This three-part chapter explores a higher-order logic we call ‘Classicism’, which extends a minimal classical higher-order logic with further axioms which guarantee that provable coextensiveness is sufficient for identity. The first part presents several different ways of axiomatizing this theory and makes the case for its naturalness. The second part discusses two kinds of extensions of Classicism: some which take the view in the direction of coarseness of grain (whose endpoint is the maximally coarse-grained view that coextensiveness is (...) sufficient for identity), and some which take the view in the direction of fineness of grain (whose endpoint is the maximally fine-grained theory containing all distinctness claims compatible with Classicism). The third part introduces some techniques for constructing models of Classicism, and uses them to prove the consistency of many of the extensions of Classicism introduced in the second part. (shrink)

The debate between Classicism and Connectionism can be properly characterized as a debate concerning the appropriate levels of analysis for psychological theorizing. Classicists maintain that the level of analysis defined by the Classical architecture is the level of analysis at which psychological theorizing should reside. This level is called the symbolic level. On the other hand, Connectionists claim that the proper level of analysis for cognitive modeling is at the subsymbolic level which is considered a level lower than the (...) symbolic level. This thesis argues that both Classicism and Connectionism characterized in the above way are single-level approaches. It is argued in this thesis that Classicism is wrong in denying the cognitive relevancy of the lower-level theorizing; and some forms of Connectionism should be rejected because they underestimate the theoretical significance of the higher-level modeling. ;The concept of level is widely employed by philosophers and cognitive scientists, but has not received sufficient analysis. This thesis offers a general theory of levels, and evaluates Classicism and Connectionism on the basis of this general theory of levels. Basically this thesis argues that a cognitive system should be regarded as a system organized into a hierarchy of levels of organization. Different levels of organization may demand different levels of analysis. This thesis argues that each level of analysis enjoys a degree of autonomy, i.e., it is not totally reducible to the lower-level analysis. The traditional dichotomy of the cognitive and the implementational levels is too simplistic and overlooks the complexity of a cognitive system. Not all levels of organization of a system are cognitively relevant. But much empirical evidence has shown that many levels of organization are either strongly relevant or at least weakly relevant to cognitive modeling. It would be theoretically more plausible and fruitful to adopt a multi-level approach which takes many levels of analysis seriously in cognitive modeling. A very general picture of a multi-level approach to the mind is depicted in this thesis. (shrink)

This article is an attempt to revise and extend two prior conceptions: Adorno and Horkheimer’s dialectic of Enlightenment and Murphy and Robert’s dialectic of Romanticism. It traces a developmental trajectory within German Kultur, starting around the mid-18th century, that goes through three moments or phases: the Grecophilia of Goethe and Schiller, the Grecomania of Hölderlin, Schelling and early Hegel, and the Grecogermania of Wagner, Nietzsche and Heidegger. The latter provided the ideological underpinning of Hitler’s Nazism. Thus the paper aims to (...) show that Nazism had deep roots within the soil of German Kultur, for almost from the very start Classicism and anti-Semitism were integral aspects of the one cultural movement. Furthermore, this movement was the one surrogate form of a Neo-Pagan and anti-Christian trend in German modernity. (shrink)

One of the hallmarks of human cognition is the capacity to generalize over arbitrary constituents. Recently, Marcus (1998, 1998a, b; Cognition 66, p. 153; Cognitive Psychology 37, p. 243) argued that this capacity, called universal generalization (universality), is not supported by Connectionist models. Instead, universality is best explained by Classical symbol systems, with Connectionism as its implementation. Here it is argued that universality is also a problem for Classicism in that the syntax-sensitive rules that are supposed to provide causal (...) explanations of mental processes are either too strict, precluding possible generalizations; or too lax, providing no information as to the appropriate alternative. Consequently, universality is not explained by a Classical theory. (shrink)

