil disobedience as a transformative and potentially comprehensive practice aimed at reconstituting the political order can then be seen as an internal driving force keeping this dialectic in play. A concrete example can be found in protests and border struggles by irregularized migrants. They show how unexp... (shrink)

Despite the growing significance of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in corporate public relations (PR) strategies, there has been a paucity of comprehensive reviews of the extant CSR literature within the PR discipline. The aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between the concept of CSR and the discipline of PR through a hybrid concept-discipline-focused review. We employed latent dirichlet allocation (LDA) via topic modeling as a novel approach for intellectual structure analysis. The dataset for this review comprised 246 (...) peer-reviewed articles on CSR published between 1975 and 2022. Based on the LDA results, five topics were identified and discussed: the political CSR stream, social media-oriented CSR, consumer-oriented CSR, CSR reporting, and business-oriented CSR. Additionally, implications for both academic and practical applications were drawn, along with recommendations for future research. This study is pioneering in its contribution to the literature and practice of CSR-related PR research, offering insights into the intellectual structures and trends within this field. (shrink)

In political economy, the seminal contribution of the Baron–Ferejohn bargaining model constitutes an important milestone for the study of legislative policy making. In this paper, we analyze a particular equilibrium characteristic of this model, equilibrium uniqueness. The Baron–Ferejohn model yields a class of payoff-unique stationary subgame perfect equilibria in which players’ equilibrium strategies are not uniquely determined. We first provide a formal proof of the multiplicity of equilibrium strategies. This also enables us to establish some important properties of SSPE. We (...) then introduce veto players into the original Baron–Ferejohn model. We state the conditions under which the new model has a unique SSPE not only in terms of payoffs but also in terms of players’ equilibrium strategies. (shrink)

The purpose of this study is to present how ancient and modern thinkers describe politics and to discuss reasons for differences seen in these definitions. In the ancient period, the identification of human being as a political entity by nature caused politics to be seen as the most supreme of all human activities. For the ancient thinkers, politics is conceptualized as a pluralist area in which the common issues are discussed by equals and also which excludes inequality. Ancient thinker Aristotle (...) says that the purpose of politics is “good life”. However, modern political thought which began with Machiavelli identified politics with the concepts of force, power and violence. Politics is defined by Machiavelli and his successors as the legitimate organization of physical violence, the distribution of power, value and resources by authority. While in the Ancient Greece violence is excluded from the public-political sphere, It has become one of the central concepts defining the political society in the modern world. While the human being was defined as a political entity (zoon politikon) in the ancient period, it is usually seen as an economic entity (homo economicus) in the modern period. For the ancients good life means a life that is dedicated to politics; nevertheless, it has been often associated with econo- mic activity by the moderns. This study argues that the main difference between the political definitions of ancients and moderns stem from differences between their perspectives about the aim of human and human life. (shrink)

