This article reports on a historical investigation carried out on the conical object MIN000-3519 preserved in the mineralogy collections of the Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle at Paris (France). The mineralogist René-Just Haüy (1743-1822) included this object, cut in a single pyrite (FeS2) crystal, in his working collection with the references ‘Sulphured iron, mirror of the Incas, of Peru, M. de Jussieu’. All of the research lines followed lead the author to Joseph de Jussieu (1704-1779) and his shipments (...) of botanical specimens and various other samples from South America. As a member of the Godin-La Condamine-Bouguer geodesic expedition on the equator (1735-1743), he returned to France only after 36 years (1771), ill, exhausted and dispossessed of the scientific product of his Andean collections. This pyrite mirror is important because, in addition to appearing to be the only archaeological object that can be linked to Joseph's peregrinations in America, it resembles other specimens found at sites of the Cañaris culture (500-1500 AD) in Ecuador. Preserved within the de Jussieu family, this object would presumably have been given to Haüy by Joseph's heirs, his nephews Antoine-Laurent (1748-1836) or Laurent-Pierre (1792-1866), with whom he had close ties. (shrink)

French naturalists at the Muséum Nationale d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris in the early nineteenth century recognized that their individual and collective successes were intimately linked to questions of power over specimens. France’s strength abroad affected the growth of the museum’s collections. At the museum, preserving, naming, classifying, displaying, interpreting, and otherwise deploying specimens went hand in hand with promoting scientific theories, advancing scientific careers, and instructing the public. The control of specimens, both literally and figuratively, was the (...) museum’s ongoing concern. The leopard in this essay’s title, a live specimen confiscated from the streets of Paris in 1793, serves here to represent the tensions created in an existing order of things by the introduction of a potentially disruptive agent. The essay explores the life of the museum and the interrelations among its naturalists, the special challenges created by the establishment of a menagerie, and the histories of particular specimens and ideas. (shrink)

When the Muséum d’histoire naturelle in Paris learned in 1836 that it had the chance to buy a live, young orangutan, it was excited by the prospect. Specimens were the focus of the Museum’s activities, and this particular specimen seemed especially promising, not only because the Museum had very few orangutan specimens in its collection, but also because of what was perceived to be the orangutan’s unique place in the natural order of things, namely, at the very (...) boundary between the animal kingdom and humans. Frédéric Cuvier, the superintendent of the Museum’s menagerie, urged that studying the orangutan’s mental faculties would help resolve fundamental questions regarding the similarities and differences between animals and humans. Archival and printed sources allow one to reconstruct the orangutan’s capture, acquisition, and subsequent career at the menagerie in greater detail than has generally been possible for animals of nineteenth-century zoos. Scientists, artists, the public, the press, and even musicians sought to engage with the orangutan, seeing in it not just another ape or monkey but a special creature unto itself at the animal/human boundary. Key to their fascination with the orangutan was the question of proximity—just how close was the orangutan to humans? The orangutan’s story illuminates not only how the animal-human boundary was conceived at the time but also the problematic status of the zoo as a site for scientific research and the roles of scientific and non-scientific actors alike in constructing how the orangutan was understood. (shrink)

ArgumentDuring the first half of the nineteenth century, the Muséum d'Histoire naturelle was both workplace and home to functionalist Georges Cuvier and morphologist Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, whose doctrinal differences became enmeshed with political dialogues regarding social reform. Surprisingly, the public not only viewed the arrangement of the collections in terms of the social platforms they were understood to be supporting, but critiqued the Muséum's buildings as expressions of their anatomical dispute. The Revolutions of 1830 and 1848 pushed (...) these critiques forward, suggesting to some observers that true reform of the natural sciences would begin by reforming the Muséum's architectural program, thereby placing the goals of Comparative Anatomy in correct relationship to human progress. (shrink)

Sur la couverture du catalogue de l'exposition présentée à l'automne 2003 au Muséum d'histoire naturelle de Lyon, on peut voir la photographie pleine page d'une femme en foulard, prise dans un décor oriental traditionnel, un lecteur de CD collé à l'oreille. Le décalage entre la pose, la tenue traditionnelle de cette femme et la modernité de l'objet surprend et accroche le regard. Le cliché de l'artiste iranienne, Shadi Ghaditian, date de 1998. Comme d'autres photographies exposées et...