In response to Susan James’s ‘Spinoza and the poetic imagination,’ this essay illustrates how Spinoza and his interlocutors in the artistic society Nil Volentibus Arduum developed approaches to art and its social and political utility in conversation with Aristotle’s Poetics, as well as with its early modern translations, redactions, and applications. They, in turn, developed a poetry and a poetics grounded in the philosophical apprehension of nature, emphasizing vraisemblance or probability and necessity; foregrounding the careers of the affects; and affording (...) critics the ability to mobilize pleasure to their advantage and to shape audiences—a classicist project. (shrink)

Die Geburt der Tragödie and Weimar classicism -- The formative influence of Weimar classicism in the genesis of Zarathustra -- The aesthetic gospel of Nietzsche's Zarathustra -- From Leucippus to Cassirer : toward a genealogy of "sincere semblance".

The classical logician's principal dictum, «A proposition is either true or false, not neither, and not both,» still leaves considerable room for multi-valued logic.

It was the general practice until not at all long ago to look at Turner as one of the moderns, if not as one of the founding fathers of modern art. He was a man straddling the fence between two periods, but he was looking forward. In a history of art that marches through time, forever endorsing what is about to be forgotten, wrapping up, as it were, one style to open eagerly the package of the next, such a position (...) is most enviable for, no matter where the times may be going, it is a hallmark of greatness to be ahead of one's time. There were things to be explained, of course, Turner himself, a keen pessimist, did not approved of the future and had little use for the present.1 His love of art was schooled on Reynolds' Discourses, and he remained loyal to them; his poets were Thomson and Pope and, among contemporaries, the rather frigid but delicate Samuel Rogers, a classicist par excellence. Above all, however, Turner looked back to classical antiquity for training and guidance, and for the delectation of his heart. And the poetry of the ancients, such as he could obtain it in translation, was as important to him as their art. What does one do with a declared classicist whom a historicizing hindsight feels compelled to rescue as a man of the future by making him a Romantic? It is a challenge stylistic analysis likes to meet, for it goes beneath what it declares to be the surface of a work of art to find its style, the essence that must conform to the presumed spirit of the age in question. The triumphant result of such studies in depth is a forgone conclusion as much as it is a surprise to the uninitiated. The facade of the Louvre, for example, used to suffice to make it a building in the classical style; it took the acumen of a Wölfflin to prove that it really was "baroque." The more the artist struggled not to be of his time, the more, poor man, he betrayed to the analyst that he was of his time. The Louvre facade stands convicted of being "classicizing-baroque."2 · 1. On Turner's view of the modern art of his time see John Gage, Color in Turner: Poetry and Truth , pp.97-105. On his literary education and taste see the seminal essay by Jerrold Ziff, "Turner on Poetry and Painting, " Studies in Romanticism 3 no. 4 : 193-215. Turner's poetical writings have been edited by Jack Lindsay, The Sunset Ship: The Poems of J.M.W. Turner . For the most recent and also most elegantly practical introduction to the work and life of Turner, see the catalogue of the Turner Exhibition of the Royal Academy and the Tate Gallery, Turner, 1775-1851 . · 2. This is now a commonplace of art historical teaching. See, for example, Gardner’s Art Through the Ages, 6th ed. Horst de la Croix and Richard G. Tansey , p. 632. On the theory behind the application to the particular case, see Heinrich Wölfflin, Principles of Art History, trans. M. D. Hottinger . Philipp Fehl, artist and art historian, is currently preparing a collection of essays, Art and Morality: Studies in the History of the Classical Tradition. He is a professor in the department of art and design at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. "Farewell to Jokes: The Last Capricci of Giovanni Domenico Tiepolo and the Tradition of Irony in Venetian Painting" was published in Summer 1979 in Critical Inquiry. (shrink)