İslâm geleneğinin en akılcı fırkası kabul edilen Mu‘tezile’nin özellikle Kur’an kıssaları çerçevesinde tefsirlerde yer bulan israilî rivayetler karşısındaki tutumu merak uyandırıcıdır. Bazı çalışmalarda kimi Mu‘tezilî müfessirlerin isrâiliyyât karşısındaki tutumuna değinilse de İsrâilî rivayetlerin tenkidi söz konusu olduğunda Mu‘tezile’nin bir ekol olarak tutumu herhangi bir araştırmaya konu edilmemiştir. İsrâiliyyât üzerine yapılan son çalışmalarda isrâiliyyât eleştirisinin İbnü’l-Arabî öncesinde Tûsî, Mâverdî hatta Mâtürîdî gibi isimlere kadar geri götürülebileceği söylenirken tamamen Sünnî ve Şiî müfessirler üzerinden bir okuma yapılmakta Mu‘tezilî müfessirlerin görüşlerine yer verilmemektedir. Oysa (...) bu çalışmalarda bahsedildiği üzere erken dönem isrâiliyyât eleştirilerinin genelde ismet meselesi ekseninde yapılması, Mu‘tezilî müfessirler özelinde bir incelemeyi zorunlu kılmaktadır. Nitekim isrâiliyyât eleştirisinde ön plana çıkartılan Mâtürîdî (ö. 333/944, Mâverdî (ö. 450/1058), Tûsî (ö. 460/1067), İbnü’l-Arabî (ö. 543/1148) ve İbn Kesîr (ö. 774/1373) gibi Sünnî ve Şiî müfessirlerden önce Ebû Bekir el-Esam (ö. 200/816), Ebû Alî el-Cübbâî (ö. 303/916) ve Ebû Müslim el-İsfahânî (ö. 322/934) gibi Mu‘tezilî isimler tarafından isrâiliyyât eleştirisinin yapıldığı görülmektedir. Her ne kadar onlar eserlerinde isrâiliyyât kavramını kullanmasalar da bu eleştirileri bazen rivayetlerin kaynağına bazen de içeriğine yöneltmektedir. Daha sonraki Mu‘tezilî âlimlerin de belli âyetler üzerinden bu eleştiriyi sistematik olarak devam ettirdikleri söylenebilir. Çalışmada öncelikle hicrî 2-6. asırda yaşamış el-Esam, Ebû Ali el-Cübbâî, Ebû Müslim el-İsfahânî, Kâdî Abdülcebbâr (ö. 415/1025), Cüşemî (ö. 494/1101) ve Zemahşerî (ö. 538/1144) gibi müfessirlerin, israiliyata bakışına odaklanılmaktadır. Söz konusu müfessirlerin farklı israilî rivayetler karşısındaki tutumu betimsel analiz yöntemiyle değerlendirilmektedir. Ayrıca aynı dönemdeki Sünnî müfessirlerin bu rivayetlere yaklaşımına da atıfta bulunulmaktadır. Mu‘tezilî müfessirlerin isrâiliyyâta yaklaşımı ele alınırken; onların bu rivayetleri reddetmeleri, isrâilî rivayetleri yorumsuz aktarmaları, aklî yorumu isrâilî rivayetlere tercih etmeleri ve isrâiliyyâtla âyetleri tefsir etmeleri gibi farklı yaklaşımlar hususunda ayrıma gidilmektedir. Mu‘tezilî müfessirler eserlerinde birçok İsrâilî rivayet aktarsa da özellikle tefsir geleneğinde sorunlu bazı rivayetlerin te’vilinde eleştirel yaklaşımın ilk örneklerinin onlardan gelen tefsirlerde olduğu söylenebilir. Bu bağlamda çalışmada klasik dönemde isrâiliyyat eleştirisinde Mu‘tezilî müfessirlerin öncü olduğu, özellikle ismet-i enbiyâ ve ismet-i melâike ile ilgili bir takım rivayetlerin eleştirisinin ilk önce Mu‘tezilî müfessirlerle başladığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Yine Mâtürîdî, Mâverdî ve Tûsî gibi Sünnî ve Şiî müfessirlerin kimi yerlerde söz konusu rivayetleri eleştirirken Mu‘tezilî isimlere referansta bulunmasına da dikkat çekilmiştir. Son olarak Mu‘tezilî müfessirler, küllî bir isrâiliyyât eleştirisi yapmasalar da bazı yerlerde söz konusu rivayetleri “Yahudi uydurması ve Tevrat kaynaklı” olarak tanımlamaktadırlar. Bu da onların referans noktaları kendi kelâmî anlayışları olmakla birlikte rivayetleri kaynak açısından da eleştirdiklerini ortaya koymaktadır. Nitekim sistematik bir isrâiliyyât münekkidi olan İbn Kesîr de Peygamberlerin ismetiyle bağdaşmayan kimi rivayetlere tefsirinde yer vermeksizin reddettiği görülürken mucizevî olayları abartılı şekilde resmeden bazı isrâilî rivayetleri yorumsuz aktarmaktadır. Dolayısıyla Mu‘tezilî isimlerin İslâm inancıyla bağdaşmayan isrâilî rivayetlere erken dönemde eleştirel yaklaşması ve bunları nazara itibara almaması kayda değer bir tutumdur. (shrink)