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Nature and Nurture in French Ethnography and Anthropology, 1859-1914Martin StaumThe adaptability of non-European peoples to "civilization" was a critical issue deriving from the perennial nature-nurture question that haunted debates in the human sciences in late nineteenth-century France.1 The emerging scholarly disciplines of anthropology and ethnography helped provide a scientific veneer that bolstered existing cultural prejudices concerning the innate limitations or retarded development of non-Europeans. Certainly there were many other (...) pragmatic reasons for imperial expansion, and racists did not automatically become imperialists. But if, as Edward Said contended, imperialism "depends upon the idea of having an empire," there is no doubt that many ethnographers and anthropologists helped legitimate the idea.2 Their debates retain a resonance in our twenty-first century postcolonial world struggling with questions of identity, integration, and cultural diversity.Relying on reports from travelers, missionaries, or colonial officials, human scientists from across the political and religious spectrum justified European superiority. Although a few journalists and philosophers outside the scholarly societies represented a minority anti-imperialist counter-current, the remarkable pervasiveness of hierarchical thinking affected both socially radical anthropologists and more conservative ethnographers.3 While ethnographers proclaimed universal fraternity, they conceded that physical differences affected [End Page 475] intellect and character. The later attack on hereditarianism by Durkheimian sociologists and isolated anthropologists with the catalyst of the Dreyfus Affair is all the more striking.4 As George Stocking has argued concerning a British Victorian thinker, the cultural differences between Europeans and non-Europeans became so entangled with biological issues that there was "difficulty conceptualizing them except in terms of 'race.' "5The two most notable anthropological scholarly societies of the late nineteenth century, both founded in 1859, were the Société d'ethnographie orientale et américaine and the Société d'anthropologie de Paris. Historians have justifiably noted their mutual aversion and have contrasted their differences over scientific method, politics, and religion.6 The ethnographers, inspired by a student of Japanese language and Asian religion, Léon de Rosny (1837-1914), were largely linguists and specialists in Asian texts and pre-Columbian codices that represented partly civilized peoples. Rosny invented the term "ambiantisme" for a philosophy that ostensibly privileged the cultural milieu rather than inborn human nature.7 The society membership varied between 115 in 1864 and 470 in 1878, though it declined to 165 by 1903.8 As a group, compared to the anthropologists, they were more politically conservative, more socially elite, and more inclined toward conventional religion, with its belief in the unity of the species. Their "science of destiny" stressed human freedom and unalterably opposed philosophical materialism.9 [End Page 476]The anthropologists, headed by physician and anatomist Paul Broca (1824-80) consisted of a hard core of like-minded medically trained colleagues. The anthropologists' membership peaked around 500 both in 1885 and 1905, though, they, too declined to 165 by 1914.10 Historians have analyzed the nature-nurture issue more subtly for the anthropologists.11 While the Society almost always expressed interest in both physical and cultural spheres, they privileged the study of crania as an index to the intellectual and moral characteristics of "races." The more extreme hereditarians thought that the nature of allegedly inferior "races" precluded perfectibility. Armand de Quatrefages (1810-92), professor of anthropology at the Muséum national d'histoire naturelle and pioneer of the so-called Muséum school, in his later years cast doubt on whether physical indicators actually demonstrated human superiority. However, the Muséum school did not generally renounce racial hierarchy, though they believed that environmental influences formed and continued to shape human varieties.12 In addition, philosophical materialists, militant atheists, and politically radical thinkers dominated the society in the generation after Broca's death. Almost all were neo-Lamarckians who leavened the idea of a fixed human nature with the possibility of adaptation to a milieu and transmissible acquired characteristics.13 The medical physiologist Charles Richet reported that "heredity and milieu are not antagonistic, but synergistic."14 However, many accounts underplay the differential application of neo-Lamarckianism. In this "racial evolutionist paradigm" already noticed by Laurent Mucchielli, even the Muséum school found only civilized people adaptable... (shrink)