Despite the scathing criticisms leveled at Han philosophy by orthodox Neo-Confucians and their latter-day scholastic followers, the most accurate characterization of many extant pieces of Han philosophical writing would be "critical" (rather than "superstitious") and "probing" (rather than "derivative"). In defense of this statement, three major Han philosophical works are examined, with particular emphasis on the treatment in these works of classical tradition and classical learning. The three works are the "Fa yen" (ca. A.D. 9) by Yang Hsiung, the "Lun (...) heng" (ca. A.D. 80) by Wang Ch'ung, and the "Feng su t'ung yi" (ca. A.D. 200) by Ying Shao. All three works are profoundly critical of beliefs and practices endemic to mainstream state-sponsored Confucianism in the Han. Good reasons lead Yang Hsiung, Wang Ch'ung, and Ying Shao to employ the dialogue, rather than the expository essay. Also, the particular styles of dialogue chosen by Yang, Wang, and Ying directly relate to the specific content of their varying critiques of contemporary forms of Confucian theorizing and practice. (shrink)

It is in the very nature of classicizing texts to promote an idea of the "Greek" as objective and unchanging over the centuries. Using the example of Plutarch's DeAlexandriFortunaautVirtute, a set of epideictic speeches in which Alexander the Great appears as a philosopher who civilizes barbarians, this paper attempts to look beneath the pro-Hellenic veneer of imperial Greek writing by considering ways in which it can mask a sympathy with "Roman" ideas—that is, ideas that are typically by this time either (...) credited to Romans (whether or not originally inspired by Greek ideas) or used to describe Romans in non-classicizing contexts. (shrink)

Drawing on work on modularity of mind and evolutionary psychology, I explore how evolutionary theory may support a return to classical artistic standards (the new classicism). At the same time, I argue for much that is admirable in the avant garde. I connect this question to the theory of epistemology and aesthetic biases, suggesting that aesthetics embody evolved knowledge.

Foucault’s posthumously-published late work on epimeleia heautou might inaugurate a new partnership between classicists and Foucault. This work, however, has been misconstrued in recent classical scholarship, an important instance of which I consider here. I remedy the errors of one of Foucault’s classical interpreters; diagnose the reasons for the errors; and briefly suggest the transformative potential of Foucault’s work for students of antiquity.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism, and Power in the Greek World, a.d. 50–250Maud W. GleasonSimon Swain. Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism, and Power in the Greek World, a.d. 50–250. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. xii 1 499 pp. Cloth, $90.How do people who by birth, wealth, and education consider themselves entitled to leadership in their local communities conceive of their relationship to the imperial power that both (...) authorizes and limits their local autonomy? In the case of the Greek-speaking city-states under the Roman empire, language was clearly a crucial component of local and personal identity. This language, educated Greek, and the paideia that it presupposed, also served to distinguish the leading citizens of the various “Greek” cities from the shopkeepers of their streets and the peasants of their hinterlands.One thing that makes the picture confusing is the fact that “the Romans,” against whom “the Greeks” might be expected to define themselves, were likewise propertied aristocrats who professed admiration for Greek culture and in many cases put some serious effort into acquiring it themselves. So one of the things we would like to know is to what extent “Hellenism” was conceived by the ancients to be a matter of ethnicity or education. The answer is not straightforward.To be a Hellene one had to be able to display oneself as elaborately acculturated. For this particular aristocracy, the medium of elaboration was language. The artificiality of this acculturation process was concealed, as it generally is, by nearly invisible scrims designed to make the cultural look natural. Notable among these was the historical fiction that claimed for a Greek-speaking city an origin from a hero of Greek history or myth. Thus Greek aristocrats propagated themselves culturally through arduous acquisition of an elite dialect, but euphemized this process through the myth of genetic contact with the glory days. To be a Hellene was to participate in a strange charade of talking as if the Roman Empire and the Latin language did not exist. Once Roman dominance over the Mediterranean was secure, Greeks (at least in the formal literary productions that survived them) avoided talking about Rome. To say the least, this reluctance makes the Greeks’ attitude towards Rome difficult to assess. Yet this is what Swain has bravely and thoroughly set out to do.Swain’s book is in two parts. The first focuses on the role of language in [End Page 307] forming the identity of elite Greeks in the Second Sophistic (a period of literary renaissance lasting approximately from the mid-first to the mid-third century a.d.); the second examines what the chief Greek writers of that period had to say about Rome. Chapter 1 discusses the language consciousness of the Greek elite, who on formal occasions eschewed the dialect in common use (koine) to speak and write a belletristic Attic modeled on the great stylists of the past. Ironically, the “Asian”/“Attic” antithesis, with its conservative moral and political overtones, originally developed as part of Roman stylistic debate (24). We see it in Cicero, and in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who functioned in effect as an apologist for Roman rule because Roman rule ensured that the right sort of people retained control of local government in the Greek cities. Dionysius in his historical writing went to elaborate lengths to show that Rome was really a Greek city on the Isocratean (nondemocratic) model (26). It is interesting to speculate why subsequent authors did not follow this approach. Perhaps, once their dominance in their cities was firmly secured by Rome’s hegemony, Greek aristocrats preferred to avert their gaze from the system that propped them up, and to elaborate instead the fiction that it was their Greekness that entitled them to effortless success.To explain the “repristinization” of linguistic features in the Atticizing movement Swain offers an interesting survey of the role of katharevousa in modern Greece (35–40). (There is also of course the phenomenon of “Oxford English,” which Fellows of All Souls are perhaps disinclined to pursue.) Chapter 2 discusses how purism worked out in practice (Favorinus, Lucian, Athenaeus, and some lexicographers). A test case: Galen practiced “purism... (shrink)