Poverty is a fundamental problem of contemporary societies including both developed and developing democracies. Although the literature on poverty is heavy concentrated on the material well-being of individuals and societies, some other aspects of poverty are to be considered as significant for democratic societies, especially for the discussions of justice and democratic order. In this regard, this work discusses a conception of political poverty based on the idea of free and equal citizenship in a pluralistic democracy in the light of (...) the theory of political liberalism. It also argues for, while defining its scope and aims as well as its main themes, a political conception of citizenship education through which developing free and equal citizens of a pluralistic just democracy and eliminating the problem of political poverty may be realized. (shrink)

Sadrüşşerîa’nın (ö. 747/1346) Fahreddin er-Râzî’nin (ö. 606/1210) insanın ihtiyârî fiillerini nefyettiği argümanını çü- rütmeye çalıştığı ve Hanefî-Mâtürîdî geleneğin bu husustaki prensiplerini nazarî bir dille yeniden temellendirdiği dört mu- kaddimesi (mukaddimât-ı erba‘) ile Mehmed Birgivî’nin (ö. 981/1573) bu mukaddimeler üzerinden geliştirdiği açıklamaları, diyar-ı Rum’daki düşünürlerin insan fiilleri ve cüz’î iradeye dair tartışmalarına yön vermiştir. On yedinci yüzyılda Hicaz topraklarında faaliyet gösterip Eş‘arî-Ekberî geleneği merkeze alarak ihtiyârî fiillere dair yazdığı eserleriyle bu geleneğin nispeten güçlü olduğu Hicaz, Şam ve Kuzey Afrika’da etki uyandıran (...) İbrâhîm el-Kûrânî (ö. 1101/1690), Hanefî-Mâtürîdî gelenekte Sadrüşşerîa ve Birgivî’nin görüşleri etrafında cereyan eden tartışmalara da bigâne kalmamış, bu âlimlerin me- tinlerini merkeze alarak kaleme aldığı Cilâü’l-enzâr risalesiyle o zamana kadar dolaylı ve nispeten zayıf irtibatının olduğu diyar-ı Rum havzasındaki tartışmalara dahil olmuştur. Kûrânî, bu eserle yaşadığı dönemdeki hâkim Hanefî-Mâtürîdî gele- neğe yönelik eleştiri ve değerlendirmelerde bulunmuş, bu çerçevede insanın sorumluluğunun cüz’î irade ve îkâ üzerinden ispatlanıp ispatlanamayacağı, hallerin yaratmaya konu olup olmadığı ve iradenin tercihinde bir sebebe bağlı olup olmadığı gibi belli meseleleri ele almıştır. Ayrıca mutlak hürriyet (tefvîz) ile mutlak zorunluluk (cebr) arasındaki orta yolun nasıl tesis edileceği konusuna da yoğunlaşmıştır. Kûrânî’nin diğer ilim havzalarıyla kurduğu irtibatlarda olduğu gibi Hanefî-Mâtürîdî geleneğin eleştirisi üzerinden diyar-ı Rum ile kurduğu ilişkinin aynı zamanda kendisinin eğilim ve mezhepleri uzlaştıran fikirlerine alan açmaya matuf olduğunu iddia eden bu çalışma, zikri geçen risalede yer verilen eleştiri ile değerlendirmelerin ortaya çıkarılmasını ve bunun tarihî-fikrî bağlamına yerleştirilmesini amaçlamaktadır. (shrink)

Interviewet er lavet i juli 2021. Dets formål er at belyse emner, der er centrale i Celikates’ tænkning, f.eks. den voksende højrefløjspopulisme, migration, voldelige versus ikke-voldelige protester, civil ulydighed og den kritiske filosofis rolle i dag. -/- When Celikates and I sat down digitally in July 2021, the interview’s primary purpose was to examine topics central to Celikates’ thinking, such as the rise of right-wing populism, migration, violent versus non-violent protest, civil disobedience, and the role of critical philosophy today.