Depuis plusieurs années, on constate que les sciences suscitent une tenace convoitise de la part de mouvements qu'on peut qualifier du terme générique de " spiritualistes ". Notre environnement culturel est en grande partie technoscientifique ; il leur faut donc investir cet espace pour diffuser encore et toujours des thèses pourtant éculées : l'existence d'un Plan cosmique ou divin, l'ordonnancement du monde par une intelligence transcendante, la fin du darwinisme, le principe anthropique fort... Ces mouvements, aux contours très divers, présentent (...) néanmoins une véritable unité de visée et de pensée, quand il s'agit pour eux de " montrer " que la science la plus en pointe rejoint les intuitions fondatrices des religions instituées ou des spiritualités moins organisées. Ainsi, foi et science deviendraient les deux faces indissociables de la " connaissance ". Beaucoup considèrent avec condescendance ces errements, ce qui leur évite de s'interroger avec force sur les symptômes d'une société qui voit se déliter les idées des Lumières, certainement améliorables mais en tout état de cause, d'une inestimable pertinence pour un projet de connaissance universelle, D'autres pensent qu'il est vraiment temps d'agir. C'est la raison d'être de cet ouvrage, issu du colloque organisé au Muséum national d'histoire naturelle par Jean Dubessy et Guillaume Lecointre, et préfacé par Jacques Bouveresse. Rassemblant une quinzaine de contributions, ce livre combat une pensée qui, sous prétexte de " ré-enchanter le monde ", n'a d'autre but que de subordonner la connaissance objective de ce monde à son projet irrationaliste, en la faisant ployer sous le fardeau de l'ineptie et de l'imposture intellectuelle. (shrink)

Au début du XXe siècle, si la Chine demeure encore largement une terre vierge pour les explorateurs occidentaux, elle fascine également les chercheurs. Qu'ils soient géographes, géologues, paléontologues ou préhistoriens, tous savent que de formidables découvertes restent à y faire. Suédois et Américains font rapidement le voyage vers l'Empire du Milieu, mais ce sont des Français qui, sur le terrain, vont écrire les plus belles pages de la découverte du Paléolithique de Chine, des premières industries lithiques à l'étude du gisement (...) de l'Homme de Pékin. Pierre Teilhard de Chardin est l'un d'entre eux, qui durant près de vingt ans va parcourir des milliers de kilomètres dans les campagnes et les déserts de Chine et de Mongolie, à la recherche des premiers hommes. Entre 1923 et 1940, il maintient une relation épistolaire avec son port d'attache à Paris, le Muséum national d'histoire naturelle, en la personne de son professeur de paléontologie, Marcellin Boule. Au fil de quatre-vingt-neuf lettres, interrompues par seulement une dizaine de retours vers l'Occident et par sa participation à la fameuse Croisière Jaune Citroën, il décrit, sur fond de rumeurs révolutionnaires évoquées ici et là, ses explorations et ses découvertes à son " Maître et ami ", de vingt ans son aîné, et à qui il voue une dévotion reconnaissante et quasi filiale - " [...] celui à qui je dois tout dans ma carrière scientifique [...] ". Au-delà de sa valeur scientifique, chacune de ces lettres - qu'elle soit écrite du désert de Gobi, des rives du Fleuve Jaune ou à bord d'un véhicule de la Croisière Jaune - est le reflet d'une formidable épopée. Véritable " Journal de bord " d'un savant, cette correspondance se révèle, tout autant que l'écho d'une extraordinaire aventure humaine, la découverte d'un pays prodigieux. (shrink)

In 1826, the Pasha of Egypt offered to the King Charles X an unusual present: a living giraffe. While offering remarkable animals was a common practice among monarchs, the choice of a giraffe was somewhat extraordinary since it was the first representative of its kind to set foot in France. The Royal Menagerie of the Paris Muséum national d'histoire naturelle was asked to oversee the transportation of this precious mammal and Étienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, one of its professors, (...) was sent to Marseilles to fetch it on foot all the way back to the capital. The whereabouts of this exotic procession stirred passions throughout the country, generating a fashion craze "à la girafe." The so-called Pasha's giraffe, King's giraffe or French giraffe is also -- and perhaps more importantly -- Geoffroy's giraffe. The giraffe episode is representative of Geoffroy's larger scientific career. Because of its Egyptian flavor, its adventurous aspect, its political and diplomatic undertones, as well as the popular attention and educational opportunities it afforded, that mission was ideally suited for the flamboyant naturalist. So close were the animal's and the French zoologist's fates, that they passed away a couple months apart and both fell into relative oblivion. But even dead and dissected, Geoffroy's giraffe could not easily be dissociated from its companion. The afterlife of its "saintly" relics mirrors the popular and scholarly revival of Étienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, portrayed by some as a forgotten "prophet.". (shrink)