Classical temples in ancient Greece show two deterministic illusionistic principles of architecture, which govern their functional design: geometric proportionalism and a set of illusion-strengthening rules in the proportionalism's stochastic margin. Animal morphology, in its mechanistic-deductive revival, applies just one architectural principle, which is not always satisfactory. Whether a Greek Classical situation occurs in the architecture of living structure is to be investigated by extreme testing with deductive methods.Three deductive methods for explanation of living structure in animal morphology are proposed: the (...) parts, the compromise, and the transformation deduction. The methods are based upon the systems concept for an organism, the flow chart for a functionalistic picture, and the network chart for a structuralistic picture, whereas the optimal design serves as the architectural principle for living structure. These methods show clearly the high explanatory power of deductive methods in morphology, but they also make one open end most explicit: neutral issues do exist. (shrink)

While all chairs of classics after the war were entrusted to already well-established pre-war professors, female scholars, junior often only by rank, took care of the mind-boggling logistics of setting up the defunct departments and preparing them for the first cohort of students. It was an unusual group composed of various ages and levels of knowledge. Older ones saw their education put on hold during the war or attended underground university classes but did not obtain their degrees. Younger ones completed (...) high school within the same clandestine system. Things began to change during the second post-war decade with women advancing in their careers, obtaining degrees and university positions. The paper discusses the careers of seven prominent classicists: Zofia Abramowiczówna (1906–1988), Leokadia Małunowicz (1910–1980), Daniela Tennerówna-Gromska (1889–1973), Izydora Dąmbska (1904–1983), Anna Maria Komornicka (1920–2018), Iza Bieżuńska-Małowist (1917–1995), and Stefania Światłowska (1914–2009). (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Brief Mention The Classicist’s ThirstP. A. S.( Od.11.582–92)These are some of the first lines I read of Greek poetry, thanks to Schoder’s Homeric Greek,and they are part of the reason I became a classicist. Their simplicity, directness, and clear statement of a man’s desperate longing for what is necessary and beautiful stirred my unformed youth and incited me to master as best I could this delightful impossible language. Forever (...) eager, forever denied, Tantalus now strikes me as the image of the scholar always hoping to reach and make his own the truth, always finding it receding from his lips, or scribbling pen.In each century, ever since Petrarch rediscovered Cicero’s letters and Livy’s decades and thought he had found kindred spirits, with whom he could converse directly over the ages, scholars have sought for methods of establishing a closer tie to the classical past and modes of relating it to their own world. Every century has built on what has gone before, while criticizing previous work as inadequate or wrongheaded. Petrarch began the search for manuscripts, reassembling the decades of Livy, and inspiring Boccaccio and later humanists in a chase for treasures that continued into the sixteenth century. But bare manuscripts were not enough: soon the need for a renewed study of grammar and diction became apparent, for the collation and emendation of texts, for translation into the vernacular.Let Poliziano stand for many: he brought to the work of emendation and interpretation of classical Latin texts a knowledge of Greek remarkable in his day, a precise familiarity with a wide range of authors