Fabian Freyenhagen's impressive reconstruction of Adorno's ‘practical philosophy’ provides a convincing defence of the possibility of making normative claims about the social world we live in without justifying these claims in terms of the right, the good, or human nature. More specifically, and more controversially, Freyenhagen argues that the normative resources Adorno's critique relies on are provided by a negative Aristotelianism. In this paper, I argue that this approach underestimates the extent to which Adorno follows the model of immanent critique, (...) I highlight the socio-theoretical underpinnings of what Freyenhagen calls Adorno's ‘ethics of resistance’, and I discuss the risk of overstating the danger of co-optation that collective political action faces. (shrink)

Haji Mustafa Efendi, also known as Şeyh-i Şirani, is a Sufi and scholarly figure. He was born in 1254/1838 in Sarıca village of Şiran district of Gümüşhane province. His father's name was Ömer Efendi and his mother was Havva Hatun. After receiving madrasah education in his hometown for about fifteen years, he continued his education in Trabzon, Tokat and Uşak. While advancing on the path of knowledge, he was inclined towards Sufism and went to Mecca, where he became affiliated with (...) Yahya Dagestani (d. 1319/1899), one of the sheikhs of the Naqshbandi sect. He served his sheikh for seven years and received Sufi training from him. Then, with the sign and permission of his sheikh, he returned to Anatolia and carried out guidance activities first in Niksar and then in Çorum. In Çorum, where he came in the 1870s, he built a lodge, trained dozens of khalifas and sent these students to various parts of Anatolia on a mission of guidance. Sultan II. Abdulhamit wanted to give him a gift, but since he did not accept this offer, he was exiled from Çorum to Afyon. Haji Mustafa Efendi from Şiran, who died in Medina in 1317/1899 as a result of his sixth pilgrimage, was buried in the Cennetü’l-Baki cemetery. In addition to his qualities as a scholar, murshid and guardian, Haji Mustafa Efendi was also interested in literature. There are ghazals, rubai and some couplets attributed to him. However, there is a lineage belonging to the Naqshbandi sect. Silsile, whose dictionary meaning is "succession, continuation of each other, genealogy", is a concept in Sufism that refers to the list of sheikhs of an order who continue by taking the icazet from each other. The document in which the nâmes that make up the lineage are recorded is called silsile-nâme. The tradition of writing silsile-nâme first appeared in Arab culture, and then passed on to Turkish culture. The first known example of this type in the history of Sufism is the silsila linking Ja'far al-Huldī (d. 348/959) to the Prophet (pbuh). In our culture, verse and prose series of orders belonging to various sects have been written. One of these is the verse series listing the genealogy of the Nakşibendî sect belonging to Haji Mustafa Efendi from Şiran. In the paper, after giving information about the life of Haji Mustafa Efendi from Şiran and his spiritual activities in Çorum, his lineage will be examined in terms of form and content. (shrink)

John Rawls’s political liberalism and Amartya Sen’s capabilities approach have been among the most influential theories in political philosophy. Their theoretical and practical implications have also been an important aspect of discussion in the field of philosophy of education. This study provides a discussion focusing on the concepts justice, education, and equality from the perspectives of political liberalism and the capabilities approach. It also examines impacts of neoliberal economic theory over education policies and finalizes with a discussion on why democratic (...) societies need to consider egalitarian education policies. (shrink)