In selected texts by Diderot, including the Encyclopédie article “Cabinet d’histoire naturelle” (along with his comments in the article “Histoire nat-urelle”), the Pensées sur l’interprétation de la nature and the Salon de 1767, I examine the interplay between philosophical naturalism and the recognition of the irreducible nature of artifice, in order to arrive at a provisional definition of Diderot’s vision of Nature as “une femme qui aime à se travestir.” How can a metaphysics in which the concept of (...) Nature has a normative status, also ultimately consider it to be something necessarily artificial? Historically, the answer to this question involves the project of natural history. A present-day reconstruction would have to make sense of this project and relate it to the vision of Nature expressed in Diderot’s phrase. In addition, it would hopefully pinpoint the difference between this brand of Enlightenment naturalism and contemporary naturalism, and by extension, allow us to understand a bit more about what naturalism is in general. (shrink)

Après le traité De l'âme, l'Éthique à Nicomaque, les Parties des animaux et la Physique, Flammarion ajoute un cinquième titre à sa collection aristotélicienne en publiant une traduction et une présentation par P.-M. Morel des Petits traités d'histoire naturelle.

Les Parva Naturalia designent traditionnellement chez Aristote neuf brefs traites ou le philosophe expose des questions relatives soit a la psychologie, soit a la biologie, humaine et animale, en tous les cas aux fonctions communes a l'ame et au corps. Parmi eux, Sur la Sante et la maladie a ete malheureusement perdu. Quant a Sur la respiration, son authenticite a ete mise en doute. Restent cependant les sept autres textes ou Aristote examine des questions aussi diverses que l'influence de la (...) divinite sur les reves, la memoire ou les rapports entre les quatre elements et les cinq organes des sens. Notre edition rassemble en un volume, De la sensation et des sensibles, De la memoire et de la reminiscence, Du sommeil et de la veille, Des reves, De la divination dans le sommeil, De la brievete de la vie et De la jeunesse et de la vieillesse. L'introduction presente ces textes en montrant les implications philosophiques de ces traites techniques notamment pour la memoire. Les liens ou les rappels avec d'autres oeuvres d'Aristote, comme Des Partis des animaux ou De La generation des animaux sont mis en evidence. L'histoire des manuscrits est brievement relatee, tandis que les principes d'editions sont justifies. Des notes accompagnent la lecture. (shrink)

Cet article se concentre sur deux aspects : les liens très forts unissant le contexte politique et la création des musées en Amérique latine et le développement des centres de culture scientifique, technique et industrielle pour parer la carence d’une éducation scientifique de qualité. L’argumentation est construite autour de quatre angles principaux : le contexte de création des premiers musées d’histoire naturelle ; l’émergence des communautés scientifiques, la prise en compte de la nécessité de la popularisation des sciences (...) pendant le processus de transition à la démocratie et le développement des centres de culture scientifique, technique et industrielle à partir 1978.This article focuses on two aspects: the strong links between political context and museum creation in Latin America, and the development of centres of scientific, technical and industrial culture to remedy the gap in high-quality scientific education. Our argument here is built up from four main angles: the context in which the first natural history museums were created, the emergence of scientific communities, the acknowledged need for science popularisation during the transition to democracy and the development, since 1978, of centres of scientific, technical and industrial culture. (shrink)

This essay examines the Mission paléontologique française of the 1920s, a series of scientific expeditions into the Ordos Desert in Inner Mongolia in which a team of Jesuit scholar-scientists worked with local collaborators to provide material for the Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris. The case study shows that the global and colonial expansion of Western science in the early twentieth century provided space for traditional scientific institutions, such as universalizing metropolitan collections and clerical scholarly networks, to extend (...) their research projects. The linking of approaches, agendas, and geographic regions was facilitated by the concepts and practices of the deep-time sciences of geology, paleontology, and human prehistory. These were based on the interchange of expertise, common projects of unveiling the development of life, and the alignment of different regions and specimens. Moreover, the expeditions did not just conduct research based around global movement and transmission. They also conceptualized the ancient development of life in terms of movement, migration, and exchange. The act of forming research networks that linked Asia and Europe also led scientists to conceive of these regions as bound by deep natural processes. Circulation and transfer became important actors’ categories used to understand the origins and history of life. (shrink)