and their commentators, and the technique of evaluating manuscripts by [End Page 143]their age. He would hunt out and note the readings of the earliest codices available—he found many in Florence, assembled by previous scholars—and emend the vulgate tradition, often using Greek texts to correct the Latin. With these tools he was able to make an outstanding contribution to the text and interpretation of authors. Each short essay of the Miscellaneorum centuria primaand the unfinished Centuria secundais cut like a small jewel, the ingenuity and insight of each facet flashing the brilliance of his method. How often he seems to have escaped Tantalus’ fate, and sipped the water, tasted that delicious fruit.Yet important as his work was, at a distance of time the elusive truth recedes, and must be sought all over again. The oldest manuscripts are not necessarily the best, stemmata can play strange tricks, contamination can confuse traditions, anonymous correctors are revealed as identifiable scholars. Methods are refined, new techniques tried, terminology clarified. Now Poliziano’s marvelous command of the Latin vocabulary is available to the undergraduate who troubles to do a word search on the PHI CD-ROM, though not with the linguistic skill or knowledge of context to use it well. Microfilm, copying machines, and air travel allow inspection of manuscripts scattered throughout the world. Students use texts annotated with the learning of five hundred years, and have at their fingertips information even a Poliziano could not know. Yet somehow our thirst is still there, our hunger not satisfied. The sense of the texts, the events and emotions of history, the culture of which they are a part, their meaning to our own lives, are still elusive.Poliziano’s methods have not relieved our thirst, nor have those of Bentley or Mommsen, of Wilamowitz or Gildersleeve, though they have brought us closer to understanding the ancient texts and the world that created them, and have given us a taste of that world, those people. Their work has brought us where we are today. The Estienne motto, found on the cover of the summer issues of the Journal,is apposite: Noli altum sapere. 1Some of the old limbs that did not bear fruit are pruned away and new ones grafted on, but the new depend on the vigor of the old trunk.Each scholar, each generation of scholars, is condemned—or privileged—to repeat the experience of searching for a better method of understanding, of stretching once more toward the receding water.This Journalhas... (shrink)

The exploration of philosophical ideas within Beethoven's vocal suites provides a vital lens through which one can better understand his musical oeuvre, particularly in the debate between classicism and romanticism. This study dissects Beethoven's compositional evolution across three distinct phases: the formative years (1782-1801), the middle period (1802-1812), and the late stage (1813-1827), each marked by varying degrees of engagement with philosophical themes such as Enlightenment, heroism, and idealism. These themes are not merely aesthetic choices but reflect deep spiritual (...) and existential inquiries prevalent during Beethoven's time. Specifically, the Gellert Collection of Religious Songs, an essential work from Beethoven's repertoire, is scrutinized to uncover how it encapsulates the spiritual values and philosophical dialogues between classicism, emphasising order and rationality, and romanticism, which champions emotion and individualism. This analysis reveals how Beethoven’s vocal music serves as a medium for philosophical reflection and spiritual expression, mirroring the broader cultural shifts towards individual moral and spiritual autonomy that characterized the transition from Enlightenment ideals to Romantic values. (shrink)