Isaiah Berlin, English Liberalism and a Third Concept of Liberty. The concept of Jacobinism, while lacking any strong anchorage in the historiography of the French Revolution, nonetheless represents the central category in the Marxist analysis of the revolutionary phenomenon in general. The aim of the present article is to examine the concept of Jacobinism in its relation to a series of other categories : the individual, the universal, and sovereignty, categories prominent in recent historical debates. Our aim is therefore to (...) propose a typology of the concept, by way of a provisional three-way division of political liberalism : the constituent liberalism of moderate Jacobinism, the egalitariam liberalism of centrist Jacobinism, the civic liberalism of radical Jacobinism. Going beyond the historical existence of the Jacobins as a group, the aim of our analysis is to give the largest possible extensive definition to the concept of Jacobinism, in order to evaluate its organic dimension within the political tradition which has its source in the French revolution. (shrink)

On ne peut penser le politique dans sa consistance propre sans dépasser de quelque manière la perspective abstraite de l'individu. Il faut s'élever à la vue d'une totalité qui ordonne en son sein les rapports des individus qui, livrés à leur spontanéité, tendent naturellement à s'approprier le propre d'autrui, à l'assujettir à leurs fins. Mais il y a aussi dans la volonté humaine une profondeur raisonnable qui lui permet de se vouloir dans le tout c'est-à-dire dans le respect de l'égale (...) liberté d'autrui et de vouloir le tout lui-même par-delà la médiation instrumentale qu'il représente par rapport à la simple protection de l'individu. La loi de l'État limite les totalités individuelles, spontanément errantes et violentes, et par là rend possible leur cohabitation dans un monde commun. En effet, la loi qui limite l'usage anarchique de mes forces contraint également autrui et, de ce fait, me protège. Mais, avant Hegel, Rousseau exalte aussi l'intégration différenciée des individus, l'unité substantielle et réfléchie du corps politique. L'égoïsme éclairé de l'individu ne peut suffire à cimenter l'unité politique, il faut faire appel à un mobile éthique plus élevé, l'amour de la patrie qui, seul, peut susciter à la limite le mori pro patria. (shrink)

The terms Jacobin and Jacobinism in political discourse never exclusively refer to the members of the French revolutionary club, or to the often contradictory and changing ideas that were debated there. They have been used over time to designate, often in a derogatory way, some political figures and intellectual currents that sometimes bear only a vague relationship to French revolutionary thought. The political events that marked Switzerland in the years 1847-1848 offer a perfect illustration of the way such terms were (...) constituted as political categories and transposed in the Swiss context as remote echoes of the French Revolution. Still today, the events of the years 1847-1848 are often analysed by scholars or by the public using such categories. This tendency fuels a historiography often tainted with ideological preconceptions. Now, this historiography takes up again, sometimes without hindsight, the terms used by the staunchest contemporary opponents to a Helvetic federal construction who did not hesitate to draw a parallel with the bloodiest episodes of the French Revolution, of which the Jacobins were supposed to be the main protagonists. The use of the terms Jacobin and Jacobinism therefore pertains to a mechanistic and repetitive conception of history and serves to disqualify political actors and currents that stand poles apart from the French revolutionary ideals. (shrink)

Un révolutionnaire sommeille en chaque Français, prêt hier comme aujourd'hui à briser les rentes et les privilèges. Dans le même temps, un expert l'observe et le dirige, planifiant autoritairement la société. Et un geek lui tape sur l'épaule, l'entraînant dans le monde inconnu des nouvelles technologies qui fourmille de promesses et de menaces. Ces trois influences parfois contradictoires nous font tourner la tête. Gaspard Koenig propose donc de les interpréter à la lumière d'une nouvelle philosophie politique, fondée sur l'autonomie individuelle. (...) Car ce dont la France a besoin, ce n'est pas d'un énième diagnostic économique, mais de principes solides dont on pourra déduire des réformes radicales. Revenons au modèle révolutionnaire, ce «jacobinisme libéral» incarné par le député du tiers état Isaac Le Chapelier. Rejetons la tentation planiste, léguée par le régime de Vichy et responsable encore aujourd'hui de tant d'injustice et d'exclusion. Apprenons à maîtriser l'utopie numérique, en imaginant un nouvel humanisme qui réponde aux défis de la Silicon Valley et un Etat 2.0 qui nous redonne le contrôle de notre destin numérique. Pays des libertés, la France meurt de servitude volontaire. Terminons, enfin, notre Révolution! Et chacun deviendra son propre maître. (shrink)

The notion of passive revolution is nowadays recognised as one of Gramsci’s most important theoretical contributions. Not only has it been the subject of extensive work in foreign languages, this concept is also used to analyse various historical phenomena or present concrete situations. The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic study of the development and uses of the notion of passive revolution in the Prison Notebooks. To this end, we follow the notion through its various phases of (...) development, tracking the shifts in meaning according to the cases for which it is used (the Risorgimento, nineteenth-century Europe, Fascism, Americanism, etc.). For Gramsci, the contributions of this notion seem to be positioned on at least two levels, linked dialectically: To conceive a modality of historical change that cannot be reduced to revolutionary upheavals in the strict sense; and to critically highlight the dominant classes’ political strategies to advance the emancipation of subaltern autonomous activity. (shrink)

The comments on the French Revolution by the young Marx and Engels are well-known and have been abundantly discussed. However, what is less known is that they belonged to a generation of German intellectual activists who, in the 1830s and 1840s, constantly used the French Enlightenment as a key reference to assess contemporary German philosophy and political life. This article provides an analysis of the two diverging positions on such questions articulated by two representatives of this generation: Ludwig Börne who (...) elaborated a German version of Jacobinism, and Bruno Bauer, a young Hegelian who promoted a German philosophical revolution whose radicalism and spiritual depth was capable of surpassing that of the French Revolution. Thus, as underlined by Lucien Calvié, the relationship of German intellectuals to the French Revolution during the Vormärz (pre-March) appears as an ambiguous one: just as the fox with the grapes in La Fontaine’s fable, left-wing Germans viewed revolutionary France with a mixture of envy and frustration. (shrink)