ABSTRACT During the first half of the nineteenth century, while Georges Cuvier ruled over natural history and the Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle (MHN) was at its institutional acme, a French banker and industrialist with a Swiss family background, Benjamin Delessert, was developing an important botanical museum in Paris. His private collection included both a rich botanical library and a massive herbarium: the close integration of these two dimensions, together with the magnanimity of Delessert’s patronage, contributed to making this (...) private institution a worthy rival to the powerful and state-funded MHN. Delessert’s museum had the favor of both professional and amateur naturalists. Knowledgeable and dedicated assistants (Antoine Guillemin and Antoine Lasègue) curated the collections. Moreover, Delessert was an intimate friend of the Genevan botanist Augustin-Pyramus de Candolle. Although Delessert’s herbarium followed the Linnaean order, the Delessert Botanical Museum (DBM) contributed to the development of Candolle’s natural system, especially through the publication of costly volumes of engravings, the Icones selectae plantarum rariorum. This essay draws together the main steps in the evolution of Delessert’s collections, stressing the interdependency between books and dried plants. It focuses on the DBM as a case of cooperation between institutional and amateur expertise, private and public collections, and field collectors and cabinet naturalists. (shrink)

En Australie, jeune nation et très vieux continent, la mémoire des origines reste un sujet sensible. Les années de gouvernement conservateur en Australie ont vu le retour d'un certain discours nationaliste à la recherche des héros du passé. La « guerre des histoires » éclate concernant notamment la question des relations entre indigènes et colons depuis le début de la colonisation britan­nique en 1788. Les institutions sont touchées : le nouveau Musée National est accusé d'avoir négligé les « aspects (...) positifs de la colonisation » ; le Sommet d'Histoire dresse le projet de « nationaliser » et de « centraliser » la mémoire du pays en introduisant un nouveau cursus dans les écoles. L'identité du pays est en jeu.Australia is both a "young nation" and an old continent, in which the subject of origins can still touch a raw nerve. The years of conservative government saw the return of a certain type of nationalist discourse seekingfor heroes of the pasto This period also saw the outbreak of the "history wars" , which brought in a clash of opposing about relationships between indigenous peoples and settlers during British colonisation. This debate also affected institutional life: the new National Museum of Australia was accused of having neglected the "positive aspects of colonisation", and the History Summit proposed a new curriculum in schools that would "nationalise" and "centralise" official memory. The nation's very identity is at stake. (shrink)

Summary As soon as he was appointed Minister of Public Instruction in 1863, Victor Duruy embarked on a major reform of French education. One of his most important initiatives was the creation of a new secondary curriculum designed to prepare for careers in industry, trade, and agriculture. Edme Fremy, professor at the Muséum d'histoire naturelle, took the opportunity of proposing a course of instruction in practical chemistry that would be offered at the Muséum for young men intending (...) to work in industry. Duruy approved the proposal, and funds were immediately made available. In contrast, Charles-Adolphe Wurtz, who led an internationally recognized research laboratory in organic chemistry in the Paris Faculty of Medicine, had difficulty in securing either administrative recognition or financial support. This article draws on the correspondence that Fremy and Wurtz exchanged with Duruy and senior officials in the Ministry between 1863 and 1869 to bring out the significance of the divergent ministerial responses to the two laboratories. (shrink)

In 1864, the first living Mexican axolotls were brought from Mexico to Paris. On arrival, the 34 animals were divided up between the two zoos in Paris, the Ménagerie of the Muséum d'Histoire naturelle and the Jardin d'acclimatation. From there, the animals and their descendants spread around the world as zoo and laboratory specimens, as well as pets. Today, a population of hundreds of thousands of axolotls live in aquariums, zoos, and laboratories around the globe. The fate of (...) the axolotls in the Ménagerie and their subsequent proliferation open a unique window into the culture and practices of keeping unknown animals in Europe in the 19th century, and their relation to experimental zoology. During the early years, the challenges were to keep the axolotls alive and to bring them to reproduction. The surprising transformation of some of these normally aquatic animals into a land-dwelling form prompted further investigations of their living conditions and mode of reproduction. The example of the axolotl offers a detailed look into the practices of handling unknown species, the ways in which this handling became research, and the kinds of knowledge produced in this context. I pay particular attention to the role of the animal keepers and the infrastructures, and the ways in which practical knowledge about the animals' living conditions triggered experimental research. (shrink)