“Nature-inspired” approaches, with their potential to generate innovative ideas through technology, are expected to surpass current architectural requirements and significantly influence future-oriented designs. A new agenda within the discipline of architecture involves production with artificial intelligence. Within this context, the question, “Can a design product be created by combining the principles of biomimicry and futuristic architecture?” is explored through AI’s capability to autonomously generate multiple architectural form alternatives. The objective is to develop a novel methodology. In the context of futurism, (...) which emphasizes the concept of speed in artistic approaches, this study aims to conceptually discuss the role of AI—collective digital environments that transform traditional design processes—in architectural design. The research findings highlight the importance of experimental design exercises in aiding students to understand AI, stressing the need for this comprehension to go beyond merely mastering the technical aspects of AI. (shrink)

Tercümeler hem dili, düşünceyi hem de felsefeyi besler. Aynı şekilde dil felsefeyi, felsefe de dili besler. Bu makale, Türk-İslam düşüncesi çerçevesinde dil, tercüme ve felsefe arasındaki bağlantıya yoğunlaşmaktadır. Ancak bu yoğunlaşma modern Türk düşünürlerinden birkaçı üzerinden nesneleştirilecektir. Türk-İslam düşüncesi ve felsefesi çoğulcu düşüncenin ürünüdür. O, bir anlamda bir tercüme medeniyeti, bir anlamda kendi özüyle bağlantılı özgün bir medeniyet yaratma çabasıdır. Her iki kabul de olguya dayanır. Bu olgu da dil üzerinden felsefenin yeni yurt ve yurttaşlarını tanımlar. Felsefenin kendini nesneleştirdiği enstrüman (...) dil iken, dil de insan olabilmenin enstrümanlardan biridir. Dil, düşünceyi var eder, düşünce de dili çoğulcu bir yapıya doğru olan serüvene dahil eder. Buradaki akış karşılıklıdır ve durağı yoktur. Bu akışta dil düşünceyi zenginleştirir, düşünce de dili zenginleştirir. (shrink)

Bu çalışmamızdaki amacımız, Türk filozof Yunus Emre’de en çok karşılaştığımız kavramlardan biri olan Gönül kavramının felsefi bir kavram olarak ne olduğunu sorgulayarak Yunus Emre’nin genel olarak hakikat anlayışını bu kavram çerçevesinde ortaya koymaktır. Böyle bir çalışmanın ortaya çıkışında en temel etmen, ‘Gönül kavramı neden felsefi bir kavramdır?’ sorusudur. Bu soruyu felsefi bilinçle birlikte entelektüel ve kültürel kökenimizde izi sürülen felsefenin en zengin örneklerden biri olan Yunus Emre’de ele almaya çalışacağız.

Drawing on the notion of ethical subjectivity (Foucault, in Fruchaud, Lorenzini (eds) Discourse and truth and parrēsia. The University of Chicago Press, 1983; Foucault, in Rabinow (ed) Essential works of Foucault 1954–84, The New Press, 1997), cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger, A theory of cognitive dissonance, Stanford University Press, 1957) and transgressive behaviours (Jenks, Transgression, Routledge, 2003), this research addresses the empirical question of how regular consumers of sustainable fashion overcome cognitive dissonance when they transgress their own code of conduct in (...) sustainable fashion consumptionscapes. We utilize a top-down thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, Qual Res Psychol 3:77–101, 2006) of 20 semi-structured existential-phenomenological interviews (Cherrier, in Harrison, Newholm, Shaw (eds) The ethical consumer, SAGE Publications, 2005) and depict a novel, behavioural-level, practice-based cognitive-dissonance-reducing strategy that we term the strategy of _alternating moral practices_. We demonstrate this dissonance-reducing strategy to be more than just a withdrawal from the value systems attributed to sustainable fashion consumption, either temporary or permanent. Rather, regular consumers of sustainable fashion demonstrate hands-on efforts to find ways of doing that manifest an alternative ethical behaviour. This strategic action is, in turn, held to be enhancing the ethical subjectivities of the consumers. Theoretical discussions of the relationship between these expanded ethical subjectivities and their host consumptionscapes are provided. Using this new approach to understanding transgressive behaviours in the market for sustainable fashion, a range of directions for future research are suggested. (shrink)