This paper focuses on the geography of the botanical community in Paris, under the July Monarchy. At that time, the Muséum d’Histoire naturelle was at its institutional acme and, under the impulse of François Guizot, its budget was increasing dramatically. However, closer attention to manuscript sources reveals that the botanists of the time favoured other private institutions, located both on the Right and Left Banks of the Seine. The MHN was prestigious for its collections and professors but (...) it was relatively remote from the centre of Paris, and its plant samples were sometimes difficult to access. Several other first-class private herbaria granted liberal access to botanists: those of Jacques Gay, Phillip Barker Webb, and Benjamin Delessert. Thanks to their wealth, these plant amateurs had ownership of historical herbaria consisting of species types alongside rich botanical libraries. Botanists visiting Paris from foreign countries or other provinces of France also spent some time studying less general plant collections, like those of Count Jaubert, or specialized collections, like Montagne’s or Léveillé’s on cryptogams. Other botanists also enjoyed renown at the time, although they published little, if anything. Living in crammed apartments, literally in the middle of their plant samples, these botanists were key nodes in botanical networks, although they had no relation with the prestigious MHN. (shrink)

Si l'on s'en tient à la distinction qu'établit l'Introduction de L'histoire naturelle de la religion entre la question du fondement de la religion dans la raison et celle de son origine dans la nature humaine, on sera tenté d'attribuer à chacun des deux principaux textes de Hume sur la religion - L'histoire naturelle de la religion et les Dialogues sur la religion naturelle -un objet propre, déterminant un type de discours philosophique particulier. L'histoire naturelle développerait un (...) discours causal, principalement généalogique, sur les religions positives, toutes populaires en leur fond, tandis que les Dialogues auraient à charge de mener l'examen critique des prétentions philosophiques de la religion naturelle. Il y aurait d'un côté la religion du peuple, ou de l'humanité encore inculte, et de l'autre la religion des savants, ou de l'humanité civilisée. Mais les choses ne sont pas si simples. Car d'une part, en montrant que le polythéisme, religion primitive de l'humanité inculte, conduit naturellement au théisme, L'histoire naturelle montre par là même que le théisme, dans lequel il faut comprendre la religion naturelle elle-même, a ses origines dans la superstition populaire. D'autre part, les trois dernières parties des Dialogues, consacrées aux attributs moraux de la divinité (parties X et XI) et à l'utilité ou la nécessité de la religion pour la morale et la société (partie XII), mettent en évidence les prétentions pratiques, et non simplement spéculatives, de la religion naturelle. Autrement dit, la superstition populaire a un devenir philosophique ou spéculatif, dans le théisme, et inversement la religion naturelle rejoint les religions positives dans leur prétention à régir la conduite humaine. C'est pourquoi, loin d'être totalement distincts et indépendants, le discours de L'histoire naturelle et celui des Dialogues se croisent et sont dans un rapport d'étroite intertextualité. Si une lecture interne de L'histoire naturelle suffit pour comprendre que la religion naturelle est bien, au même titre que les autres sortes de religion, l'objet de cette dissertation, ainsi comprise, L'histoire naturelle porte néanmoins un éclairage sur les Dialogues, en ce qu'elle permet de montrer que le ressort des arguments de Cléanthe et de Déméa n'est autre que la superstition. (shrink)

This essay builds on recent scholarship on Linnaeus to revise our understanding of how and why he became influential in France in the 1790s. It looks in particular at the nontaxonomic writings of Linnaeus (such as the Amoenitates Academicae) and the young men associated with two voluntary societies that emerged in Paris early in the Revolutionary decade—the Société d’Histoire Naturelle and the Société Philomatique—drawing on their minutes as well as the correspondence and other writings of their members. The (...) essay focuses on Alexandre Brongniart (1770–1847), who was an active member of both societies, and the younger men he mentored, including Ernest Coquebert de Montbret (1780–1801) and Augustin Pyramus de Candolle (1778–1841). It concludes that to be Linnaean in Revolutionary France was not simply to embrace Linnaean taxonomy and nomenclature; rather, it was to practice natural history as a form of citizenship validated by patriotic arguments for its utility to the nation that were based on Linnaeus’s theory of natural and political economy grounded in the land. (shrink)

Cet article traite de deux expériences muséales portées par des entreprises, mais qui pour autant ne se présentent et ne se pensent pas comme des « musées d’entreprises ». Il s’agit du Musée EDF Electropolis à Mulhouse et de la Cité des Télécoms à Pleumeur-Bodou. Derrière se tiennent deux entreprises aux histoires assez parallèles, quoique décalées dans le temps : EDF et France Telecom , toutes deux sont des opérateurs de services publics en réseaux, avec leurs spécificités opérationnelles et, du (...) coup, patrimoniales. Devenues propriété de l’État, elles ont connu une situation de monopole avant d’être confrontées à un changement de statut et, concomitamment, à la concurrence, ce qui n’a pas manqué de renouveler la question de leur identité et de réinterroger leur soutien à des musées dont elles étaient, en partie mais pas exclusivement, le sujet.This article investigates two museums which, although established by utility companies, were not intended as corporate museums: EDF’s Electropolis museum at Mulhouse and the Cité des Télécoms at Pleumeur-Bodou. Behind these museums are two companies with a parallel though not entirely contemporaneous history: EDF and France Telecom . Both were established as public utility companies, with their own specific methods of operation, and thus formed part of the national heritage. On becoming state-owned, they effectively exercised a monopoly until the change in their status forced them into a competitive environment – which necessarily raised the issue of their identity as well as new questions on their support to museums that were partly, but not exclusively, dedicated to them. (shrink)

Imperceptibles, difficiles à observer, l’air et les vents ne sont pas seulement appréhendés par le recours aux instruments, au sein de l’espace fermé du laboratoire. Leur connaissance peut requérir des qualités de mémorisation et d’observation auxquelles les voyageurs, les marchands, les agriculteurs pourront, peutêtre, plus facilement prétendre que des savants experts. Partant de l’exposition du projet d’une histoire naturelle et de son application au cas spécifique de l’air et des vents dans l’oeuvre de Francis Bacon, l’article examine les moyens (...) mis en oeuvre par les auteurs qui ont revendiqué le legs baconien (Boyle, Hooke, Childrey, Plot) afin de surmonter les obstacles qui s’attachent à la connaissance de l’air et à celle de ses effets sur le développement des maladies ou la poursuite de la santé. (shrink)

A l'aube du troisième millénaire, l'âme est oubliée. Les poètes l'ont remplacée par son double, le corps ; les philosophes l'évitent, les psychanalystes tentent de le remplacer. Même les théologiens en boudent l'usage& Eclipse de l'âme. Une disparition si singulière appelle à la réflexion. Le mot très ancien se serait-il usé à force de trop signifier? Faudrait-il le ranger définitivement au grenier des idées désuètes? Ayant relégué l'âme au rayon des vieilleries, nous sommes aujourd'hui confrontés au fait que les notions (...) de corps, d'animal, de vie, de mort et de personne sont devenues impossibles à cerner, comme le savent les experts en bioéthique et les juristes, parfois désemparés devant les problèmes que posent la science, la médecine moderne et le développement des biotechnologies. L'auteur propose de revenir sur les théories et les " modèles " que les philosophes, les théologiens, les médecins et les hommes de science ont proposés, et parfois soumis à l'expérimentation pour penser l'âme, d'en retracer les origines parfois très anciennes, et d'en suivre les avatars dans l'histoire naturelle de l'Homme. Tout cela afin de retrouver le moyen de penser notre " place " parmi les autres êtres " animés ", les relations entre notre " âme vitale " et notre " âme pensante ", de penser les problèmes de la vie, la mort, et de la frontière entre les deux. (shrink)

L’histoire des musées est intimement liée à celle des constructions patrimoniales, à partir de la fin du XVIIIe siècle et du début de l’âge des nationalités. L’appel à des incarnations populaires du national conduit à mettre l’accent sur des collections capables de renvoyer aux origines collectives de la nouvelle communauté imaginaire. Le musée d’histoire entend alors servir d’atelier à l’historien et de miroir à un monde disparu dont il convient de se réclamer, et qu’on a besoin d’incarner de (...) manière convaincante. Les contradictions des objectifs et des démarches sont devenues évidentes au cours du XXe siècle, nourrissant des lectures opposées du rôle du musée comme de la manipulation des patrimoines.The history of museums is closely tied to the history of heritage building, which began in the late 18th century with the advent of the Nation. As the summons went out for popular incarnations of the national, the emphasis was on collections that could evoke the collective origins of the imaginary new community. The history museums would then serve as a workshop for historians and would mirror a vanished world to which a claim could be made, and which needed to be convincingly portrayed. The contradictions inherent in these aims and approaches became obvious during the 20th century, nourishing controversy over the role of museums and the manipulation of heritage. (shrink)